
Class 



\4A^5~ 



Book 



\S*V5- 



SMITHSONIAN DEPOSIT 






XENOPHON'S WORKS 




XENOPHON, 



/ 



Γ //-/'7>/ 



ν • / • :-/j /v/v/ 'A#m λ 



y< 



ANTIQUE - 



. a s WanHe.15 .Minor S α 



THE 



WHOLE WORKS 



OF 



XENOPHON, 



TIIANSLATED 



BY ASHLEY COOPER, SPELMAN, SMITH, FIELDING 



AND OTHERS. 



COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME. 



PHILADELPHIA: 
THOMAS WARDLE- CHESTNUT ST. 

Stereotyped by L. Johruon. 



1845. 



* 



■ ^ 



Μ 



?*>.■ 



t / /* / V • * 1 **C NT ED BY KING 



IQfll 




AND BAIRD, 



NO. 9 GEOEGE STREST. 



CONTENTS. 



™. Pa « e 

THE INSTITUTION- OP CYRUS, • • • "* • Υ . • . ,1 

THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS, . • . . '% • • • .153 

THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE, . • • • • • • . 351 

THE DEFENCE OF SOCRATES, • "% ' . . 507 

MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES, 517 

THE BANQUET OF XENOPHON, • . . • • • • .601 

I 
HIERO: ON THE CONDITION OF ROYALTY, 623 

THE SCIENCE OF GOOD HUSBANDRY, ..•••.* 643 

REVENUE OF THE STATE OF ATHENS, • 679 

ON THE ATHENIAN REPUBLIC, ........ 693 

ON THE LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC, •••••. 703 

ON HORSEMANSHIP, . ...•••••. 715 

EPISTLES, • I • • • . 729 









». , m 



XENOPHON 



oir thk 



INSTITUTIONS OF CYRUS 



BOOK I. 



INSTITUTIONOF CYRUS.' 



BOOK I, 



I. I have heretofore considered how many 
popular governments have been dissolved by 
men who choose to live under any other sort 
of government rather than the popular ; and how 
many monarchies, and how many oligarchies 
have been destroyed by the people ; and how 
many of those who have attempted tyrran 
nies have, some of them, been instantly and en 
tirely destroyed ; and others, if they have conti 
nued reigning but for any time, have been ad- 
mired as able, wise and happy men. And I 
thought I observed many masters, in their own 
private houses, some possessing more servants 
some but very few, who yet were not able to 
preserve those few entirely obedient to their 
commands. I considered withal that keepers 
of oxen, and keepers of horses are, as it were, 
the magistrates and rulers of those oxen and 
horses ; and, in general, all those called pastors 
or herdsmen may be properly accounted the 
magistrates of the animals they rule. I saw, I 
thought, all these several herds more willing to 
obey their pastors, than men their magistrates ; 
for these herds go the way that their keepers 
direct them ; they feed on those lands on which 
their keepers place them ; they abstain from 
those from which their keepers drive them ; 
they suffer their keepers to make what use they 
please of the fruits and profits that arise from 
them. Besides, I never did perceive a herd 
conspiring against its keepers, either so as not 
to obey them,-or so as not to allow them the 
use of the fruits arising from them. Herds 
are rather more refractory towards any others 
than they are towards their rulers, and those 
who make profit of them ; but men conspire 



* Xenophon's Cyropmdia or histitution of Cyrus, from 
external evidence and because it contradicts other histo- 
rians, is not considered as an authentic history, but rather 
as an historical romance, showing what should be the 
conduct of a wise and virtuous monarch. 
1 



against none sooner than against those whom 
they perceive undertaking the government of 
them. When these things were in my mind, I 
came to this judgment on them ; that to man 
it was easier to rule every other sort of creature 
than to rule man. But when I considered that 
there was the Persian Cyrus, who had render- 
ed many men, many cities, and many nations, 
obedient to himself, I was necessitated to 
change my opinion, and to think that the go- 
vernment of men was not amongst the things 
that were impossible, nor amongst the things 
that are difficult, if one undertook it with un- 
derstanding and skill. I knew there were those 
that willingly obeyed Cyrus, who were many 
days' journey distant from him ; those who were 
months ; those who had never seen him : and 
those who knew very well that they never 
should see him ; yet would they submit to his 
government : for he so far excelled all other 
kings, both those that received their dominion 
by succession, as well as those that acquired it 
themselves, that the Scythian, for example, 
though his people be very numerous, has not 
been able to obtain the dominion of any other 
nation, but rests satisfied if he hold but the 
rule of his own ; the Thracian the same ; the 
Illyrian the same ; and other nations, as I have 
heard, the same ; for the nations of Europe 
are said to be sovereign and independent of each 
other. But Cyrus, finding in like manner the 
nations of Asia sovereign and independent, and 
setting forward with a little army of Persians, 
obtained the dominion of the Medes by their 
own choice and voluntary submission ; of the 
Hyrcanians the same. He conquered the Sy- 
rians, Assyrians, Arabs, Cappadocians, both 
Phrygias, the Lydians, Carians, Phoenicians, 
and Babylonians. He ruled the Bactrians, 
Indians, and Cilicians : in like manner the Sa- 
cians, Paphlagonians, and Megadinians, and 
A 






XENOPHON ON THE 



[BOOK. I. 



many other nations, whose names one cannot 
enumerate. He ruled the Greeks that were 
settled in Asia ; and descending to the sea, the 
Cyprians and Egyptians. These nations he 
ruled, though their languages differed from his 
own and from each other ; and yet was he able 
to extend the fear of himself over so great a 
part of the world as to astonish all, and that no 
one attempted any thing against him. He was 
able to inspire all with so great a desire of 
pleasing him that they ever desired to be go- 
verned by his opinion and will. He connected 
together so many nations as it would be a labour 
to enumerate, to whatsoever point one under- 
took to direct one's course, whether it were 
east, west, north, or south, setting out from his 
palace and seat of empire. "With respect there- 
fore to this man, as worthy of admiration, I 
have inquired by what birth, with what natural 
disposition, and under what discipline and edu- 
cation bred, he so much excelled in the art of 
governing men. And whatever I have learned, 
or think I know concerning him, I shall endea- 
vour to relate. 

ΙΓ. Cyrus is said to be descended from Cam- 
byses king of the Persians, as his father.* 
Cambyses was of the race of the Perseidae, 
who were so called from Perseus. It is agreed 
that he was born of a mother called Mandane ; 
and Mandane was the daughter of Astyages, 
king of the Medes. Cyrus is said to have 
had by nature a most beautiful person, and a 
mind of the greatest benignity and love to man- 
kind, most desirous of knowledge, and most 
ambitious of glory, so as to bear any pain, and 
undergo any danger, for the sake of praise ; and 
he is yet celebrated as such among the barba- 
rians. Such is he recorded to have been with 
respect to his mind and person ; and he was 
educated under the institutions and laws of the 
Persians. 

These laws seem to begin with a provident 
care of the common good ; not where those of 
most other governments begin ; for most other 
governments, giving to all a liberty of educat- 
ing their children as they please, and to the ad- 



* According to Herodotus, Cambyses was a Persian of 
obscure origin, to whom Astynges gave his daughter in 
marriage. The king had been terrified by dreams which 
threatened the loss of his crown by the hand of his 
daughter's eon, — a calamity which he hoped to avert 
by this means; but he was eventually dethroned by 
Cyrus. Astyages' deposition is stated to have been oc- 
tasioned by his cruelty and oppression. 



vanced in age a liberty of living as they please, 
do then enjoin their people not to steal, not to 
plunder, not to enter a house by violence, not 
to strike unjustly, not to be adulterous, not to 
disobey the magistrates, and other things in 
like manner ; and, if any transgress, they im- 
pose punishments on them : but the Persian 
laws, taking things higher, are careful, from 
the beginning, to provide that their citizens shall 
not be such as to be capable of meddling with 
any action that is base and vile. And that care 
they take in this manner : they have a public 
place, called from the name of liberty, where 
the king's palace and the other courts and 
houses of magistrates are built ; all things that 
are bought and sold, and the dealers in them, 
their noise and low disingenuous manners, are 
banished hence to another place, that the rout 
of these may not mix and interfere with the 
decent order of those who are under the inge- 
nious discipline. This place, near the public 
courts, is divided into four parts : one is allot- 
ted to the boys, one to the youth, one to the 
full-grown men, and one to those who exceed 
the years of military service. Each of these 
orders, according to the law, attend in their 
several parts ; the boys and full grown men as 
soon as it is day ; the elders when they think 
convenient, except on appointed days when 
they are obliged to be present ; the youth take 
up their rest round the courts, in their light 
arms, all but such as are married ; these are 
not required to do it, unless beforehand order- 
ed to attend ; nor is it decent for them to be 
absent often. Over each of the orders there 
are twelve rulers, for the Persians are divided 
into twelve tribes. Those over the boys are 
chosen from amongst the elders, and such as 
are thought to make them the best boys ; those 
over the youth are chosen from amongst the 
full-grown men, and such as are thought to 
make the best youth ; and over the full-grown 
men, such as are thought to render them the 
most ready to perform their appointed parti, 
and to execute the orders they receive from the 
chief magistrate. There are likewise chosen 
presidents over the elders, who take care that 
these also perform their duty. And, that it 
may appear what means they use to make their 
citizens prove the best, I shall now relate what 
part is appointed for each degree. 

The boys, who frequent the public places of 
instruction, pass their time in learning justice ; 
and tell you that they go for that purpose, as 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



3 



those with us, who go to learn letters, tell you 
they go for this purpose. Their rulers, for the 
most part of the day, continue dispersing jus- 
tice among them ; for as amongst the men, so 
the boys have against each other their accusa- 
tions for theft, robbery, violence, deceit, and 
calumny, and other such things as naturally 
occur ; and when they find any acting unjustly, 
in any of these ways, they punish them; they 
punish likewise such as they find guilty of false 
accusation ; they appeal to justice also in the 
case of a crime for which men hate one another 
excessively, but never bring to the bar of jus- 
tice, that is, ingratitude ; and whomsoever they 
find able to return a benefit, and refusing to do 
it, they punish severely : for they are of opin- 
ion that the ungrateful are careless and neglect- 
ful both of the gods, of their parents, of their 
country, and of their friends ; and ingratitude 
seems to be certainly attended by imprudence ; 
and this seems to be the principal conductor of 
mankind into all things that are vile. They 
instil into the boys a modest and discreet tem- 
per of mind ; and it contributes much towards 
establishing this temper in them, that they see 
every day their elders behaving themselves in 
that discreet and modest manner. They teach 
them obedience to their rulers ; and it contri- 
butes much to their instruction in this, that they 
see their elders zealously obedient to their rul- 
ers. They teach them temperance with respect 
to eating and drinking ; and it contributes much 
to this their temperance, to see that their elders 
do not quit their stations for the service of 
their bellies before the magistrates dismiss 
them : and that the boys do not eat with their 
mothers, but with their teachers, and when the 
magistrates give the signal. They bring from 
home with them bread for their food, and a 
sort of herb, much in use with them, to eat 
with it. And they bring a cup to drink in, that 
if any are thirsty, they may take from the river. 
They learn, besides, to shoot with the bow, 
and to throw the javelin. These things the 
boys practice till they are sixteen or seventeen 
vears of age ; they then enter the order of. 
vouth. The youth pass their time thus : for 
ten years after they pass from the order of boys, 
they take their rests around the courts, as is 
said before, both for the security and guard of 
the city, and to preserve in them a modesty 
and governableness of temper; for this age 
seems the most to need care. In the day time 
they chiefly give themselves up to be made 



use of by their magistrates, in case they want 
them for any public service ; and when it is 
necessary they all attend about the courts. 
But when the king goes out to hunt he takes 
half the guard off with him ; and this he does 
several times every month. Those that go 
must have their bow and quiver, a smaller sort 
of sword in its proper scabbard, a shield, and 
two javelins ; one to throw, and the other, if 
necessary, to use at hand. They are careful 
to keep up these public huntings ; and the king, 
as in war, is in this their leader, hunts himself, 
and takes care that others do so ; because it 
seems to be the truest method of practising all 
such things as relate to war. It accustoms 
them to rise early in the morning, and to bear 
heat and cold ; it exercises them in long 
marches, and in running ; it necessitates them 
to use their bow against the beast they hunt, 
and to throw their javelin if he fall in their 
way ; their courage must, of necessity, be of- 
ten sharpened in the hunt, when any of the 
strong and vigorous beasts oppose themselves ; 
they must come to blows with the beast, if he 
comes up with them, and must be on their 
guard as he comes on them. So that it is no 
easy matter to find what one thing there is that 
is practised in war, and is not so in their hunt- 
ing. They attend this hunting, being provided 
with a dinner, larger, indeed, as is but fit, than 
that of the boys, but in all other respects the 
same ; and during the hunt sometimes, per- 
haps, they shall not eat it ; either waiting for 
the beast, if it be. necessary, or choosing to 
spend more time at the work ; so they make 
their supper of that dinner : hunt again the 
next day, until the time of supper ; and reckon 
these two days as but one, because they have 
ate the food of but one day. This they do to 
accustom themselves, that in case it may be 
necessary for them in war, they may be able to 
do it. They of this degree have what they 
catch for meat with their bread. If they catch 
nothing, then they have their usual herb. And 
if any one think that they eat without pleasure, 
when they have this herb only for food with 
their bread, and that they drink without plea- 
sure when they drink water, let him recollect 
how pleasant it is to one who is hungry to eat 
plain cake or bread ; and how pleasant to one 
who is thirsty to drink water. The tribes that 
remain at home pass their time in practising 
the things they learned while they were boys, 
in shooting with the bow, and throwing the 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



javelin. These they continue exercising in 
emulation one against another : and there are 
public games, in these kinds, and prizes set ; 
and in whichsoever of the tribes there are the 
most found who exceed in skill, in courage, and 
in obedience, the citizens applaud and honour, 
not only the present ruler of them, but also the 
person who had the instruction of them while 
boys. The magistrates likewise make use of 
the remaining youth, if they want them, to keep 
guard on any occasion, or to search for criminal 
persons, to pursue robbers, or for any other 
business that requires strength and agility. 
These things the youth practise, and when they 
have completed ten years they enter into the 
order of full-grown men. These, from the 
time they leave the order of youth, pass five- 
and-twenty years in this manner. First as the 
youth, they give themselves up to be made use 
of by the magistrates, on any occasion that may 
occur for the service of the public, and that re- 
quires the service of such as have discretion, 
and are yet in vigour. If some military expe- 
dition be necessary to be undertaken, they who 
are under this degree of discipline do not en- 
gage in it with bows and javelins, but with what 
they call arms for close fight, a corselet about 
the breast, a shield in the left hand, such as the 
Persians are painted with, and the right a 
larger sort of sword. All the magistrates are 
chosen from amongst these, except the teachers 
of the boys ; and when they have completed 
five-and-twenty years in this order they are 
then something upwards of fifty years of age, 
and pass into the order of such as are elders, 
and are so called. These elders are not oblig- 
ed to attend any military service abroad, but 
remaining at home, have the distribution of 
public and private justice ; have judgment of 
life and death, and the choice of all magistrates ; 
and if any of the youth or full-gro^n men fail 
in any thing enjoined by the laws, the phy- 
larchs, or magistrates of the tribes, or any one 
that will make discovery of it, the elders hear 
the cause, and give judgment on it; and the 
person so judged and condemned remains infa- 
mous for the rest of his life. 

That the whole Persian form of government 
may the more plainly appear, I return a little 
back ; for, by means of what has been already 
«aid it may now be laid open in a very few 
words. The Persians are said to be in num- 
ber about twelve myriads, or a hundred and 
twenty thousand ; of these none are by law 



excluded from honours and magistracies, but all 
are at liberty to send their boys to the public 
schools of justice. They who are able to main 
tain their children idle, and without labour, send 
them to these schools ; they who are not able, 
do not send them. They who are thus edu 
cated under the public teachers are at liberty 
to pass through the order of youth ; they who 
are not so educated have not that liberty. They 
who pass through the youth, fully discharging 
all things enjoined by the law, are allowed to 
be incorporated amongst the full-grown men, 
and to partake of all honours and magistracies ; 
but they who do not complete their course 
through the order of boys, and through that of 
the youth, do not pass into the order of the full- 
grown men. They who make their progress 
through the order of the full-grown men unex- 
ceptionable become then the elders ; so the 
order of elders stand composed of men who 
have made their way through all things good 
and excellent. And this is the form of govern- 
ment, by the use of which, they think, they be- 
come the best men. There yet remain things 
that bear testimony to the spare diet used 
among the Persians, and to their carrying it off 
by exercise ; for it is even yet shameful among 
them to be seen either to spit or to blow the 
nose, or any such matter ; and these things 
could not possibly be unless they used a very 
temperate diet, and spent the moisture by ex- 
ercise, making it pass some other way. 

These things I had to say concerning the 
Persians in general. I will now relate the ac- 
tions of Cyrus, on whose account this discourse 
was undertaken, beginning from his being a 
boy. 

III. Cyrus, till twelve years of age, or little 
more, was educated under this discipline, and 
appeared to excel all his equals, both in his 
quick learning of what was proper, and in his 
performing every thing in a handsome and in 
a manly way. At that time Astyages sent for 
his' daughter and her son ; for he was desirous 
to see him, having heard that he was an excel- 
lent and lovely child. Mandane therefore came 
to her father, and brought her son with her. 
As soon as they arrived, and Cyrus knew As- 
tyages to be his mother's father, he instantly 
as being a boy of great good-nature, embraced 
him, just as if he had been bred under him, 
and had long had an affection for him : and 
observing him set out and adorned, with his eyes 
and complexion painted, and with false hair, 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



things that are allowed amongst the Medes (for 
the purple coat, the rich habit called candys, 
collars about the neck, and bracelets about the 
hands, all belonging to the Medes ; but amongst 
the inhabitants of Persia, even at this day, their 
habits are much coarser, and their diet much 
plainer) — observing this dress of their grandfa- 
ther, and looking at him, he said : " Ο mother, 
how handsome is my grandfather !" And his 
mother then asking him which he thought the 
handsomer, either his father or his grandfather, 
Cyrus answered : " Of the Persians, mother, 
my father is much the handsomest; and of all 
the Medes that I have seen, either on the road 
or within the city, this grandfather of mine is 
much the handsomest." Astyages, then em- 
bracing Cyrus, in return put on him a fine 
robe, honoured him, and set him out with col- 
lars and bracelets ; and, whenever he went 
abroad, carried him with him, mounted on a 
horse with a bridle of gold, and such as he used 
himself to appear abroad on. Cyrus being a 
boy much in love with what was fine and ho- 
nourable, was pleased with the robe, and ex- 
tremely delighted with learning to ride, for 
amongst the Persians, it being difficult to breed 
horses, and even difficult to ride, the country 
being mountainous, it is a rare thing to see a 
horse. But Astyages being at table with his 
daughter, and with Cyrus, and being desirous 
to treat the boy with all possible delight and 
pleasure, that he might the less miss what he 
enjoyed at home, set before him several dishes, 
with sauces and meats of all kinds ; on which 
Cyrus is reported to have said : " What a deal 
of business and trouble, grandfather, have you 
at your meals, if you must reach out your hands 
to all these several dishes, and taste of all these 
kinds of meats !" " What, then," said Astyages, 
" do you not think this entertainment much 
finer than what you have in Persia?" Cyrus is 
said to have replied : " No, grandfather ; with us 
we have a much plainer and readier way to get 
satisfied than you have ; for plain bread and 
meat-suffices for our meal ; but you, in order to 
the same end, have a deal of business on your 
hands ; and, wandering up and dowji through 
many mazes, you at last scarce arrive where we 
have got long before you." " But, child," said 
Astyages, « it is not with pain that we wander 
through these mazes ; taste," said he, " and you 
will find that these things are pleasant." " Well, 
but, grandfather," said Cyrus, " I see that you 
yourself have an aversion to these sauces and 
2* 



things." "What ground," replied Astyages, 
" have you to say so !" " Because," said he, 
when you touch your bread, I see you do not 
wipe your hands on any thing ; but, when you 
meddle with any of these, you presently clean 
your hands on your napkin, as if you were very 
uneasy to have them daubed with them." To 
this Astyages is said to have answered : " Well, 
child, if this be your opinion, eat heartily of 
plain meats, that you may return young and 
healthy home ;" and at the same time he is said 
to have presented to him various meats, both of 
the tame and wild kinds. Cyrus, when he saw 
this variety of meats, is reported to have said : 
" And do you give me all these meats, grand- 
father, to do with them as I think fit 1" « Yes, 
truly, I do," said Astyages ; then Cyrus, taking 
of the several meats, is said to have distributed 
around to the servants about his grandfather, 
saying to one, « this for you, because you take 
pains to teach me to ride ; this for you, because 
you gave me a javelin ; for I have it at this time : 
this for you, because you serve my grandfather 
well : this for you, because you honour my 
mother :" and that thus he did till he distributed 
away all he had received. Astyages is then re- 
ported to have said : " And do you give nothing 
to this Sacian, my cup-bearer, that I favour 
above all ?" This Sacian was a very beautiful 
person, and ftad the honour to introduce to As- 
tyages any that had business with him, and was 
to hinder those that he did not think it seasona- 
ble to introduce. Cyrus to this is said to have 
answered, in a pert manner, as a boy not yet 
struck with the sense of shame ; " For what 
reason is it grandfather, that you favour this 
Sacian so much V* Astyages replied, in a jesting 
way : " Do not ) T ou see," said he, " how hand- 
somely and neatly he pours me my wine 1" Foi 
these cup-bearers to kings perform their busi- 
ness very cleverly : they pour out their wine 
very neatly, and give the cup, bearing it along 
with three fingers, and present it in such a man- 
ner, as it may best be received by the person 
who is to drink. " Grandfather," said Cyrus, 
" bid the Sacian give me the cup, that pouring 
you your wine to drink, I may gain your favour 
if I can." Astyages bade the Sacian give him 
the cup ; and Cyrus taking it, is said to have 
washed the cup as he had observed the Sacian 
to do ; and settling his countenance in a serious 
and decent manner, brought and presented the 
cup to to his grandfather in such a manner as 
afforded much laughter to his mother and to 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[BOOK I• 



Astyages. Then Cyrus, laughing out, leaped up 
to his grandfather, and kissing him, cried out : 
" Ο Sacian, you are undone ! I will turn you 
out of your office : I will do the business better 
than you, and not drink the wine myself." For 
these cup-bearers, when they have given the cup, 
dip with a dish and take a little out, which, 
pouring into their left hand, they swallow ; and 
this they do, that, in case they mix poison in the 
cup, it may be of no advantage to themselves. 
On this Astyages, in a jesting way, said : " And 
why, Cyrus, since you have imitated the Sacian 
in every thing else, did not you swallow some of 
the wine V " Because, truly," said he, " I was 
afraid there had been poison mixed in the cup ; 
for when you feasted your friends on your birth- 
day, I plainly found that he had poured you all 
poison." " And how, child," said he, " did you 
know this 1 ?" "Truly," said he, "because I 
saw you all disordered in body and mind : for, 
first, what you do not allow us boys to do, that 
you did yourselves : for you all bawled toge- 
ther, and could learn nothing of each other : 
then you fell to singing very ridiculously ; and 
without attending to the singer, you swore he 
sung admirably : then every one telling stories 
of his own strength, you rose up and fell to 
dancing ; but without all rule or measure, for 
you could not so much as keep yourselves up- 
right : then you all entirely forgot yourselves ; 
you, that you were king, and they, that you 
were the governor ; and then, for the first 
time, I discovered that you were celebrating a 
festival, where all were allowed to talk with 
equal liberty ; for you never ceased talking." 
Astyages then said : " Does your father, child, 
never drink till he gets drunk?" " No, truly," 
said he ? « What does he then." " Why, he 
quenches his thirst, and gets no farther harm , 
for, as I take it, grandfather," said he, " it is no 
Sacian that officiates as cup-bearer about him." 
His mother then said : "But why, child, do you 
make war thus on the Sacian ?" Cyrus to this 
is said to reply : " Why, truly, because I hate 
him ; for very often, when I am desirous to 
run to my grandfather, this nasty fellow hin- 
ders me. Pray, grandfather, said he, " let me, 
but have the government of him but for three 
days." "How would you govern him ?" said 
Astyages. Cyrus replied : " Why, standing as 
he does, just at the entrance, when he had a 
mind to go in to dinner, then would I tell him 
that he could not possibly have his dinner yet, 
because <*b.e was busy with certain people :" 



then, when he came to supper, I would tell 
him that < he was bathing :' and if he was very 
pressing for his victuals, I would tell him that 
' he was with the women :' and so on, till I had 
tormented him as he torments me when he 
keeps me from you." Such like subjects of 
mirth did he afford them at meals ; at other 
times of the day, if he perceived his grandfather 
or his mother's brother in want of any thing, it 
was a difficult matter for any one to be before- 
hand with him in doing it : for Cyrus was ex- 
tremely delighted to gratify them in any thing 
that lay in his power. But when Mandane 
was preparing to return home to her husband 
Astyages desired her to leave Cyrus with him. 
She made answer that she was willing to gratify 
her father in every thing ; but to leave the 
child against his will she thought hard. On 
this occasion Astyages said to Cyrus : " Child, 
if you will stay with me, in the first place, the 
Sacian shall not have the command of your 
access to me ; but, whenever you come, it shall 
be in your own power ; and the oftener you 
will come," said he, " the more I shall think 
myself obliged to you. Then you shall have 
the use of all my horses, and of as many more 
as you please ; and, when you go away, you 
shall take as many of them as you please with 
you : then, at meals, you shall take what way 
you please to get satisfied in what you think a 
temperate way : then all the several creatures 
that are now in the park I give you ; and will 
besides collect more of all kinds, that you may 
pursue them when you have learnt to ride t 
and with your bow and javelin lay them pros- 
trate on the ground, as grown men do. Boys 
I will furnish you with for playfellows ; and 
whatever else you would have, do but tell me, 
and you shall not go without." When As- 
tyages had said this, Cyrus' mother asked him 
whether he would go or stay. He did not at 
all hesitate, but presently said that he would 
stay. And being asked by his mother the rea- 
son why, it is said that he made answer : " Be- 
cause, mother, that at home, both at the bow 
and javelin, I am superior to all of equal age 
with me, and am so reckoned ; but here, I well 
know that in horsemanship I am their inferior ; 
and be it known to you, mother, this grieves 
me very much. But if you leave me here, and 
I learn to be a horseman, then I reckon that 
when I am in Persia I shall easily muster them 
there, who are so good at all exercises on foot ; 
and when I come amongst the Medes I shall 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



endeavour to be an assistant and a support to 
my grandfather, making myself the most skil- 
ful amongst those who excel in horsemanship." 
His mother is then reported to have said : 
" But how, child, will you be instructed here 
in the knowledge of justice, when your teachers 
are there Ϊ" " Ο mother !" said Cyrus, " that I 
understand exactly already." u How soi" said 
Mandane. " Because my teacher," said he, " ap- 
pointed me judge over others, as being very ex- 
act in the knowledge of justice myself. But 
yet," said he, " I had some stripes given me, as 
not determining right in one judgment that I 
gave. The case was this ; a bigger boy, who 
had a little coat, stripping a less boy, who had 
a larger, put on the little boy the coat that was 
his own, and put on himself the coat that was 
the little boy's. I therefore passing judgment 
on them, decreed that it was best that each 
should keep the coat that best fitted him. On 
this my teacher thrashed me, and told me that 
when I should be constituted judge of what 
fitted best, I should determine in this manner : 
but when I was to judge whose the coat was, 
then, said he, it must be inquired what right 
possession is ; whether he that took a thing by 
force should have it, or whether he who made 
itor purchased it should possess it : and then 
he told me what was according to law was just, 
and that what was contrary to law was violent. 
He bid me take notice, therefore, that a judge 
ought to give his opinion with the law. So, 
mother," said he, " I understand what is just 
in all cases very exactly ; or, if any thing be 
wanting to me, my grandfather here will teach 
it me." " But, child," said she, " the same 
things are not accounted just with your grand- 
father here, and yonder in Persia ; for among 
the Medes your grandfather has made himself 
lord and master of all ; but amongst the Per- 
sians it is accounted just that all should be 
equally dealt by ; and your father is the first to 
execute the orders imposed on the whole state, 
and receive those orders himself: his own 
humour is not his rule and measure, but it is 
the law that is so. How then can you avoid 
being beat to death at home, when you come 
from your grandfather instructed not in kingly 
arts, but in the arts and manner of tyranny ; 
one of which is, to think that power and as- 
cendant over all is your due ?" « Ο mother," 
said Cyrus, « your father is much' better able 
to teach one to submit than to take the as- 
cendant. Do you not see," said he, " that he 



has taught all the Medes to submit to him " 
So be well assured that your father will not 
dismiss me, nor any one from about him, in- 
structed how to gain power and ascendancy 
over others." 

IV. Many such kind of discourses did Cy- 
rus hold. At last his mother went away : he 
stayed, and was there brought up. He imme- 
diately joined himself to those that were his 
equals in age, so as to be on a very familiar and 
friendly footing with them ; and he presently 
gained their fathers, both by visiting them, and 
by giving evidence of his affection for their 
sons. So that if they had any business with 
the king, they bid their boys ask Cyrus to do 
it ; and Cyrus, such was his benignity and love 
of esteem and praise, did his utmost to accom- 
plish it for them ; and Astyages had it not in 
his power to refuse gratifying Cyrus in what- 
ever he asked of him ; for Cyrus, when his 
grandfather fell ill, never quitted him ; never 
ceased from tears ; and made it evident to all 
that he was in the utmost fear of his dying. 
And in the night, if Astyages wanted any thing, 
Cyrus was the first to perceive it, and started 
up the nimblest of any to serve him in any 
thing that he thought pleasing to him ; so that 
he entirely gained Astyages. Cyrus was per- 
haps a little over-talkative ; but this he had 
partly from his education, his teacher obliging 
him to give a reason for every thing that he 
did, and to hearken to it from others, when he 
was to give his opinion in judgment : and be- 
sides, being very eager after knowledge, he was 
always asking those about him abundance of 
questions, how such and such things were ; and 
on whatever subject he was questioned by 
others, being of a very quick and ready appre- 
hension, he instantly made his answers : so that, 
from all these things, he contracted an over- 
talkativeness. But, as in the persons of very 
young people, who have shot up suddenly, so 
as to be very tall, there yet appears something 
childish that betrays their youth ; so in Cyrus, 
it was not an impudence and boldness that ap- 
peared through that talkativeness, but a sim- 
plicity and good nature ; so that one was de- 
sirous rather to hear yet more from him, than 
to be with him while he held his tongue. 

But as years added to his growth, and 
brought him on towards the time of his be- 
coming a youth, he then used fewer words and 
a softer voice ; he became full of shame, so as 
to blush when he came into the company of 



8 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



men of years; and that playful pertness in 
bluntly accosting every one, did not continue 
with him as before. So he became more soft 
and gentle, but, in his conversation, extremely 
agreeable ; for in all the exercises that he and 
his equals used in emulation of each other, he 
did not challenge his companions to those in 
which he knew himself superior, but such as 
he well knew himself to be inferior in, those 
he set on foot, declaring that he would do them 
better than they. Accordingly, he would be- 
gin vaulting the horse, throwing the javelin, 
or shooting with the bow on horseback, while 
he was yet scarce well able to sit on a horse ; 
and when he was outdone he was the first to 
laugh at himself: and as, on the account of 
being baffled, he did not fly off and meddle no 
more with the things he was so baffled in, but 
continued repeating his endeavours to do better, 
he presently became equal to his companions 
in horsemanship, anch by his love of the work, 
quickly left them behind. He then presently 
applied himself to the taking of the beasts in 
the park, pursuing, throwing at them, and kill- 
ing them ; so that Astyages could no longer 
supply him with them. And Cyrus, perceiv- 
ing that he could not furnish him with these 
creatures, though very desirous to do it, often 
said to him ; " What need you take so much 
pains, grandfather, to find me out these crea- 
tures 1 If you will but send me out to hunt 
with my uncle, I shall reckon that all the beasts 
I see are creatures that you maintain for me." 
But though he was very desirous to go out to 
hunt, yet he could not now be pressing and 
importunate, as when he was a boy : he became 
very backward in going to his grandfather ; and 
what he blamed in the Sacianfor not admitting 
him to his grandfather, he became in this a 
Sacian to himself; for he never went in, unless 
he knew beforehand that it was seasonable ; 
and begged the Sacian by all means, to signify 
to him when it was seasonable, and when not ; 
so that the Sacian now loved him extremely, 
as all the rest did. 

When Astyages therefore knew that he was 
extremely desirous to hunt abroad and at large, 
he sent him out with his uncle, and sent some 
elderly men on horseback with him, as guards 
to him, to take care of him in rough and rocky 
parts of the country, and in case any beasts of 
the savage kind appeared. Cyrus therefore 
was very earnest in inquiring of those that 
attended him what beasts he was not to ap- 



proach, and which those were that he might 
confidently pursue. They told him that bears 
had destroyed many that had ventured to ap- 
proach them ; and that lions, wild boars, and 
leopards had done the same ; but that stags, 
wild goats, wild sheep, and wild asses were 
harmless things. They told him likewise that 
rough and rocky places were not less to be 
dreaded than the beasts ; for that many, both 
men and horses, had fallen headlong down pre- 
cipices. Cyrus took all these instructions very 
eagerly ; but as soon as he saw a stag roused, 
forgetting all that he had heard, he pursued, 
and looked at nothing but at that which he 
followed ; and his horse taking a leap with him, 
fell on his knees, and wanted but little of throw- 
ing him quite over his neck. However, Cyrus, 
though with difficulty, kept on his back, and 
the horse sprang up. When they got into the 
plain he struck the stag with his javelin, and 
brought him to the ground : a large, noble crea- 
ture it was, and he was most highly delighted. 
But his guardians coming up with him, chid 
and reproved him ; told him what danger he 
had run into ; and said that they would tell it 
to his grandfather. Cyrus, having alighted 
from his horse, stood and heard this with much 
uneasiness ; but hearing a halloo, he mounted 
his horse at a leap, as in a sort of enthusiasm, 
and as soon as he saw a boar rushing forward 
over against him, he rushed on him, and, aim- 
ing right with his javelin, struck the boar in 
the forehead : and here his uncle, seeing his 
boldness, reproved him : he, while his uncle 
was reproving him, begged that he would allow 
him to carry off the beasts that he had taken, 
and to give them to his grandfather. To this, 
they say, his uncle replied : Μ But if he dis- 
cover that it is you that have pursued and taken 
them, he will not only reprove you, but me, 
for allowing you to do it." Let him beat 
me," said he, " if he will, when I have given 
them to him : and do you, if you will, uncle," 
said he, " correct me as you please ; do but 
gratify me in this." Cyaxares at last said : 
" Well, do as you please, for it is you that 
seems now to be our king." 

So Cyrus, carrying off the beasts, presented 
them to his grandfather, and told him that he 
himself had taken them for him. The javelins 
he did not show him, but laid them down all 
bloody, where he thought that he certainly 
would see them. Astyages said : " Child, I 
receive with pleasure whatever you give me ; 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



9 



bat I am not in such want of any of these 
things as to run you into danger for them." 
" If you do not want them, grandfather," said 
Cyrus, " pray give them me, that I may dis- 
tribute them to my companions." " Child," 
said Astyages, " take them, and distribute 
them to whom you please, and of every thing 
else whatever you will." Cyrus, taking the 
beasts, gave them to the boys ; and withal 
told them : " Boys," said he, " what very tri- 
flers were we when we hunted in the park ! 
In my opinion it was as if one had tied the 
creatures by the leg and hunted them ; for, 
first, we were within a narrow compass of 
ground ; then the creatures were poor, slender, 
scabby things : one was lame, another maimed : 
but the beasts in the mountains and marshes, 
how fine, how large, and how sleek they ap- 
pear ! The stags, as if they had wings, leap 
to the very heavens ; the boars, as they say 
brave men do, attack one hand to hand, and 
their bulk is such that it is impossible to miss 
them. These, even when they are dead," said 
he, " are, in my opinion, finer than those other 
walled-up things when alive. But," said he 
" would your father, think you, send you out 
to hunt 1" " Yes, very readily," said they, " if 
Astyages ordered it." Cyrus then said: 
" Who is there amongst you therefore that 
would mention it to Astyages 1" « Who more 
able," said they, " to persuade him than your- 
self?" " But, truly," said he, «for my part, 
I know not what kind of creature I am be- 
come; for I am neither able to speak, nor can 
I any longer so much as meet my grandfather's 
eyes ; and, if I go on in this way so fast, I 
fear," said he, •< I shall become a mere block- 
head and fool : yet when I was a little boy I 
was thought a notable talker." The boys then 
said : " You tell us a sad piece of news, if you 
can do nothing for us in case of need, but that 
we must beg that of another that is in your 
power to effect." 

Cyrus, hearing this, was nettled ; and retir- 
ing without saying a word, he stirred himself 
up to boldness ; and having contrived how to 
speak to his grandfather in the least offensive 
manner, and to obtain for himself and the boys 
what they desired, he went in. Thus then he 
began : " Tell me," said he, " grandfather, if 
one of your domestic servants should run away, 
and you should take him again, what would 
you do with him 1" « Why," said he, " what 
should I do but put him in chains, and force him 



to work V " But if a runaway should of himself 
return to you, what would you do ?" " What 
else," said he, « but have him whipped, that he 
may do so no more, then make use of him as 
before ?" "It is time therefore," said Cyrus, 
" to prepare yourself to bestow a whipping on 
me, as having contrived to run away, and take 
my companions with me a hunting." " Then," 
said Astyages, « you have done very well to 
tell it me beforehand ; for henceforward, I 
order you not to stir. It is a fine thing, in- 
deed," said he, " if, for the sake of a little veni- 
son, I shall send out my daughter's son to 
ramble at his pleasure." 

Cyrus, hearing this, obeyed, and stayed at 
home much afflicted, carrying a melancholy 
countenance, and remaining silent. Astyages, 
when he found that he was so extremely af- 
flicted, being willing to please him, carried 
him out to hunt ; and, assembling abundance 
of people, both foot and horse, and likewise 
the boys, and driving the beasts out into the 
champaign country, he made a great hunt ; 
and being himself present, royally attended, he 
gave orders that none should throw till Cyrus 
was satisfied and had enough of the exercise. 
But Cyrus would not let him hinder them. " If 
you have a mind, grandfather," said he, " that 
I should hunt with pleasure, let all those about 
me pursue and engage in the fray, and do the 
best." Astyages then gave them his leave, and, 
taking a station, saw them engaged amongst the 
beasts, striving to out do each other, pursuing 
and throwing their javelins. He was delighted 
with Cyrus, who, in transports of joy, could 
not hold his tongue, but, like a young generous 
dog that opens when he approaches the beast 
he pursues, encouraged every one, calling on 
them by name. He was pleased to see him 
laughing at one : at another he observed him 
to praise cordially, and without the least emo- 
tion of envy. At last Astyages, having taken 
abundance of game, retired ; but was so pleased 
with that hunt, that he always went out with 
Cyrus, whenever he was able, taking abund- 
ance of people with him, and the boys, for the 
sake of Cyrus. Thus, for the most part, did 
Cyrus pass his time, doing service and pleasure 
to all, and hurt to none. 

But when he was about fifteen or sixteen 
years of age the king of Assyria's son, being to 
celebrate his nuptials, had a mind at that time 
to hunt ; and hearing that there was plenty of 
game on the borders of the Assyrians and 
Β 



10 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



Medes, they having not been hunted, because 
of the war between the nations, hither he desir- 
ed to go. That he might hunt therefore se- 
curely, he took with him a body of horse and 
another of light-armed foot, who were to drive 
the beasts out of their fastness into the open, 
cultivated country. Being come therefore to 
the place where the garrisons were, and a 
guard always attending, here he supped, as in- 
tending to hunt the next day early in the morn- 
ing : but that evening a guard of horses and foot 
arrived from the city to relieve those who 
were then before. He therefore thought that 
he had now a handsome army with him, con- 
sisting of a double guard, besides a considerable 
number, both of horse and foot, that had at- 
tended on himself. He judged it best there- 
fore to undertake a plunder of the Median ter- 
ritory ; that this would be a nobler exploit than 
a hunt ; and he thought he should procure 
great store of beasts for sacrifice. So rising 
early in the morning, he led his army forwards. 
The foot he left in close order on the borders : 
he himself advanced with the horse up to the 
Median garrisons ; and, keeping the best of 
them and the greatest number with himself, he 
halted there, that the Medes in garrison might 
not march and charge those who were to scour 
the country ; and such as were proper he sent 
out in parties, some to run one way and some an- 
other ; and ordered them to surround and seize 
all that they met with, and bring all off to him. 
These did as they were ordered. But notice 
being given to Astyages that the enemy was 
got into the country, he marched with what 
forces he had at hand to the borders. His son 
did so, in like manner, with some horse that 
were at hand ; and he signified to all his other 
forces to march after to support him. When 
they came up, and saw a great number of As- 
syrians in close order, and their horses standing 
quietly and still, the Medes likewise halted and 
stood. 

Cyrus, seeing other people marching on all 
sides to support their friends, set forward him- 
self, putting on his arms for the first time ; 
never imagining that he should be so soon 
armed with them in the manner he desired ; for 
they were very fine, and fitted him very well, 
being such as his grandfather had ordered to 
be made to fit his body. So, being thus com- 
pletely armed, he set out on horseback. Asty- 
ages, getting sight of him, wondered by whose 
order and encouragement he came ; however, 
he bid him keep by him. Cyrus, when he saw 



a great number of horsemen fronting him, ask- 
ed : " Grandfather," said le, " are these men 
enemies that sit quietly there on horseback t" 
" They are enemies," said he. " And are 
those so too that are scouring the country]" 
" Yes, and those too." " By Jove, then grand- 
father !" said he, " methinks these that are 
thus plundering us are wretched fellows, and 
mounted on wretched horses ; and must not 
some of us march against them 1" " Do not 
you see, child" said he, " what a body of horse 
stands there in close order, and who, if we ad- 
vance against the others, will intercept us 1 
And we have not yet our full strength with 
us." " But," said Cyrus, " if you wait here, 
and collect those that are marching to join 
us, these of our enemies that are here will be 
under apprehension, and will not stir; and the 
plunderers, when they see any men marching 
against them, will presently drop their booty." 
On his saying this, Astyages thought there was 
something in what he said, and wondering at 
his sagacity and vigilance, ordered his son to 
take a squadron of horse and march against the 
plunderers. " I," said he, « will bear down on 
these men that are here, if they offer to move 
towards you ; so that they shall be obliged to 
be intent on us." 

Cyaxares taking of the strongest and best, 
both of men and horses, marched ; and Cyrus 
seeing these put forward, joined and pushed on 
with them, and presently got at the head of 
them. Cyxares followed, and the rest were 
not left behind. As soon as the plunderers 
saw them approaching, then quitting their 
booty, they fled. They that were with Cyrus 
intercepted them, and flew to bows with such 
as they could come up with, and Cyrus was the 
first at the work. Those who, by turning aside 
escaped them, they pursued in the rear, and 
did not give over, but met with several of 
them. Like a generous dog that has no ex- 
perience, and that runs headlong without cau- 
tion on a boar, so ran Cyrus, minding only to 
deal his blows where any came within his 
reach, without further foresight or considera- 
tion. The enemy, when they saw their people 
in distress, moved their main body, judging that 
the pursuit would cease as soon as they should 
be seen to advance : Cyrus, notwithstanding, 
did not give over, but calling out to his uncle 
for joy, pursued, and pressing continually on, 
put the enemy to an entire route. Cyaxares 
followed, (perhaps being in awe of his father ) 
and the rest followed after, who thought, per- 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



11 



haps, they would not have shown themselves 
very brave against men that had opposed them, 
yet were on this occasion more than ordinarily 
eager in pursuing. Astyages, when he saw 
these men so incautiously pursuing, and the 
enemy in a close body marching towards them, 
fearing for his son and for Cyrus, lest they in 
disorder and confusion should fall in with the 
enemy, prepared to receive them, and suffer 
damage, he presently led on towards the ene- 
my. The enemy, as soon as they saw the 
Medes move forward, halted ; presenting some 
their javelins, and some their bows, in order to 
stop them, when they came within bow-shot, as 
their general practice is. For when they are 
near, they push each other at a certain distance, 
and so frequently skirmish on till evening. But 
when they saw their own men in full rout fly- 
ing towards them, and those with Cyrus fol- 
lowing close behind them, and Astyages, with 
his horse, already within bow-shot, they gave 
way and fled. The Medes, in a body, pursu- 
ing, killed several in the first charge, and who- 
ever they came up with they fell on, whether 
man or horse, and whoever fell they killed. 
Nor did they stop till they came up with the 
Assyrian foot, and there they gave over, fear- 
ing lest some greater force than appeared might 
lie in ambuscade to receive them. Astyages on 
this retreated in much joy at this victory ob- 
tained by his cavalry, but knew not what to say 
to Cyrus, for he knew him to be the author of 
the action, and saw him wrought up to such a 
degree of boldness as amounted almost to mad- 
ness ; for while the rest were retiring home, he 
alone, by himself, did nothing but ride round 
and view those that had fallen in the action. 
And they who had it in charge, dragging him 
with difficulty away, brought him to Astyages, 
while he put his conductors forward before him, 
because he saw the countenance of his grand- 
father look dissatisfied on seeing him. 

These things passed among the Medes, and 
all people had Cyrus in their mouths, both in 
their discourses and songs. But Astyages, 
who before had a great esteem for him, was 
now quite astonished and struck with him. 
Cambyses, the father of Cyrus, was pleased to 
hear these things of him ; but when he heard 
that Cyrus begun to perform acts of manhood, 
he called him home, that he might complete his 
institution among the Persians, according to 
the rules of his country. And on this occasion 
Cyrus is reported to have said, «That he 



would return, lest his father should be uneasy 
and his country blame him." Astyages there- 
fore seemed to be under a necessity of parting 
with him : so he sent him away, but first pre- 
sented him with such horses as he desired to 
have, and furnishing him with other things of 
all kinds, both because of the affection he had 
for him, and because he had great assurance 
and hopes that he would prove a man thoroughly 
able to do service to his friends, and mischief 
to his enemies. 

All people waited on Cyrus at his departure 
attending him part of his way on horseback, 
with boys, youth, men, and those in years ; so 
likewise did Astyages himself. And they say 
that not one turned back at parting with him 
without tears ; and it is said that Cyrus him- 
self shed many tears at parting ; that he gave 
many presents to his companions and equals in 
age out of what Astyages had given him ; and 
that, at last, taking off the Median robe he had 
on, he gave it to a certain youth, declaring by 
this that he loved that youth the most of any. 
It is said that they who had taken and accept- 
ed of these presents returned them to Astyages, 
and that Astyages sent them to Cyrus, but that 
he sent them back again to the Medes, and 
sent word thus: "O grandfather! if you 
would have me return hither again with plea- 
sure, and not with shame, let every one keep 
what I have given him :" and that Astyages 
hearing this, did as Cyrus had begged him by 
his message to do. 

But if I may be allowed to relate a sportive 
affair, it is said that when Cyrus went away, 
and that he and his relations parted, they took 
their leave, and dismissed him with a kiss, ac- 
cording to the Persian custom ; for the Persians 
practise it to this day; and that a certain 
Mede, a very excellent person, had been long 
struck with the beauty of Cyrus ; that when 
he saw Cyrus' relations kiss him, he stayed be- 
hind, and when the rest were gone, accosted 
Cyrus, and said to him : « And am I, Cyrus, 
the only one of all your relations that you do 
not know 1" « What !" said Cyrus, « and are 
you a relation ?" " Yes," said he, " This was 
the reason then," said Cyrus, " that you used 
to gaze at me ; for I think I recollect that you 
frequently did so." « I was very desirous," 
said he, " to saluie you, but I was always 
ashamed to do it." « But," said Cyrus, « you 
that are a relation ought not to have been so." 
So, coming up to him, he kissed him. The 



12 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



Mede having reached the kiss, is said to have 
asked this question : " And is it a custom 
among the Persians to kiss relations ?" " It is 
so," said Cyrus," when they see one another 
at some distance of time, or when they part." 
" Then," said the Mede, " it seems now to be 
time for you to kiss me again ; for, as you see, 
I am just going away." So Cyrus, kissing him 
again, dismissed him, and went his way. They 
had not gone very far before the Mede came 
up with him again, with his horse all over in a 
sweat ; and Cyrus, getting sight of him, said, 
" What, have you forgot any thing that you 
had a mind to say to me?" « No, by Jove !" 
said he, " but I am come again at a distance of 
time." " Dear relation !" said he, " it is a very 
short one." " How a short one V said the 
Mede, " do you not know, Cyrus," said he, 
" that the very twinkling of my eyes is a long 
time to be without seeing you, you who are so 
lovely?" Here Cyrus, from being in tears, 
broke out into laughter, bid him " go his way, 
and take courage; that in a little time he would 
be with them again ; and that then he would 
be at liberty to look at him, if he pleased, 
with steady eyes, and without twinkling." 

V. Cyrus, returning thus into Persia, is said 
to have continued a year longer amongst the 
boys. At first they made their jests on him, 
as being now come home, instructed amongst 
the Medes in luxury and pleasure. But when 
they saw that he clothed himself as they did ; 
that he drank as they did, and with pleasure ; 
and that in festivals, when they had a little more 
than ordinary plenty, they perceived him more 
ready to give his share away than desirous to 
have it himself: and besides, when they saw 
him in all other respects much superior to 
themselves, they were then astonished at him. 
Then having passed through the discipline of 
these years, and entering the order of youth, 
he here again appeared superior to the rest, 
both in executing what was proper, in under- 
going every thing that was his part so to do, 
in his respects to his elders, and in his obedi- 
ence to his rulers. 

In progress of time Astyages died, and his 
son Cyaxares, brother to Cyrus' mother, took 
on him the government of the Medes. And 
the king of Assyria, having overthrown all the 
Syrians, who were no small nation, and having 
subjected the king of the Arabs, and holding 
the Hyrcanians under his dominion, and being 
at that time at war with the Bactrians, con- 



sidered that if he could break the power of the 
Medes he should easily obtain the dominion of 
all around him : for the Medes seemed to be 
the strongest of all the neighbouring nations. 
So he sent round to all those that were subject 
to himself; he sent to Croesus, king of Lydia, 
to the king of Cappadocia, to both the Phrygi- 
as, to the Carians, Paphlagonians, Indians, and 
Cilicians, loading the Medes and Persians with 
calumny and reproach ; telling them how great, 
how powerful, and how united in interest these 
two nations were by means of several intermar- 
riages ; that they would unite into one ; and if 
he did not prevent them, and break their power 
they would run a risk, by attacking each nation 
severally, to overturn all. Some being per- 
suaded by these arguments, entered into a con- 
federacy with him ; others were prevailed 
with by money and presents, for in these he 
abounded. 

Cyaxares, the son of Astyages, when he per- 
ceived this design, and these united prepara- 
tions against him, did himself immediately 
make the utmost preparations that he was able 
to oppose them ; and he sent to the Persians, 
both to the public council and to Cambyses, 
who was married to his sister, and was king of 
Persia. He sent likewise to Cyrus, desiring 
him to endeavour to come as cqmmander of the 
forces, if the public council of the Persians 
should send any ; for Cyrus by this time had 
completed ten years amongst the youth, and 
was now of the full grown men. 

So Cyrus accepting it, the elders in council 
chose him commander of the expedition into 
Media. They gave him power to choose two 
hundred from amongst those who were equally 
entitled to all honours, and to each of these they 
gave power to choose four of their own order. 
These, altogether, made a thousand. Again, 
to each of these thousands they gave a power 
to choose from amongst the common people of 
Persia ten targeteers, 'ten slingers, and ten 
archers. Thus there were ten thousand arch- 
ers, ten thousand targeteers, and ten thousand 
slingers, ajid the thousand besides. So great 
was the army that was given to Cyrus : and as 
soon as he was chosen he began by making ap- 
plication to the gods; and having sacrificed 
happily and successfully, he then chose the two 
hundred ; and when these had afterwards cho- 
sen each their four, he assembled them to- 
gether, and made his first discourse to them 
thus: 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



13 



« Friends, I have chosen you, not as having 
now for the first time had proof of your worth, 
but as having seen you, from boys, performing 
with ardour all things that the city judges ex- 
cellent and noble, and avoiding entirely what- 
ever it reckons mean and base. I would now 
lay before you on what account it is that I, not 
unwillingly, am placed in this station, and that 
I have called you together. I have thought 
that our forefathers were nowise inferior to 
ourselves ; for they passed their days in the 
continual exercise and practice of such things 
as are thought actions of virtue ; but what with 
this their virtue they have acquired, either for 
the public of Persia, or for themselves, I can- 
not yet discover. Yet, in my opinion, men 
practise no virtue, but that by it they may 
gain the advantage of the vicious. They who 
abstain from pleasures at present, do not do it 
that they may never have delight ; but they do 
it that, by means of that temperance at present, 
they may in future time have returns of delight 
manifold. They who are desirous to be pow- 
erful in speaking, do not exercise themselves 
in it that they may never give over discours- 
ing ; but they do it in hopes, that, prevailing on 
numbers of men by the power of their eloquence, 
they may effect many things, and those of great 
consequence. 

" They who exercise themselves in martial 
affairs do not take pains in it that they may 
never cease fighting; but they judge, that by 
making themselves able in military affairs, 
they shall acquire great riches, great happiness, 
and great honours, to themselves and to their 
country. And if any have taken pains to' ac- 
quire ability and skill in these affairs, and 
without reaping any fruits from them, have 
neglected themselves till they have been dis- 
abled by old age, in my opinion they have un- 
dergone the same fate as one who was desirous 
to be a good husbandman would do, who, 
sowing and planting with skill, when the time 
came for gathering the fruits, should let them 
fall ungathered to the ground again : and as a 
wrestler, who, after much pains bestowed, and 
becoming qualified for victory, should pass his 
days without entering the lists; and in my 
opinion such a one could not justly be freed 
from the imputations of folly. Let not us, 
friends, submit to such a fate : but, since we 
are conscious to ourselves that, from boys, we 
are exercised in all great and noble things, let 
us march against these enemies of ours, that I, 
2 



an eye-witness, well know to be poor, insigni- 
ficant men, as antagonists to you : for such 
men are not very dangerous antagonists, who, 
though they may be skilful at their bow, and 
at their javelin, and in horsemanship, yet when 
they are to undergo toil and labour, sink under 
it : and these men, with respect to pains and 
labour, are mean and poor. Nor are such 
men dangerous antagonists, who, when they 
are to watch and deny themselves their usual 
rest, are quite broken by it : and in this re- 
spect likewise these men are mean and poor. 
Nor are such dangerous antagonists, who, 
though able in all these respects, yet are igno- 
rant how to deal either with allies or with ene- 
mies ; and these men are evidently ignorant 
and unpractised in the noblest arts. But you 
can make use of the night, as others of the day ; 
you reckon that toil and pains must conduct 
you to a life of pleasure ; you can use hunger 
to relish your food, as others do the daintiest 
meats ; you, even with more ease than lions, 
can bear the drinking of plain water ; and you 
carry within your minds the noblest and most 
warlike quality in the world ; for praise is what 
you are pleased with above all things, and they 
that are lovers of praise do of course undergo 
all toil, and all danger, with pleasure. If I 
say these things of you, and know otherwise, 
I abuse myself; for whatever falls short of 
this in your conduct, the deficiency will fall 
on me. But I trust to my own experience, 
to your good-will towards me, and to the folly 
of our enemies, that these good hopes will not 
fail me. Let us set forward with confidence, 
since we are far from appearing to be taken 
with an unjust desire of what belongs to others ; 
for our enemies are coming on us, being them- 
selves the aggressors in wrong. Our friends 
call us to their assistance ; what therefore is 
more just than to repel injuries 1 what more 
noble than to help our friends 1 Besides, me- 
thinks it ought not to be one of the least 
grounds of your confidence in this case, that I 
do not set out on this expedition with the ne- 
glect of the gods ; for you, who have con- 
versed much with me, know that I have en- 
deavoured to begin not great affairs only, but 
even little ones With application to the gods. 
To conclude," said he, " what farther shall I 
say ? Do you make choice of your men, and 
take them under your care ; and making all 
things else ready, march to the Medes; I, 
first returning back to my father, will go before 



14 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



yon, that I may learn, as soon as possible, the 
condition of the enemy, and prepare things for 
you as well as I can, that with the assistance 
of the gods, we may carry on this war in the 
noblest manner."• These men did as Cyrus 
required. 

VI. Cyrus, returning home, and having made 
his supplications to Vesta, and to Jove Pater- 
nal, and to the other deities, set out on this 
expedition, and his father attended him on his 
way. As soon as they were out of the house, 
it is said that it thundered and lightened in a 
happy manner. On which they went on with- 
out farther augury, as if no one could be igno- 
rant what these signals of the most powerful 
god imported. As Cyrus proceeded on his 
journey, his father began a discourse with him 
in this manner : 

" That the gods send you out on this expe- 
dition propitiously and favourable is evident, 
child, both from the sacrifices and from the 
signals from heaven ; and you yourself know 
it to be so ; for I have purposely taught you 
these things, that you might not come to the 
knowledge of what the gods advise and direct 
you to by means of other interpreters ; but 
that you yourself, seeing what is to be seen, 
and hearing what is to be heard, may under- 
stand, and not be at the mercy of diviners, 
who, if they please, may deceive you, and tell 
you different things from what the gods really 
signify to you ; and that, in case you are with- 
out a diviner, you may not be at a loss what use 
to make of the divine signals, but, by your 
knowledge in divination, understanding the ad- 
vices given you by the gods, you may comply 
with them." « Father," said Cyrus, " I will 
always continue using my utmost care, accord- 
ing to your instruction, to render the gods pro- 
pitious to us, and willing to give us their advice 
and direction ; for I remember to have heard it 
from you, that, as from men, so likewise from 
the gods, the most likely person to obtain his 
suit is not he who, when he is in distress, flat- 
ters servilely, but he who, in his most happy 
circumstances, is most mindful of the gods. 
And you used to say that it was in the same 
manner that one ought to cultivate friends." 
" Therefore, child," said he, " on account of 
this your care, you now apply to the gods, and 
make your requests to them with the more 
pleasure, and you have the better hopes to ob- 
tain what you ask, appearing to yourself con- 
scious that you have never neglected them." 



" Truly, father," said he, " I am for that rea- 
son, such a temper of mind, with respect to 
the gods, as to reckon them my friends." 
" Well, child," said he, " do you remember 
those other opinions that we heretofore agreed 
in 1 as that, in all things that the gods bestow, 
such men as have acquired skill and knowledge 
in them act and succeed better than they who 
are ignorant in them ; that the laborious suc- 
ceed better than the idle : that the diligent and 
the careful live with more security than the 
negligent and careless ; and that, therefore, first 
rendering ourselves such as we ought to be, we 
then should make our prayers to the gods for 
their blessings." " Yes, indeed," said Cyrus, 
" I do remember to have heard these things 
from you ; and I was forced to submit to your 
reasoning: for I know you used to say that it 
was downright impiety for such as had never 
learned to ride, to supplicate the gods for vic- 
tory in engagements of horse : or for such as 
had never learned the use of the bow, to ask 
the superiority, at this very weapon, over those 
who understood it ; or for such as knew not 
how to steer, to pray that they might preserve 
ships in quality of pilots ; or for such as have 
not sown wheat, to pray that they might have a 
good crop of it ; or for such as are not watch- 
ful in war, to pray that they may be preserved 
in safety ; for that all such things were con- 
trary to the settled laws cf the gods : and you 
said that such as made impious prayers would 
probably meet with disappointments from the 
gods : as such would fail of success with men, 
who should desire things contrary to all human 
laws." " And have you forgot, child," said he, 
" those other matters that you and I have 
heretofore discoursed on? as, that it was a 
great and noble work for a man to be able to 
approve himself a good and excellent man, and 
to find means to supply himself and his family 
with plenty of all things necessary. And this 
being thus allowed to be a great work, that to 
understand how to govern other men, so as to 
supply them with all things necessary, and in 
abundance, and so as to render them such as 
they ought to be ; this we thought was an 
astonishing work !" " Yes, truly, father," said 
he, « I remember to have heard you say this, 
and I was of opinion with you, that to govern 
well was a work of the highest nature. And 
it now appears to me to be so," said he, " when 
I consider it with respect to government itself; 
but when I consider it with respect to othei 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



15 



men, what kind of men these governors are, 
and what kind of men they are who are to be 
our antagonists, I think it very mean to be ter- 
rified with such people, and to be unwilling to 
march and engage them. " Men," said he, 
" who to begin with these friends of ours, I 
find are of opinion that a governor ought to 
distinguish himself from those that he governs, 
by his eating more sumptuously, by having 
more gold in his, house, by sleeping longer, and 
by living, in all respects more at ease than those 
that he governs. But my opinion is," said he, 
« that a governor ought to differ from the 
governed, not by a life of ease and luxury, but 
by care and circumspection, and by his readi- 
ness to undergo toil and labour." " But, child," 
said he, " there are some matters wherein you 
are not to contend with men, but with things ; 
and to have these plentifully at command is no 
easy matter. You readily know that if the 
army have not necessaries, your command is 
immediately dissolved and falls to pieces." 
" Father," said he, •» therefore Cyaxares says, 
that he will afford them to all that go from 
hence, however great the number may be." 
" You go then, child," said he, « trusting in 
these matters entirely to Cyaxares' riches ?" « I 
do," said Cyrus. " Well," said he, " but do 
you know what these riches are?" "No, 
truly," said Cyrus, " I do not." " Yet," said 
he, " to those things, that you are thus in the 
dark about, do you trust. Do you not know 
that you will be in want of abundance of things, 
and that now you must of necessity spend abun- 
dance?" "I do know it," said Cyrus. "If 
therefore," said he, " the supply of this expehse 
fail him, or that he purposely deal falsely by 
you, how will the affairs of the army then 
stand ? It is plain, not very well." " Then, 
father," said he, " if you know any means of 
obtaining a supply, and such as may depend on 
myself, whilst I am yet on friendly ground, 
pray tell it me." " Do you ask, child," said 
he, " if there be any means of supply depend- 
ing on yourself? And on whom are these 
things more likely to depend than on one who 
has power in his hands ? You go from hence 
with such a body of foot, as I very well know 
you would not exchange for any other, though 
many times their number ; and you will have 
the Median cavalry, who are the best, and who 
will be with you as your allies and friends. 
What nation is there then, of all around, that 
you think will not serve you, both out of a 



desire to gain your favour, and for fear of 
receiving harm ? These matters you ought to 
concert with Cyaxares, that nothing of what is 
necessary for you may be wanting; and, on 
account of the continual expense, you ought to 
secure a revenue and supply that may be always 
accruing. But above all things remember this, 
never to delay the procuring your supply till 
want presses you to it ; but while you have the 
greatest plenty, and before you come to want, 
then labour the most to make sure of it ; for 
you will succeed the better with those from 
whom you demand it when you seem not to 
be in want ; and your men will have nothing to 
blame you for. By these means, likewise, you 
will have more respect paid you by others : 
and if by means of your forces you have a 
mind to do service or prejudice to any, while 
your men are supplied with all that they want 
they will do you better service. And be 
assured that your words will carry greater 
weight with them, when you can show that 
you have it in your power to do service or to 
do hurt." " I am satisfied, father," said he, 
" that you are right in all this, both for other 
reasons, as well as particularly because there 
are none of the soldiers that will pay me thanks 
for what they are now to receive ; for they 
know on what terms Cyaxares takes them as 
his allies : but whatever any of them shall re- 
ceive over and above what is agreed, this they 
will reckon favour, and will pay the greatest 
gratitude to the bestower of it. And indeed 
for one who has a force, by whose means he 
may receive advantages in return of service 
done to friends, and may endeavour to make 
conquests on enemies ; for such a one to be 
careless in securing himself supplies, can one 
think this," said he, " to be less reproachful, 
than it would be in a man who had lands, and 
had servants to cultivate them, and who, after 
all, should let those lands lie fallow and use- 
less ? Depend on it, therefore," said he, " that 
both in the territory of friends and of enemies, 
I will not be sparing of my care to supply my 
men with all things fitting." 

" Well, child," said he, " and do you remem- 
ber certain other things that we heretofore 
agreed it was necessary not to neglect ?" "Yes," 
said he ; " for I remember, that when I came 
to you for money to give a man, who pretended 
to have taught me the art of commanding an 
army, as you gave me the money you asked mo, 
«Child/ said you, «did this man, that you, 



16 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



carry this reward to, ever, amongst the arts 
and business of a general, mention any thing 
of economy to you 1 for soldiers in an army 
are not less in want of things necessary than 
are domestics in a family :' and when, telling 
you the truth, I said that he had not made the 
least mention of it, you asked me again — 
1 Whether he had spoken to me concerning the 
health and strength of my men 1 As that a 
general ought to mind these things, as well as 
the leading and managing of them in action :' 
when 1 told you no, you again asked me — 
' Whether he had taught me how to take care 
to make my men the most able at all warlike 
exercises'?' and when I denied this too, you 
inquired again — < Whether he had given me any 
instruction how I might raise spirit and courage 
in an army 1 for,' you said, « that in every ac- 
tion, there were vast odds between an army's 
being in spirit and out of heart.' When I de- 
nied this too, you inquired again — « Whether 
he held any discourse to teach me how one 
might best bring an army to ready obedience?' 
W T hen you found that this had not been in the 
least spoken of, you at last inquired — ' What it 
was he had taught me then, that he could say 
he had taught me the art of commanding an 
army V Here I replied, and told you the tac- 
tics, or the art of forming and moving in order. 
You, laughing at this, ran over each particular ; 
asking me what use there was in generalship 
of tactics without necessaries ; what without 
health ; what without skill in the arts that 
have been invented for the use of war ; what 
without obedience. So you made it evident to 
me that this tactic art was but a small part of 
generalship. And when I asked you, whether 
you were able to teach me any of these matters, 
you bid me go my ways, and discourse with 
men that were reputed knowing in military 
affairs, and inquire from them how these mat- 
ters stood. On this I conversed with such as I 
had heard were most knowing in these matters. 
And with respect to health, having heard and 
observed that cities that want health get phy- 
sicians ; and that commanders, for the sake of 
their men, take physicians with them ; so when 
I was placed in this station I presently took 
care of this : and I believe, father" said he, 
" that I have men with me who are very able in 
the art of physic." To this the father replied : 
" But, child," said he, " these men that you 
speak of are like menders of torn clothes ; so 



when people are sick, physicians cure them : 
but your care of health is to be of a nobler 
kind : to prevent the army's becoming sickly 
is what you ought to take care of." 

" And which way, father," said he, u shall I 
be able to do this ?" « Why, if you are to stay 
some time in a place, you ought not to be care 
less in your choice of a healthy camp : and in 
this you will not be deceived, provided you are 
but careful ; for men are continually talking of 
healthy and unhealthy places, and on the places 
themselves there are sure witnesses to give 
their testimony either way, both by their per- 
sons and complexions. But then it will not 
suffice you to consider places only, but pray re- 
collect what course you have taken yourself, 
in your endeavours to preserve your health•" 
Cyrus then said : " In the first place, I endea- 
vour not to over-fill myself, for it is a very bur- 
densome thing ; and then what I take down I 
work off by exercise. By this means I think 
that I preserve health and acquire vigour." " In 
the same manner, therefore, child," said he, 
" you must take care of others." " And shal 
we have leisure," said he, « father, to exercise 
the soldiers in this manner?" " You will not 
only have leisure," said the father, « but neces- 
sity will oblige you to it ; for an army that wil 
do its duty must never be at rest, but employ 
ed either in distressing the enemy or making 
advantage to themselves. It is a difficult mat- 
ter for a single man to be maintained idle, ami 
yet more difficult for a family ; but most diffi 
cult of all to maintain an army idle ; for in an 
army, from the lowest to the highest, there are 
many mouths, and what they get they spend 
very lavishly ; so that it is never fit for an army 
to be idle." " You seem to me, father," said he, 
" to say, that as an idle husbandman is good for 
nothing, so is an idle general good for nothing. 
But, unless some god blast my endeavours, I 
take it on me to show you a diligent and ac- 
tive general, and soldiers well supplied with all 
things necessary, and to take care that their bo- 
dies shall be in the best condition. But with 
respect to the several military arts, father," said 
he, " in my opinion, he that should establish 
games in the several kinds, and propose certain 
rewards to such as should excel in them, would 
make them be best practised, so as to have 
them ready for use on occasion," " Child," said 
he, "you say very well ; for by doing this you 
will see the several orders and divisions of your 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



17 



men, like sets of dancers, always performing 
their proper parts." 

" But then," said Cyrus, " with respect to the 
raising of courage and spirit amongst the sol- 
diers ; I think nothing more effectual than to 
give the men great hopes of advantage." " But, 
child," said he, « this expedient is just as if any 
one in hunting should always encourage the 
dogs in the same manner that is used when the 
beast is in view ; for one that should do thus 
would have them very eager and ready at his 
encouragement at first, but, if he often deceiv- 
ed them, they would at last give no attention 
to his encouragement when the beast was 
really in his view. It is the same with respect 
to these hopes; if any one should balk men 
often, after having raised them to mighty ex- 
pectations, he would not at last be able to pre- 
vail with them, though he talked to them of 
hopes ever so real and well grounded. But, 
child," said he, " you must be very cautious in 
saying any thing that you do not very well 
know ; the same thing, sometimes, said by 
others, may do the business ; your own en- 
couragement you must with the utmost care 
preserve in credit for the greatest occasions." 
" Indeed, father," said Cyrus " in my opinion 
vou say perfectly well, and this way is to me 
much the more agreeable. 

«■ But, in the matter of rendering the soldiers 
obedient, I take myself, father, not to be un- 
skilled ; for presently, from a boy, you took 
me under discpline, and obliged me to be obe- 
dient to you ; then you gave me up to my 
teachers, and they did the same thing. Then, 
again, when I became one of the youth, our 
ruler took effectual care in this matter; and 
there are many laws that, in my opinion, tend 
chiefly to the teaching of these two things, how 
to govern, and how to obey ; and, on consider- 
ing them, I think I find that the most proper 
means to enforce obedience is to praise and re- 
compense the obedient, and to disgrace and 
punish the disobedient." " Indeed, child," 
said he, " to a forced obedience this is» the way ; 
but to a willing obedience, which is much the 
better, there is another way, and a readier ; for, 
whoever men take to be more knowing than 
themselves in what is for their interest and ad- 
vantage, such a one they obey with pleasure, 
This you may know to be true in many other 
cases, as well as particularly in that of sick 
people, who are mighty ready and zealous in 
sending for such as may prescribe what is fit for 
2* 



them to do : so at sea, the people that are on 
board are very ready and zealous to obey their 
pilots ; and travellers are extremely averse to 
part with such as they think know the roads 
better than themselves : but when men think 
that they shall be injured by their obedience, 
they will neither yield to punishments nor be 
raised by rewards ; for no one willingly takes a 
reward to his own prejudice." "You say, 
father," said he, " that nothing more effectually 
procures one obedience than to appear to have 
more wisdom and knowledge than those that 
one rules." " I do say so," said he. " And 
how, father," said he, » shall one be best able 
to raise such an opinion of one's self?" "Child," 
said he, « there is no readier way to appear wise 
and knowing in things wherein you desire to 
appear so, than to be in reality knowing in 
those things ; and considering the things in par- 
ticular, you will find that what I say is true : 
for if you would appear a good husbandman, a 
good horseman, a good physician, a good player 
on the flule, or any other artist whatever, when 
you really are not so, consider how many con- 
trivances you must use in order to appear so. 
And if you can prevail with a great many 
people to commend you that you may gain a 
reputation, and if you purchase fine instruments, 
and furniture belonging to each of the arts, you 
are then an impostor. And soon after, when 
you come to give proof of your skill, you 
would be convicted, and would appear an arro- 
gant boaster. But with respect to future time, 
and to what may or may not turn to advantage 
in the consequence, what is the way to make 
one's self in this really wise and knowing? It is 
plain, child," said he, " by learning every thing 
that one can acquire the knowledge of by 
learning, as you have learnt the tactic art ; but 
with respect to what is not to be learnt from 
men, nor attained to by human foresight, con- 
sulting the gods in such cases, by divination, 
you will make yourself more knowing than 
others : and what you find most proper to be 
done, you are to take care that it be done; for 
to see the execution of what is proper is more 
the part of a man of prudence than to neglect 
it." 

« But then," said Cyrus, « as to the being 
beloved by those that one rules, which is 
amongst the things that I take to be of the 
greatest importance, it is evident that the way 
is the same as it is to gain the love of friends : 
for >know very well that one ought to be seen 
C 



18 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[BOOH I. 



doing them service." « But, child," said he, 
" it is a matter of great difficulty to be always 
able to serve those that one has a mind to 
serve ; but to be observed to rejoice with them 
when any good fortune befals them, and to 
grieve with them when any thing ill ; to appear 
zealous to assist them in their distresses ; afraid 
lest they should miscarry in any thing ; and to 
endeavour to prevent this by care and circum- 
spection ; these are things that you ought rather 
to concur with them in. And in point of 
action, the commander ought to be observed to 
undergo more heat in the summer, and in the 
winter more cold, and in great fatigues more 
labour and pain than others ; for all these 
things contribute to the being beloved by those 
that are under one's government." " You say, 
father," said he, " that a commander ought, in 
all respects, to undergo more than those that 
he commands." " I do say it," said he ; « and 
be of good courage, child ; for be assured that 
bodies being alike, the same labours do not fall 
equally heavy on the commander and the pri 
vate man : for glory makes those labours lighter 
to the commander, and the being conscious to 
nimself that, in whatever he does, he does not 
lie concealed." 

" But then, father, when the soldiers are 
supplied with all things necessary ; when they 
are in health and able to undergo labour ; when 
they are skilful and well exercised in all the 
military arts ; when they are ambitious to ap- 
pear brave men ; when obedience is more 
pleasing to them than the contrary ; would you 
not think a man wise who should then desire, 
on the first opportunity, to bring them to an 
engagement with the enemy V* « Yes, truly," 
said he, " provided that he had the enemy at a 
proper advantage : but if otherwise, the better 
I thought of myself and the better I thought of 
my men, the more on my guard would I be ; 
and, as in other things that we think of greatest 
value to us, so in these we should endeavour to 
have them secured in the strongest manner." 

" And what is the best way, father, to take 
advantage of the enemy !" " Truly, child," 
said he, " this is no contemptible nor simple 
business that you inquire about. But be it 
known to you, that he who is to do this must 
be full of wiles, a dissembler, crafty, deceitful, 
a thief, and a robber, and must take advantage 
of his enemy in all manner of ways." Cyrus, 
laughing at this, cried out : " Ο Hercules ! 
what a man, father, do you say that I must be !" 



" Such a one, child," said he, « as may yet 
have the strictest regard to law and just?*e." 
" Why, then," said he, " while we were b*»vs, 
and while we were youths, did you teach us «he 
direct contrary 1 ?" " And so truly do we stiU," 
said he, " with respect to friends and fellow- 
citizens. But do you not know, that in order 
to injure enemies, you have learnt a great many 
mischievous arts 1" " Not I father," said he. 
" To what end then," said he, " did you learn 
the use of the bow, and to throw the javelinl 
To what end did you learn to deceive wild 
bears with toils ond trenches, and stags with 
snares and gins 1 What is the reason that in 
your encountering liohs, bears, and leopards, 
you did not put yourself on an even footing 
with them, but endeavour to take all advantages 
in engaging them ? Do you not know that 
these are all mischievous aitifices, deceits, sub- 
tleties, and taking of advantage?" " Yes, 
truly," said Cyrus, " against beasts ; but if 1 
was discovered intending to deceive a man, 1 
got a good many stripes for it." « Nor did 
we, I think," said he, " allow you to shoot 
with the bow, or shoot a javelin at a man ; but 
we taught you to throw at a mark, that you 
might not, at that time, do mischief to your 
friends, but that in case of war, you might be 
able to take your aim at men. And we in- 
structed you to practise deceits, and to take ad-, 
vantages not of men, but of beasts, that you 
might not hurt your friends by these means, but 
that in case a war should happen you might not 
be unpractised in them." * Therefore," said 
he, " father, if it be of use to know, both how 
to do men good, and how to do them harm, it 
ought to have been taught us how to practise 
both on men." " Child," said he, " in the time 
of our forefathers, there is said to have been a 
certain teacher of youth, who, just as you de- 
sire, taught the boys both to deal justly and 
unjustly ; to be true and to be false ; to deceive 
and not to deceive ; to practise calumny and 
not to practise it ; to take advantage and not 
to take advantage. And he distinguished wha: 
was to be practised towards friends, and what 
towards enemies ; and proceeding yet farther, 
he taught that it was just even to deceive 
friends, if it were done for their good ; and just 
to play the thief, and to steal from friends what 
belonged to them, if it were done for their 
good. And this teacher was obliged to exer- 
cise the boys one against another in the prac- 
tice of these things, as they say the Greeks 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



19 



teach to deceive in wrestling, and exercise the 
boys in it one against another, that they may 
know how to put it in practice. Some there- 
fore having so natural an aptness to deceive 
and take advantage, and perhaps no unnatural 
unaptness to make profit and advantage to 
themselves, did not refrain from using their 
endeavours to take advantages of friends. 
On this, therefore, a decree was made, which 
is yet in force among us, to teach the boys, 
simply and directly, as we teach our servants in 
their behaviour towards us, to tell truth, not to 
deceive, not to steal, not to take advantage ; 
and if they transgress in these things to punish 
them, that being so accustomed to these man- 
ners, they might become more mild and tract- 
able citizens. But when they come to the age 
that you now are at, to teach them what is law- 
ful with respect to enemies seemed what might 
be done securely ; for it did not seem probable 
that being bred together with a reverence for 
each other, you should afterwards break out so 
as to become wild and savage citizens ; just as 
we avoid discoursing concerning the affairs of 
the beautiful goddess before very young people, 
lest a freedom from restraint being added to a 
vehement desire, they should fall into a great 
excess in their dealing that way!" « To me, 
therefore," said he, " father, as being a very late 
learner of these artifices, do not refuse to teach 
them, if you know any, that I may take advan- 
tage of the enemy." " Do all, then," said he, 
" that is in your power, with your own men in 
the best order, to take the enemy in disorder ; 
the enemy unarmed, with your own men arm- 
ed ; the enemy sleeping, with your own men 
waking ; the enemy open and exposed to you, 
yourself being concealed and in the dark to 
them ; to fall on them while engaged in diffi- 
cult places, yourself being master of a place of 
strength." « And how," said he, « can one 
possibly catch the enemy making such mistakes 
as these 1" « Because, child," said he, " both 
the enemy and yourselves are obliged, by ne- 
cessity, to undergo many things of this kind : 
for you must both get provisions ; you must 
both necessarily have rest ; and in your marches 
you must make use of such roads as you find, 
whatever they are : considering all these things, 
in whatever part you know yourself to be the 
weakest, in that you must be the most watch- 
ful ; and in whatever part you observe the ene- 
my to be most exposed, in that you must at- 
tack him." 



« Is it in these things only," said Cyrus, « that 
advantages are to be taken, or may it be done 
in others 1" « It may be done in others, child," 
said he, " and more effectually ; for in these 
cases men for the most part place strong guards, 
knowing full well that they are necessary. 
They that would deceive the enemy may pos- 
sibly, by raising in them a confidence and se- 
curity, surprise them unguarded : or by letting, 
themselves be pursued, may bring the enemy in- 
to disorder, and enticing them on by their flight 
into a disadvantageous post, may there attack 
them. But you, child, who are fond of skill 
in all these affairs, must not make use of such 
things only as you have been informed of; you 
must be yourself the contriver of some strata- 
gems to put in practice against the enemy : for 
as musicians do not only deal in such songs as 
they have been taught, but endeavour to com- 
pose others ; and as in music such pieces as 
are new, and as one may say in flower, meet 
with success and approbation, so, in affairs of 
war, new contrivances are best approved, for 
they are most capable of deceiving the enemy. 
But, child," said he, « if you do no more than 
transfer to men those contrivances that you 
have used to ensnare little animals, do you not 
think," said he, " you will go a great way in the 
art of taking advantage of your enemy 1 for, in 
order to catch birds, you used to rise and go out 
in the night, in the hardest winter, and before 
the birds were stirring you had your nets ready 
laid for them ; and a moveable foundation was 
disguised, and made like an immoveable one ; 
you had birds ready taught to serve your ends, 
and to deceive those of their own kind; you 
yourself lay hid, but so as to see them, and not 
to be seen by them ; and you watched your op- 
portunity to draw your nets, and to prevent the 
birds escaping. Then, with respect to the 
hare, because she feeds in the dusk, and makes 
away to her form by day, you keep dogs ; some 
of them to find her by the scent ; and because 
she takes to her heels as soon as she is dis- 
covered, you have other dogs that are proper to 
take her at her course ; and if she escapes these, 
then, having before discovered the meshes, and 
to what part the hare chooses to run, in these 
places you lay nets that are hardly to be seen, 
that in the eagerness of her course, throw- 
ing herself into the net, she may be ham- 
pered ; and that she may not escape this snare, 
you set people to watch what passes ; and 
these, from some places near, are presently on 



20 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



[book i. 



her ; you yourself follow her, you astonish and 
amaze her with clamour and noise, that never 
quits her, so that in this distraction she is taken ; 
and you make those that are set to watch lie 
concealed, with instructions beforehand to be 
perfectly still and silent. As I said before, 
therefore, if you would form some such contri- 
vances against men, I do not know that you 
would leave one enemy alive. But if there 
is a necessity to fight on even terms with re- 
spect to situation, openly, and both parties pre- 
pared and, armed, in such a case, child, those 
advantages that you have been long before pro- 
vided with are of great weight ; I mean those 
when the bodies of your men are duly exercised, 
their minds keen, and all the soldiers' arts well 
practised. Besides, it is very necesssry that 
you should know, that whoever they are that 
you desire should be obedient to you, they, on 
their part, will desire you to be provident and 
careful of them ; therefore never be remiss, but 
consider at night what your men shall do when 
it is day ; and consider in the day how matters 
may be on the best footing with respect to the 
passing of the night. But as to the forming 
your army for battle ; the marching them, 
either by day or by night, through narrow or 
through open ways, through mountains or 
plains ; how to encamp ; how to place your 
guards and watches, both by night and day ; 
how to lead towards the enemy ; how to retreat 
from them ; how to march by a city belonging 
to the enemy ; how to march up to a rampart, 
and to retreat from it ; how to pass woods or 
rivers ; how to be on the guard, either against 
horse or against men armed with javelin or bow : 
and if, when you are marching by way of either 
wing, the enemy should appear, how to form a 
front against them ; and if you are marching by 
your front, and that the enemy appear in another 
part and not in front ; how to lead against 
them ; how to get the best intelligence of the 
enemy's affairs, and how best to conceal your 
own from them. In all these matters, what 
can I say to you? You have often heard from 
me all that I knew of them ; and, besides, who 



ever you have thqught knowing in any of these 
affairs, you have not neglected to take their 
information, nor are you unskilled in them ; 
therefore, according to the several occurrences, 
you must always make use of these things as 
they appear to be your advantage. And take 
my instruction, child," said he, « likewise in 
these things, and which are of the greatest im- 
portance : Never engage either yourself or the 
army in any thing contrary to the sacrifices and 
auguries ; reflecting how men have chosen to 
engage in certain actions at hazard, and without 
knowing at all on which side of the choice they 
should meet with their advantage. This you 
may be convinced of by things that often hap- 
pen ; there are many instances of men, and 
they such as have been thought the wisest, who 
have persuaded some to begin a war against 
others, who have destroyed those that had been 
persuaded to be the aggressors. There are 
instances of many who have raised both cities 
and private men, and have suffered the greatest 
misfortunes at the hand of those they had so 
raised. There are instances of many who, 
when they might have used others as their 
friends in a mutual intercourse of good offices, 
and who, choosing to hold them rather as 
slaves than as friends, have met with revenge 
and punishment at their hands. Many, who, 
not liking to live contentedly, possessing a part, 
and affecting to be lords of all, have by this 
means lost what was their own : and many 
who have acquired the much-wished-for metal 
gold, have been destroyed by it. So human 
wisdom knows no more how to choose the best, 
than one who should determine to act as chance 
and the lot should decide. The gods, child, 
who are eternal, know all things that have been, 
all things that are, and all that shall happen in 
consequence of every thing ; and when men 
consult them, they signify to those that they are 
propitious to what they ought to do, and what 
not And if they will not give advice to all, 
it is nowise wonderful ; for they are not under 
any necessity to take care of those of whom 
they are not willing ti> take rare." 



XENOPHON 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



BOOK II. 






CONTENTS of BOOK II. 



Cyrus arrives with his army in Media — His conversations with Cyaxares — Exercises a\s soldiers with new wea- 
pons., and rouses their emulation hy proposing proportionate rewards to them — II. His plans for improving 
the army adopted — Gives instruction to all. and weeds out such as are vicious and slotbfo.— Invites those who 
exercise well to supper — His agreeable manner of entertaining them. — III. IV. Goad effects of the plans of 
Cyrus — His obedience to Cyaxares — disposes his army for the view of the Indian ambassadors — Tempts Cya- 
xares to make war on Armenia, and is supplied with a force — Prepares for the exoeeinae— His naerifice, ado- 
ration, and happy omens— Arrives on the Armenian borders— Disguises hie deeifcr by ijissfc— Hi* ssessage to the 
prince of Armenia, his march and orders to his soldiers. 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



BOOK II. 



I. Discoursing in this manner, they arriv- 
ed at the borders of Persia, when an eagle 
appearing to the right, led the way before them. 
And when they had made their supplications 
to the gods and heroes, guardians of Persia, 
to dismiss them favourably and propitiously, 
they passed the borders. When they had pas 
sed then they again made supplication to the 
gods, guardians of Media, to receive them 
propitiously and favourably ; and having done 
this, and embraced each other, as usual, the 
father returned into Persia, and Cyrus marched 
on into Media to Cyaxares.* 

When Cyrus came to Cyaxares in Media, 
they first embraced each other, as usual, and 
Cyaxares afterwards asked Cyrus, " What 
force he was to bring him." He replied, 
" Thirty thousand of such as have been before 
with you, and served for their pay ; but there 
are others coming, who have never yet served 
out of their own country, and are of the order 
of those that are free, and equally entitled to 
all honours." " And how many of these V 
said Cyaxares. " The number of them," re- 
plied Cyrus, " will not please you, when you 
hear it : but consider," said he, " that those 
who are called the alike-honoured, though but 
few, rule with ease the rest of the Persians, 
who are very numerous. But," said he, " are 
you in any real want of these men, or are you 
under a vain alarm, and the enemy not com- 
ing Ϋ" « Indeed they are," said he, " and in 



!■• * This was the second prince of that name, supposed 
to be the same with the Darius of Scripture. He was 
descended from Cyaxares the First, king of Media and 
Persia, in whose reign the Scythians, who had held 
possession of a great portion of his territories for thirty 
years, were destroyed by stratagem. The Scythians 
are said to have been invited to a feast, and slain when 
in a state of intoxication. This latter prince also con- 
quered and destroyed the city of Nineveh, in conjunction 
with Nebuchadnezzar. 



great numbers." "How does this appear!' 
" Why, a great many people who come from 
thence, some by one means and some by 
another, all say the same thing ; then engage 
with these men we must : we must of necessi- 
ty," said he. « Well, then," said Cyrus " why 
do you not tell me whether you know what 
these forces are that are coming on us, and 
what we have of our own, that being apprised 
of both, we may afterwards consult how to 
carry on the war in the best manner V « At- 
tend, then," said Cyaxares: "Croesus, the 
Lydian, is said to bring with him ten thousand 
horse ; targeteers and archers upwards of forty 
thousand. They say that Arasmas, who go- 
verns the Greater Phrygia, brings eight thou- 
sand horse ; targeteers and lance-men not less 
than forty thousand. The Aribsesus, king of 
the Cappadocians, brings six thousand horse ; 
archers and targeteers not less than thirty 
thousand. The Arabian Maragdus, ten thou- 
sand horse, one hundred chariots, and of sling- 
ers a very considerable body. As to the 
Greeks that are settled in Asia, there is nothing 
said of certain whether they attend the expedi- 
tion or no. They say that Gabseus, who 
rules those that inhabit the country that ex- 
tends from Phrygia on the Hellespont to the 
plain of Cayster, contributes six thousand 
horse, and ten thousand targeteers. The 
Carians, Cilicians, and Paphlagonians, though 
invited, they say do not attend the expedition. 
The Assyrians, who possess Babylon, and the 
rest of Assyria, will, as I judge, bring no less 
than twenty thousand horse; chariots, as I 
know very well, not more than two hundred ; 
but I believe a vast body of foot : for so he is 
accustomed to do when he falls in on us." 
" The enemy then," said Cyrus, " you say, 
amount to sixty thousand horse, and to more 
than two hundred thousand targeteers and 

23 



24 



XENOPHON ON THE 



Lbook 11. 



archers. To proceed, then, what do you say 
is the number of your own forces?" "The 
Median horse are above ten thousand : and of 
targeteers and archers there may be, perhaps, 
in our own territories, about sixty thousand ; 
and of the Armenians, our neighbours, we 
shall have four thousand horse and twenty 
thousand foot." " You say, then," said Cyrus, 
" that we shall have in horse less than a third 
part of the enemy's force of that sort, and 
scarce half the number of their foot." " What !" 
said Cyaxares, " do you think those Persians, 
that you say you bring, are but an inconsider- 
able number ?" " We will take another time," 
said Cyrus, " to consider whether we want 
men or no : at present, pray tell me what is 
the method of fighting that is in use with those 
several people." " They almost all," said 
Cyaxares, " use the same : some of their men, 
as well as of our own, use the bow, and others 
the javelin." " Then," said Cyrus, " since 
such are their arms, they must necessarily en- 
gage at a distance." " Necessarily," said 
Cyaxares. " In this case, therefore," said 
Cyrus, « the victory falls to the greater num- 
ber ; for the few, wounded by those weapons, 
are much sooner destroyed by the many, than 
the many by the few." " If it be so, Cyrus," 
said he, " what way can one find better than to 
send to the Persians, acquaint them that if the 
Medes sustain any loss the misfortune will 
reach to themselves, and, at the same time, 
to require from them a greater force ?" " Be 
assured," said Cyrus, " that if all the Persians 
should come, we should not exceed the enemy 
in numbers." " What have you in view then 
that is better?" " Why," said Cyrus, « if I 
were you, I would immediately make for all 
the Persians that are coming such arms as 
those men, that are called the alike-honoured, 
come provided with ; and these are, a corslet 
about the breast, a shield for the left hand, and 
a sword, or cutlass, for the right. If you pro- 
vide these arms, you will make it the safest 
way for us to come to close fight with the 
enemy ; and better for the enemy to fly than 
to stand their ground. For our own station," 
said he, " we appoint against those that stand 
their ground ; and those that fly we allot to 
you and to your horse, that they may not have 
time to make their escape or . to turn again." 
Thus Cyrus spoke. Cyaxares was of opinion 
that he said very right, and he thought no long- 
er of sending for more men, but applied him- 



self to the providing of the arms before men- 
tioned ; and they were scarce got ready before 
the Persian gentlemen, or alike-honoured, ar- 
rived, bringing the Persian army with them. 

On this Cyrus is said to have called the gen- 
tlemen together, and to have spoken to them 
thus : " Friends ! I, who saw that your persons 
were armed, and your minds prepared for close 
fight with your enemy, and knew that the Per- 
sians who attend you were armed in such man- 
ner as to engage only at a distance, was afraid 
that being but few in number, and destitute 
of others to support you, when you fell in with 
the great number of the enemy, you might come 
by some misfortune. Now, therefore," said 
he, " that you are come, and bring with you 
men whose bodies are not contemptible, and 
who are to be supplied with arms like our own, 
to raise their minds is now your part. For it 
is the business of a commander not only to be 
himself brave, but to take such care of those 
that he rules, that they may be made as brave 
as is possible." Thus he said. 

They were all much pleased, imagining they 
should now engage the enemy with more to 
assist and support them. And one of them 
spoke to this effect : " Perhaps," said he, " I 
shall be thought to talk strangely, if I advise 
Cyrus, instead of us, to say sometbing to these 
men, who are to be our supports and fellow- 
combatants, when they receive their arms ; for 
I know," said he, " that the words of those 
who have the most power to do service or to 
do hurt, sink deeper into the minds of the 
hearers. And the presents that such men 
make, though they happen to be less than what 
men may receive from others like themselves, 
yet the receivers value them more. So now," 
said he, "the Persians will be much more 
pleased if they receive an exhortation from 
Cyrus, than if they receive it from us. And 
when they are placed in the degree of the alike- 
honoured, they will think themselves more 
strongly confirmed in it, if done by the son of 
our king, and by our commander-in-chief, than 
if they are introduced to it by us. Nor ought 
our endeavours to be wanting ; but we should 
use all possible means to excite and raise the 
courage of these men ; for how much soevei 
they become braver and better men, it will be 
so much the more to our advantage." 

So Cyrus, setting down the arms in a place 
exposed to view, and calling together all the 
Persian soldiers spoke to this effect : ■ Men 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



25 



of Persia ! you were born and bred in the same 
country that we were ; you have bodies that 
are nowise inferior to ours, and you ought to 
have souls too not inferior to ours. And yet, 
though such you are in yourselves, in our own 
country you were not on an equal footing with 
us. Not that you were excluded from it by 
us, but by the necessity you were under of 
providing yourselves with necessaries. Now, 
with the help of the gods, it shall be my care 
that you shall be supplied with these. And 
even though you may be in any sort inferior to 
us, yet by accepting these arms, that are such 
as we have ourselves, it is in your power, if 
you will, to run the same hazards with us ; 
and, ifany thing great and advantageous happen 
to us on it, to be thought worthy of like ad- 
vantages with ourselves. Heretofore you have 
used the Tbow and the javelin; we have done 
the same ; and if you are inferior to us in the 
practise of these, it is not at all wonderful ; for 
you have not had the leisure that we have had 
to exercise yourselves in them. But, in this 
sort of arms, we have no advantage above you, 
for every one will have a corslet fitted to his 
breast, for the left hand a shield which you 
are all accustomed to wear ; and, for the right, 
a sword or cutlass, which you are to use against 
the enemy ; not needing to be mindful of any 
thing but how not to miss your blow. Under 
these arms, therefore, what difference can there 
be between one and another amongst us, unless 
it be in boldness, in which you ought not to be 
inferior to us 1 How should it be our part 
more than yours to bff"desirous of victory, by 
which all things great and advantageous are ad- 
quired and preserved 1 How can superiority 
of arms be less necessary to you than to us, 
when it is by this that all the conquered possess 
becomes yielded to the victors 1" In conclu- 
sion he said : " You have heard all these 
things ; you, all of you, see your arms ; he that 
thinks fit, let him take them, and enlist him- 
self under his officer into the same order and 
degree with us. He that thinks it enough for 
him to be in the station of a mercenary, let 
him continue under servile arms." Thus he 
said. The Persians who heard him were of 
opinion, that if, when they were invited to an 
equal share of all advantages, by sharing in 
like labours, they should not agree to it, they 
should then justly pass all their days in a mean 
and low condition. So they were all enlisted, 
and all took the arms. 
3 



During the time that the enemy was said to 
be approaching, but did not actually come, Cy- 
rus endeavoured to exercise the bodies of his 
men, in order to give them strength and vigour ; 
to teach them how to form themselves, and to 
move in proper order, and to raise their minds 
to warlike affairs. And, in the first place, 
being supplied with servants by Cyaxares, he 
ordered them to supply all the soldiers with 
every thing, ready-made, that they wanted. 
And having provided for this, he left them 
nothing to do but to practise such things as 
related to war, seeming to have learned this 
maxim, that those men were best at any thing 
who, taking off their minds from application 
to many things, apply themselves to one busi- 
ness singly. And of affairs that relate to war, 
cutting them off from the practice of the bow 
and javelin, he left them only this one thing to 
do, which was to fight with sword, shield, and 
corslet. So that he presently brought their 
minds to this state, that they found they were 
either to engage their enemy hand to hand, or 
to confess that they were very worthless sup- 
ports and fellow combatants. And this was a 
difficult thing to be owned by such as knew they 
were maintained for nothing else but to fight 
for those that maintained them. Besides, hav- 
ing considered that, whatever the things are 
-wherein men are raised to an emulation one 
against another, those are the things they are 
most willing to exercise themselves in, he ap- 
pointed them to contend and vie with each 
other in all those kinds of things that he knew 
were fit to be exercised and practised by the 
soldiers. 

The things he so appointed were these ; to 
the private man, to make himself a good sol- 
dier, obedient to his commanders; ready to 
undergo labour ; to be enterprising in dangers, 
but consistently with good order ; to be skilful 
in the military exercises ; fond of having his 
arms beautiful and in good condition ; and in 
all such matters desirous of praise. To the 
leader of five, to make himself such as it be- 
came the private man to be ; and to do his ut- 
most to make his five likewise such. To the 
leader of ten, to make his ten such. To the 
captain to do the same for his company ; the 
colonel for his regiment ; and in the same man- 
ner, to the rest of the commanding officers, to 
render themselves unexceptionable and blame- 
less ; and to take care that those who were 
under their command should, in their several 
D 



36 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II- 



stations, make those under them ready to do 
their duties. The rewards he proposed in this 
contention were these ; to the colonels, who, 
by their care, appeared to have made themselves 
the best regiments, to be made commanders of 
a thousand ; to the captains, who appeared to 
have made themselves the best companies, to 
be made colonels ; to the leaders of ten, that 
approved themselves the best, to be advanced 
to the degree of captains ; and to the leaders 
of five, in like manner to be advanced to the 
degree of leaders of ten : and to the private 
men that behaved best, to be advanced to the 
degree of leaders of five. In the first place, 
therefore, all these officers were well served by 
those they commanded, and then all those 
other honours, suitable to every one, attended 
them. He likewise gave greater hopes to those 
who deserved praise, in case any more than 
ordinary advantage should on occasion fall in 
their way.• He proposed also certain rewards 
of victory to whole regiments and companies. 
So likewise to whole tens and fives, if they 
appeared to be the most obedient to their com- 
manders, and to perform the things before- 
mentioned with the greatest ardour and readi- 
ness ; and the rewards to these were such as 
were the most proper to be bestowed in com- 
mon on a number of men. These were the 
things that were proposed to the army, and 
exercised amongst them. 

Tents he likewise provided for them, as 
many in number as were the colonels, and of 
a size such as was sufficient for each regiment ; 
and a regiment consisted of a hundred men. 
Thus they were quartered in tents by regi- 
ments. And it seemed to him to be of use to 
his men, in the war that was coming on, that, 
by thus inhabiting together, they saw each 
other maintained alike ; and there was no pre- 
tence of lying under a disadvantage, so as to 
allow any one to be remiss, or one to be worse 
than another, in acting against the enemy. It 
seemed to him likewise that this joint habita- 
tion was of use to them with respect to their 
knowing one another ; for, by being known, 
he thought that a sense of shame and reproach 
took more place on all ; for they who are un- 
known seem to act with less caution and re- 
straint, as men do who are in the dark. And 
this cohabitation seemed to him to be of great 
service to his men with respect to exactness in 
their orders : for thus the colonels had their 
several regiments in order under them in their 



sleep, just as when a regiment is in a body on 
the march ; so the captains their companies ; 
the commanders of tens their tens ; and the 
commanders of five their five : and this exact- 
ness in their orders seemed to him to be of 
great service, both to prevent their being put 
into disorder, and, if disordered to settle them- 
selves more readily into order again ; just as in 
the case of stones and pieces of wood that are 
to be fitted together, which, if they have certain 
marks to make it evident to what place each of 
them belongs, one may with ease fit together 
again, into whatever irregular form they may 
have been thrown. And their being thus main- 
tained together, he thought, was of service to 
them, in order to make them less ready to de- 
sert each other; because he observed that 
beasts that had their maintenance together were 
in great pain if separated by any one. 

Cyrus also took care that they should never 
go to their dinner or supper without a sweat ; 
for he either led them out to hunt, and gave 
them a sweat that way, or he contrived such 
sports for them as would put them into one ; 
or if any business happened that was to be 
done, he so managed it that they should not 
return without sweating; for this he judged to 
be of service, in order to make them eat with 
pleasure, and to make them healthy, and to 
make them able to undergo labour : and labour 
he judged to be of use in making them more 
gentle one towards another, because even 
horses, that labour jointly together, stand like- 
wise more gently and tamely together. And 
they, who are conscious to themselves of being 
duly exercised, are inspired with more bravery 
and courage against the enemy. 

Cyrus likewise provided himself with a tent 
sufficient to contain those that he invited to 
sup with him : he invited, for the most part, 
such of the colonels as he thought proper ; but 
he sometimes invited some of the captains, 
some of the commanders of ten, and some of 
the commanders of five ; sometimes some of 
the soldiers, and sometimes a whole five, a 
whole ten, a whole company, or a whole regi- 
ment together. He invited them likewise, and 
rewarded those that he saw practise any such 
thing as he desired all the others should imitate. 
And the things that were set before himself, 
and before those that he invited to supper were 
always alike. He always made the servants of 
the army likewise equal sharers in all things ; 
for he thought it was not less becoming him to 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



27 



reward those who served in the concerns of the 
army, than to reward heralds and ambassadors ; 
for he was of opinion that they ought to be 
faithful, skilled in military affairs, and intelli- 
gent, as well as zealous in their business, quick 
of despatch, diligent and orderly. Besides, 
whatever good quality they had, who were ac- 
counted the better sort, that Cyrus thought the 
servants ought to be possessed of; and that it 
was their duty to bring themselves, by practice, 
to refuse no work, but to think it becoming 
them to do all things whatever that their com- 
manders should enjoin. 

II. And Cyrus always took care that while 
he entertained any of them in his tent, the most 
agreeable subjects of discourse, and such as 
might excite them to good, should be thrown 
in amongst them. On a certain occasion, 
therefore, he began this discourse : " Friends !" 
said he, " are other men, think you, any ways 
inferior to us, by reason of their not being dis- 
ciplined in the same manner as we are ? or will 
they prove not to differ from us at all, either 
in their converse with each other or in action 
against the enemy?" Hystaspes, in answer to 
him, said : « What they may prove to be in 
action against the enemy I do not yet know ; 
but by the gods ! some of them seem already 
to be very perverse and churlish in their con- 
versation ; for yesterday," said he, " Cyaxares 
sent certain victims to every regiment ; and we 
had every one of us three portions or more, 
that were carried and distributed around. Our 
cook began his first distribution by me, when 
the person who was to make the second distri- 
bution entered ; I bade him begin with the last 
man, and carry round the contrary way. One, 
therefore, from the middle of the circle of sol- 
diers as they lay, cried out: < By Jove!' said 
he, * there's no manner of equality or fairness 
in this, Unless somebody begin from us here in 
the middle.' I, hearing this, was uneasy that 
any of them should think they lay under a dis- 
advantage, and I presently bade him come to 
me ; in this he, in a very orderly manner, obey- 
ed me ! but when the portions that were dis- 
distributing came to us, who were to take last, 
they were the least that were left ; he then 
plainly discovered himself to be very much af- 
flicted, and said to himself, * Oh, ill fortune ! 
that I should happen to be called hither!' I 
then said to him, <■ Do not be disturbed ; it will 
begin presently by us, and you shall take first 
the biggest portion.' At the third going about, 



which was the last turn, he took the next after 
me ; but as soon as the third person had taken, 
he fancied that this man had taken a larger 
portion than himself, and he drew back that 
he had taken, intending to take another; 
but the cook, thinking that he wanted no more 
meat, moved on, distributing around, before he 
took another portion. Here he bore so ill the 
misfortune of losing the portion he had taken, 
that being struck and in wrath at his ill fortune, 
he misplaced and overtuned some sauce he had 
remaining. A captain who was the nearest us, 
seeing this, clapped his hands, and laughed out, 
much delighted ; I," said Hystaspes, « made as 
if I coughed, for I was not able to hold from 
laughing. Cyrus," said he, " such a one do I 
show you one of our companions to be." On 
this, as was natural, they laughed. 

Another of the colonels then spoke. "Cyrus," 
said he, " this Hystaspes, it seems, has met 
with one of a very perverse temper ; but as you 
instructed us in the order and discipline we 
were to observe, and dismissed us with com- 
mands to instruct every one his regiment in 
the things he had learned from you ; so I, as 
others did, came to a certain company, and was 
teaching them ; and placing the captain first, 
and then a young man in order after him, and 
so the rest, as I thought proper ; and then, 
standing before them, and looking on the com- 
pany, when I thought it proper time, I gave 
the command to advance. This young man, 
advancing before the captain, marched first ; I, 
seeing him do thus, said to him; «Friend, 
what are you doing V The man said : 'Why, I, 
advance as you command me.' < But,' said I, 
< I did not command only you to advance, but 
all;' then, turning to his companions ; < Do not 
you hear,' said he, < that the colonel commands 
you all to advance?' Then all of them passing 
the captain by, came up to me ; but when the 
the captain made them retire back they were 
offended, and said, < Whom are we to obey 1 for 
one bids us to advance, and another will not 
suffer us to do it.' Bearing all this content- 
edly, and placing them as at first, I told them 
that none of those behind should move till he 
that was before him led the way, but that 
they should all mind only to follow their 
leading man. In the meantime there came to 
me a certain person that was going to Persia, 
and he bade me give him the letter I had writ, 
ten home : now the captain knew where the 
letter lay : I bade him therefore run and fetch 



28 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II. 



this letter. He ran his way : the young man, 
armed as he was, with corslet and sword, fol- 
lowed after his captain ; the rest of his com- 
pany, seeing him run, ran off with him ; and all 
of them came back again, and brought me the 
letter. Thus," said he, " is this company of 
mine mighty exact in executing ail the instruc- 
tions they receive from you." The rest, as was 
natural, laughed at this guard and attendance 
on the letter : but Cyrus said : " Ο Jove, and 
all your gods ! what men have we for our com- 
panions ! They are so easily served, that many 
of them might be made one's friend for a little 
portion of meat ; and they are so obedient, that 
they obey before they understand what they are 
ordered to do. For my part, I do not know 
what sort of men we would wish the soldiers 
to be, unless it be just such!" And Cyrus 
thus, in laughing, praised the soldiers. 

There happened at that time to be in the 
tent a certain colonel, his name was Aglaitadas, 
a churlish and austere sort of. man in his man- 
ners ; and he spoke thus : " Do you think, now, 
Cyrus," said he, " that these men tell you the 
truth V " Why, what end," said Cyrus, « have 
they in lying!" " What else," said he, « but 
to make you laugh 1 and, for this reason, they 
tell you these stories in a vain arrogant way." 
" Good words, pray !" said Cyrus: " do not 
say that they are vain and arrogant ; for the 
word arrogant seems to me to lie on such as 
feign themselves richer or braver than they 
really are, and pretend to do what they are not 
able to do ; and that plainly act thus, in order 
to get something, and make profit to them- 
selves. They that move their companions to 
laughter, and do it neither for their own gain 
nor to the hearer's prejudice, nor with intent to 
do any manner of harm, why may not such be 
called polite and agreeable, much rather than 
arrogant?" «Thus did Cyrus apologise for 
such as aiForded matter of laughter. The 
colonel, then, who had told the pleasant story 
of the company of soldiers, said : " If we en- 
deavoured, Aglaitadas, to make you cry, would 
you not blame us very much 1 as there are some 
who, in songs and discourses, uttering certain 
melancholy notes and things, endeavour to move 
people by tears. But now, though you your- 
self know that we are desirous to give you 
pleasure, and not in the least to hurt you, yet 
you hold us thus in great disgrace !" « By 
Jove !" said Aglaitadas, " I do, and justly ; be- 
cause in my opinion, he that makes his friend | 



laugh does a much more worthless and insigni- 
ficant thing than he who makes him cry : and 
you will find, if you reckon right, that I say 
true. Fathers bring their sons to a discreet 
and modest temper of mind, and teachers their 
youth to all good learning, by tears ; and it is 
by affliction and tears that the laws influence 
citizens to justice in their conduct. But can 
you possibly say that your movers of laughter 
either do any service to the bodies of men, or 
form their minds to a better sense of their 
duty, with respect to their private families, or 
to the public'?" On this Hystaspes spoke in 
this manner; "Aglaitadas," said he, "if you 
will follow my advice, you shall boldly lay out 
this very valuable thing on our enemies, and 
you shall endeavour to set them crying ; but 
that worthless thing, laughter, you shall spend 
on us," said he, " here, amongst your friends. 
I know you have a great deal of it that lies by 
you in store ; for you neither use nor spend it 
yourself, nor do you willingly afford laughter 
either to your friends or to strangers : so that 
you have no manner of pretence to refuse be- 
stowing it on us." « Then," said Aglaitadas, 
" do you endeavour to get it out of me." And 
the leader of the company said : " By Jove, 
then, he is a fool indeed ! for I believe one may 
strike fire out of you more easily than draw 
laughter from you." At this the other laugh 
ed, knowing the temper of the man ; and Ag- 
laitadas himself smiled at it : Cyrus, seeing 
him pleased, said. " Indeed, captain, you are 
in the wrong to corrupt the most serious man 
we have, by tempting him to laugh ; and, to do 
this," said he, " to one who is so great an ene- 
my to laughter !" Here ended this subject of 
discourse. 

After this Chrysantas spoke thus : " But, 
Cyrus," said he, " I, and all that are here 
present, consider that there are come hither 
with us men, who have some of them more 
merit and some less ; and, if any advantage 
fall in our way, they will all think themselves 
entitled to an equal share of it : but, for my 
part, I do not think that any thing can be more 
unequal amongst men, than that the good and 
the bad should be entitled to equal advantages." 
Cyrus to this said : " By the gods, then, 
friends ! it were best for us to give this out, 
and propose it to be debated in the army, whe 
ther they think it proper, if in consequence of 
our labours the gods give us any advantage, 
that all should share alike in it ; or that, ex- 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



29 



aminiug the actions of every one, we should 
give to each rewards proportionable V* " But 
why" said Chrysantas, " should you give this 
out to be discoursed on, and not declare that 
you will have it so 1 Did not you declare," 
said he, " what the soldiers should contend and 
vie with each other in, and what the rewards of 
the contention should be 1" » But by Jove !" 
said Cyrus, » these matters and those are not 
alike : for what they shall acquire by their ser- 
vice, that, I believe, they will reckon common 
to all ; but the command of the army they take 
to be mine, even from the first setting out : so 
that in appointing officers, I believe, they think 
I do them no wrong." " And do you think," said 
Chrysantas, " that the multitude assembled 
will ever decree that every one shall not have 
his equal share, but that the best shall have the 
advantage in profits and honours?" " I do 
think it," said Cyrus ; " partly because of your 
assistance in it, and partly because it is infa- 
mous to assert, that he who labours most for the 
public, and does it most service, is not entitled 
to the greatest rewards ; and, I believe, that 
the very worst of our men will think it of ser- 
vice to them that the best should have the ad- 
vantage." 

Cyrus had a mind that this should be pub- 
licly decreed, even on account of the alike- 
honoured ; for he thought that they would be 
yet better men, if they knew that they them- 
selves were to be judged by their actions, and 
rewarded accordingly. This therefore seemed 
to him to be the proper opportunity to put it 
to the vote, whilst the alike-honoured were dis- 
satisfied with the claim of the multitude to 
equality of shares. So it was the current opi- 
nion of those in the tent to give out the dis- 
course on the subject ; and they said that every 
one who thought it his part to. act like a man 
ought to give his assistance in it. On this one 
of the colonels laughed, and said : " I know," 
said he, " a man, one of the common people, 
who will help to justify this opinion, that this 
equality of shares, without distinction, ought 
not to be." Another asked him, " Whom he 
meant!" He replied :« Truly, he is one of 
my own tent, and is on every occasion seeking 
to get the advantage and upper hand of others." 
Another then asked : " And does he seek it in 
labour and taking pains]" «No, by Jove!" 
said he, " not in that ; but here you have 
caught me in a lie, for, with respect to labour 
and things of that kind, he always contentedly 
3* 



allows any one to get the upper hand of him 
that will." 

"Friends," said Cyrus, " my judgment is, 
that such men as this person speaks of ought 
to be weeded out of the army, if we intend to 
preserve it in its virtue and vigour, and to ren- 
der the soldiers obedient ; for the soldiers seem 
to me to be such as will follow where any one 
shall lead them the way : good and excellent 
men certainly endeavour to lead to things good 
and excellent, vicious men to things vicious, 
and corrupt men have often more abettors than 
the sober and industrious : for vice, that takes 
its course through present pleasures, has these 
pleasures to assist in persuading the multitude 
to abet it; but virtue, that moves upwards, has 
not strength enough in present occasions to draw 
men without distinction after it, especially if 
there are others in opposition to it that exhort 
men to follow the prone and easy track. They 
therefore who are faulty on account of sloth and 
indolence, these I reckon, like drones, are bur- 
densome to their companions only by the ex- 
pense of maintaining them ; but active asso- 
ciates in vice, who prosecute their interest with 
industry and impudence, these are the leaders 
of men to vicious courses ; for they often have 
it in their power to show them that vice will 
be serviceable to their interest ; so that such 
men must be entirely weeded out. Then, pray 
do not consider how to recruit your regiments 
with your own countrymen ; but, as in horses, 
you look for those that are the best, and not for 
those that are of your own country, so of men, 
take such as you think will most contribute to 
your strength and good order. And that it 
will be to our advantage to do so, this will bear 
me testimony, that neither is a chariot swift, if 
it have but slow horses ; nor is it true, if joined 
to vicious and unmanageable ones : nor can a 
family be well regulated that uses vicious ser- 
vants ; but a family that wants servants is less 
injured than one that is confounded by unjust 
ones. And be it known to you, friends, that 
the turning out of the vicious will not only be 
of advantage to you in their being out of the 
way, but of those that remain ; they who have 
had vice instilled into them will discharge them- 
selves of it again ; and the good, seeing the 
vicious punished, will adhere to virtue with 
much more warmth and zeal." Thus he said. 
All his friends were of opinion with him, and 
did accordingly. 

After this Cyrus began again to set jest and 



30 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II. 



merriment on foot ; for observing that one of 
the captains had brought with him a fellow- 
guest, and had placed him next to himself, 
that the man was excessively rough and hairy, 
and very ugly, he called the captain by his 
name, and spoke thu^ ; " Sambaulas," said he, 
" that young man that lies next to you, do you 
carry him about with you, according to the 
Greek custom, because he is handsome 1" 
" No, by Jove !" said Sambaulas ; " but I am 
pleased with his conversation, and even with 
looking at him." They that were present in 
the tent, on hearing this, looked at the man, 
and when they saw that his face was excessive- 
ly ugly, they all laughed ; and one of them 
said : " In the name of all the gods, Sambau- 
las, by what piece of service has this man so 
tied himself to you?" He said: " By Jove ! 
friends I will tell you : whenever I have call- 
ed on him, either by night or by day, he never 
pretended want of leisure, never obeyed lazily, 
but always ran to his business with the utmost 
despatch : as often as I have ordered him to do 
a thing, I never saw him execute it without 
putting himself into a heat ; and he has made 
the whole twelve such as himself, not showing 
them in word, but in action, what they ought 
to be." Then somebody said : " Since he is 
such an extraordinary man, do you not embrace 
him as you do relations 1" And to this the 
homely person replied : " No, by Jove !" said 
he, " for he is not one of those that are fond 
of labour and pains ; and to embrace me would 
be as much to him as if he underwent the 
greatest toil." 

III. Such kind of discourse and things, 
both merry and serious, passed amongst them 
in the tent. And having at last performed 
the third libation, and made their prayers to the 
gods for their blessings, they broke up their 
company in the tent, in order to go to rest. 

The next day Cyrus assembled all the sol- 
diers, and spoke to them to this effect : 
" Friends ! the conflict is at hand, for the 
enemies are approaching; the rewards of our 
victory, if we conquer, it is evident are our 
enemies themselves, and their fortunes. On 
the other hand, if we are conquered (for this 
ought always to be mentioned,) thus likewise 
do the fortunes of the conquered stand exposed 
as the rewards of the conquerors. Therefore, 
thus," said he, " you ought to determine with 
yourselves, that when men are united as asso- 
ciates in war, if every one within himself 



makes account that nothing will be as it ought 
to be, unless every one be inspired with zeal 
and ardour, they then presently perform things 
great and noble ; for nothing of what is proper 
to be done is, in this case, neglected. But 
when every one imagines that another is to 
fight and act, though he himself play the drone, 
be it known to you," said he, " that with such 
the success of things will be unhappy to them 
all. The gods have so established it ; to those 
who will not impose on themselves the task 
of labouring for their own advantage, they 
give other task-masters. Now, therefore," 
said he, " let some one stand up, and speak to 
this point ; whether he think that virtue will 
be the better practised amongst us, if he, who 
chooses to undergo the greatest toil and run 
the greatest hazards, obtain the greatest re- 
wards 1 or if we all see that the worthless man 
lies under no disadvantage, but that all of us 
are to share alike 1" 

Here Chrysantas, one of the alike-honoured, 
one who was neither tall in his person, nor 
whose looks bespoke either courage or spirit, but 
a man of excellent understanding, rose up and 
spoke thus : " In truth, Cyrus," said he, " my 
opinion is, that you do not propose this to our 
debate, as judging it fit that the worthless 
should stand on a footing of equal advantage 
with the deserving ; but to try whether there 
be such a man amongst us, that will venture 
to discover himself to be of opinion, that he 
who performs nothing that is great and noble 
should share equally of those advantages that 
are gained by the virtue and bravery of 
others. I am," said he, "neither swift of 
foot, nor have I great strength and vigour 
in my hands and arms ; and by what I can 
perform with my person, I , reckon I cannot 
be judged to be the first man, nor yet the 
second, I believe not the thousandth ; perhaps 
not the ten thousandth ; but this I very well 
know, that if they who are men of strength 
set their hands vigorously to the work, I shall 
have my share in some advantage or other, 
and as much as is justly due to me ; but if 
mean and worthless men shall do nothing, and 
men of bravery and vigour shall be quite out 
of heart, I am afraid I shall have my share in 
something else rather than advantage, and such 
a share as will be greater than I desire." Thus 
spoke Chrysantas. 

After him rose Pheraulas, a Persian, one of 
the common people ; a man intimately known 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



31 



to Cyrus, and much in his favour whilst they 
were yet in Persia, one whose person was not 
uncomely, and who, with respect to his mind, 
was not like one of the mean and ignoble ; and 
he spoke ,to this effect : " I, Cyrus," said he, 
" and all the Persians here present, reckon 
ourselves now entered in the lists of virtue, and 
setting forward in its career on an equal foot- 
ing ; for I see that our bodies are all exercised 
alike, and nourished with like food ; that like 
company and conversation is vouchsafed to us 
all ; and that the same honourable actions lie 
before us : for obedience to our commanders 
lies before us in common, and whoever is found 
sincerely to practise it, that man, I see, obtains 
rewards and honours at the hands of Cyrus : 
then to act with bravery against the enemy is 
not a thing that is becoming to one, and is 
otherwise to another, but stands recommended 
as great and noble to us all. And I take on 
me to say, that our method of fighting is now 
plainly taught us. I see that all men naturally 
know it ; as every other animal naturally knows 
a certain method of fighting, and this without 
learning it from any other than from nature ; 
as the bull attacks with his horn, the horse with 
his hoof, the dog with his mouth, the boar with 
his tooth ; and all of them know," said he, " by 
what means best to defend themselves against 
the attack of others ; and these things proceed 
not from the instruction of any master in these 
arts. I understood presently, from a child, 
how to interpose something between myself 
and the person who offered to strike me ; and 
if I had nothing else, I endeavoured, as well as 
I was able, by holding up my hands, to hinder 
and oppose the person that assaulted me ; and 
this I did not only without being taught it, but 
even though I were beaten for defending my- 
self. When I was a child, wherever I saw a 
sword, I presently seized it ; nor was I taught 
how to handle it by any one, but, as I say, by 
nature. This therefore I did, not only untaught, 
but even crossed and hindered in it ; as there 
are many other things that I have been neces- 
sarily prompted by nature to do, though con- 
trolled and checked in them both by my father 
and mother. Then, by Jove ! with this sword 
I hacked and hewed whatever came in my way, 
when I could do it privately and unseen ; for 
it was not only natural to me, like walking and 
running, but, besides its being natural, I thought 
it a pleasure to do it. Since, therefore," said 
he, " that fighting is the thing now left us to 



do, and that it is a work that requires courage 
rather than art, how can it be other than a 
pleasure to us to enter the lists with these 
noble persons the alike-honoured, when the 
rewards of virtue lie equally before us, and we 
of the people do not run an equal risk] They 
have at stake a life of honour, which is the 
most agreeable, and the only one that can be 
called a life ; we only a laborious and ignoble 
one, which in my opinion is but painful and 
unhappy. Then this, friends, greatly animates 
me to enter the lists against these men — that 
Cyrus is to be our judge: he who judges not 
partially and invidiously, but, I aver, and sweai 
it by the gods, that I think Cyrus loves those 
that he finds to be deservi-ng not less than he 
does himself. Accordingly, I observe that he 
bestows what he has on such men with more 
pleasure than he takes in his own possession 
of it. Besides," said he, " these men are greatly 
elevated with their having been disciplined to 
bear hunger, thirst, and cold ; not knowing that 
we have been disciplined in the same things, 
under a much abler teacher than they have 
been ; for there is none a more effectual teacher 
of these things than necessity, that has taught 
them us in the completest manner. These 
men have exercised themselves in the labour 
of bearing arms, that have been so contrived 
by all men as to be worn with the greatest 
ease ; but we," said he, " have been obliged, by 
necessity, to walk and run under heavy bur- 
dens ; so that the arms we now bear seem to 
me not to be like burdens, but rather like 
wings. So count on me," said he, " Cyrus, 
as one that will engage in this dispute, and 
who desires, whatever degree I am in, to be 
rewarded according to my desert. And I ex- 
hort you, my friends of the people, to embark 
in this military contention, against these men 
of discipline : for they are now drawn in, and 
caught in this popular dispute." So spoke 
Pheraulas ; and many others stood up to sup- 
port them both in their opinions. It was 
thought therefore that every one should be 
rewarded according to his desert, and that Cy- 
rus should be the judge. 

Thus did these things proceed ; and Cyrus 
took an occasion to invite an entire regiment, 
together with their colonel, to sup with him. 
This he did, on having seen the man forming 
half the men of his regiment against the other 
half, in order to attack each other : they had 
all of them their corslets on, and in their left 



;i2 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II- 



hands their shields ; but to one half he had 
g.ven good large sticks for their right hands, 
and the others he had ordered to gather clods to 
throw. When they stood thus, ready prepar- 
ed, he gave them the signal to engage : then 
these fell on with their clods ; some chanced to 
fall on the corslets of the opposite party ; some 
on their shields : some hit a thigh, some a leg : 
but, when they came to close, they who had the 
sticks applied their blows on the thighs, hands, 
and legs of their adversaries, as well as on the 
necks and backs of such as stooped for their 
clods ; and, at last, they that were armed with the 
sticks put the others to the rout, laying them on 
with much laughter and diversion. Then the 
others, in their turn, taking the sticks, did the 
same thing to those who took their turn in throw- 
ing the clods. Cyrus was much taken with these 
things ; both with the contrivance of the officer, 
the obedience of the men, that they were at the 
same time both exercised and diverted, and 
that those men gained the victory who were 
armed in the manner that resembled the Per- 
sians. Being pleased with these things, he in- 
vited them to supper ; and observing some of 
them with their shins bound up, and some with 
their hands in the same condition, he asked 
them what harm they had got. They said they 
had been struck with the clods. He then ask- 
ed them again, whether it was when they were 
close together, or while they were at a distance. 
They said, while they were at a distance ; but 
that, when they closed it was the finest sport 
imaginable for those that were armed with the 
sticks ; but then, again, they that were wound- 
ed by the sticks cried out they did not at all 
think it a diversion to be threshed in that close 
way. They showed the blows they received 
from those that held the sticks, both η their 
hands and neck, and some in their faces : and 
' then, as was natural, they laughed at one an- 
other. The next day the whole field was full 
of people imitating these men ; and whenever 
they had nothing of more serious business to 
do, they made use of this diversion. 

And Cyrus observing another colonel on a 
certain occasion leading his men from the river, 
one by one, to their dinner ; and when he 
thought it proper, ordering the second, third, 
and fourth company to advance in front ; and 
when the captains were all in front, ordering 
each company to double their files, on which 
the commanders of tens advanced in front ; and 
that then, when he thought proper, he ordered 



each company to bring themselves to be four in 
front ; thus the commanders of five advanced, 
that the company might march four in front ; 
and that, when they arrived at the door of the 
tent, commanding them to enter, one by one, 
he introduced the first company, ordering the 
second to follow them in the rear, and the third 
and fourth in like manner, and so led them all 
in : and that, introducing them in this manner, 
he sat them all down to their meat, in the or- 
der as they entered : he, being much taken with 
this man for his good temper, instruction, and 
care, invited the whole regiment to sup with 
him, together with the colonel. But another 
colonel, who had not been invited, being 
present at the time, spoke thus: '«But my 
regiment, Cyrus," said he, " you do not invite 
to your tent ; yet when they go to their dinner, 
they perform all these things ; and when the 
business in the tent is over, the rear leader of 
the last company leads out that company with 
the last men ranged first in order for battle : 
then the rear leader of the next company fol- 
lows after these ; so the third and fourth in the 
same manner; that when it is proper to lead 
off from the enemy, they may know how to 
retreat. And when we get into the course, 
we there move about; when we march to the 
east, I lead the way, and the first company 
moves first, the second in its order ; so the 
third and fourth, and the tens and fives of the 
several companies, in the proper course, as long 
as I give orders accordingly : but," said he, 
" when we march to the west, the rear leader 
and the last man lead the way, and yet obey 
me who march last, that they may be accustom- 
ed both to follow and to lead with equal obe- 
dience." " And do you always do thus !" said 
Cyrus. " As often," said he, " as we take our 
meals." " I will invite you, therefore," said he, 
" because you practise your exercise both in 
advancing and retreating, by day and night, and 
both exercise your bodies by the motion, and 
profit your minds by the discipline. And since 
you do all these things double, it is but just that 
I should give you double good entertainment." 
" By Jove !" said the colonel, <• not in one day, 
unless you give us double stomachs too !" Thus 
they made an end of that conversation in the 
tent. And the next day Cyrus invited this 
regiment, as he said he would, and did the same 
again the day following ; the rest, perceiving 
this, all imitated those men for the future. 
IV. But as Cyrus, on a certain occasion, 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



33 



was making a general muster and review of 
his men under arms, there came a messenger 
from Cyaxares, acquainting him that an Indian 
embassy was arrived. Cyaxares," said the 
messenger, " desires that you will come as soon 
as possible, and from him I bring you a beauti- 
ful robe ; for he has a mind that you should 
appear in the handsomest and most splendid 
manner, the Indians being to see the manner of 
your approach." Cyrus, hearing this, gave com- 
mand to the colonel who stood first in order to 
place himself in front, bringing his men into one 
line behind him, and to keep himself to the 
right. He commanded him to transmit the 
same orders to the second, and so to deliver 
them down through the whole. These men, 
in obedience to Cyrus, presently delivered down 
the orders, and put them in execution. In a 
very little time they formed a front of three 
hundred, for that was the number of the colo- 
nels, and they were a hundred in depth. When 
they stood thus, he commanded them to follow 
as he should lead them, and, beginning present- 
ly to run, he led them the way. But when he 
perceived the avenue that led to the palace 
straiter than to allow them all to move on in 
line, he commanded the first thousand to fol- 
low in the situation and order they were in, 
and the next to follow in the rear of this, and 
so in like manner throughout the whole. He 
himself led on without stopping. The other 
thousands followed, each in the rear of those 
that went before. And he sent two servants 
to the opening of the avenue, to give informa- 
tion of what was to be done, in case any should 
be ignorant of it. When they came to Cyax- 
ares' gates, he commanded the first colonel to 
form his regiment to twelve in depth, and to 
range the commanders of twelve in front 
around the palace : he commanded him like- 
wise to transmit these orders to the second, 
and so throughout the whole. They did ac- 
cordingly. He himself went in to Cyaxares, 
in a plain Persian robe, undisguised with fo- 
reign ornaments. Cyaxares seeing him, was 
pleased with his despatch, but offended at the 
meanness of his robe, and said : " What have 
you done, Cyrus, in appearing thus before the 
Indians 1 I had a mind," said he, " that you 
should appear in the most splendid manner ; 
and it had been an ornament to me, for you, 
who are my sister's son, to have appeared the 
most magnificent that was possible." Cyrus to 
this said : « Which way, Cyaxares, had I been 



the greater ornament to you; whether, if 
clothing myself in purple, putting on bracelets 
and encompassing my neck with a collar, I had 
obeyed you in a loitering manner 1 or now that, 
with so great and so good a force, I obey you 
with such despatch, having in honour of you 
adorned myself with diligence, and adorning 
you, by showing the rest to be so obedient to 
your orders'?" Cyrus thus spoke. 

Cyaxares, judging that he said right, gave 
orders to introduce the Indians. The Indians, 
having come in, said ; " That the king of the 
Indians had sent them, and had commanded 
them to ask what was the cause of the war be- 
tween the Medes and Assyrians 1 and, when 
we had heard you," said they, " he commanded 
us to go to the Assyrian, and ask him the same 
question ; and, in the end, to tell you both that 
the king of the Indians does declare that, after 
having informed himself of the justice of the 
cause, he will take part with the injured." 
Cyaxares to this said : « You hear me there- 
fore declare that we have done no injury to the 
Assyrians ; go then and inquire from him what 
he says to it." Cyrus being present, asked 
Cyaxares this question : « And may I," said 
he, « say what I think proper on this occasion?" 
Cyaxares bade him do so. " Do you there- 
fore," said he, " acquaint the king of the In- 
dians thus (unless Cyaxares judge otherwise :) 
that if the Assyrian say he had been any- wise 
injured by us, we declare that we choose the 
king of the Indians himself to be our judge." 
These men hearing this went their way. 

When the Indians were gone. Cyrus began a 
discourse with Cyaxares, to this effect : " I 
came from home, Cyaxares, without having 
abundance of treasure of my own ; and, what- 
ever it was, I have but very little of it left ; for 
I have spent it," said he, « on the soldiers. 
This perhaps you will wonder at, since it is 
you that maintain them. But be it known to 
you," said he, " that it has gone in nothing else 
but in rewards and gratifications to the soldiers, 
whenever I have been pleased with any of 
them. For, in my opinion," said he, « it is a 
much pleasanter thing to encourage all those 
that one has a mind to make diligent and good 
fellow-labourers with one in any business, of 
whatever kind it be, by speaking them fair, and 
doing them good, than to do it by severe usage 
and by force. But those that one would have 
to be zealous fellow-labourers in the business 
of war, these, I think, ought absolutely to be 
Ε 



u 



XENOPHOJN ON THE 



[book II. 



courted to it both by good words and good 
deeds ; for such as are to be hearty and sincere 
fellow-combatants, who shall neither envy their 
commander in prosperity, nor betray him in 
adversity, ought to be friends, and not enemies. 
Having determined thus with myself in these 
matters, I think myself in want of money. And 
yet to to have my eye on every occasion on you, 
when I see you are already engaged in very 
great expenses, seems to me unreasonable. But 
I think it proper, that you and I should jointly 
consider what means to use that treasure may 
not fail you ; for if you have plenty, I know 
that I may take it whenever I want ; especially 
if I take for such a purpose as will make it 
more to your advantage that the treasure should 
be so spent. I remember therefore on some 
occasion lately to have heard you say, that the 
Armenian is now grown to contemn you, be- 
cause he hears that the enemy is coming on us ; 
and, besides, that he neither sends you the 
forces, nor pays you the tribute that is due." 
" Indeed Cyrus," said he, " these things he 
really does, so that I am in doubt whether it be 
better for me to make war on him, and force 
^ him to comply, or whether it be most for our 
interest to let it pass for the present, lest we 
add him to the number of our enemies." Cyrus 
then asked : « Are their habitations in places 
of strength, or in such as are accessible with 
ease 1 " Cyaxares said : " Their habitations 
are in places that are not very strong, for I was 
not negligent in that affair; but there are 
mountains, whither he may immediately retire, 
and be in safety, so as neither to be himself ex- 
posed, nor any thing else that may possibly be 
carried off thither, unless one sit down and be- 
siege him there, as my father once did." On 
this Cyrus said thus: " But if you will send 
me with such a number of horse as may be 
thought sufficient, I believe, with the assistance 
of the gods, I can make him send you forces, 
and pay you tribute. And besides, I even hope 
that he will be yet more our friend than he is 
now." Cy axares then said : "And I have 
hopes that he will sooner come to you than he 
will to us : for I nave heard that some of his 
children were your fellow-huntsmen ; so that 
perhaps they may come to you again. And if 
some of them once come to be in our power, 
every thing will succeed to our desire." " Is it 
not your opinion, then," said Cyrus, " that it 
will be for our advantage to conceal this con- 
trivance between us?" " By this means," said 



Cyaxares, " some or other of them may the 
more easily fall into our hands ; or if one fall 
on them, they may be taken the more unpre- 
pared." " Hear, then," said Cyrus, " if you 
think what I am going to say may be of any 
moment : I have often hunted on the borders 
of your territory and that of the Armenians, 
with all the Persians that were with me ; and 
I went thither, taking likewise from hence se- 
veral horsemen from amongst my companions 
here." " Therefore," said Cyaxares, " by do 
ing just the same things now, you may pass un- 
suspected ; but if a much greater force should 
appear than what you used to have with you 
in hunting, this would presently give suspcion." 
" But," said Cyrus, « one may frame a very 
plausible pretence in this case ; and that is, if 
care be taken that somebody give them an ac- 
count yonder, in Armenia, that I intend to 
undertake a great hunt ; then," said he, » I 
would openly desire from you a body of horse." 
" You say very well," said Cyaxares ; " but I 
shall consent to give you but a few, as intend- 
ing to march myself to our garrisons that lie 
towards Assyria. And in reality," said he, "I 
do intend to go thither, in order to strengthen 
them as much as possible. But when you are 
got before with the force you have, and have 
hunted for a day or two following, I may send 
you a sufficient force, both of horse and foot, 
out of those that have rendezvoused under me. 
With these you may immediately fall on, and I 
with the other forces may endeavour to keep 
not far from you, that if there be occasion I 
may likewise appear." 

Accordingly Cyaxares presently formed a 
body of horse at the garrisons, and sent wa- 
gons with provisions before by the road that 
led that way. Cyrus presently made a sacrifice 
for his intended march ; and at the same time 
sent and begged of Cyaxares some of his caval- 
ry, and such as were of the youngest sort. He, 
though they were multitudes that would have 
attended Cyrus, granted him not very many. 
Cyaxares being now gone before with forces, 
both horse and foot, on the road towards the 
garrisons, it happened that Cyrus' sacrifice, on 
his design against the Armenian, succeeded 
happily ; so he set forward as prepared for a 
hunt. As he was marching, a hare started im- 
mediately in the first field, and an eagle of 
happy omen flying towards them, caught sight 
of the hare as it ran, and, bearing down on it, 
struck it ; then, snatching it up, raised it aloft 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



35 



and bearing it away to an eminence not far off, 
did there what it thought fit with its prey. 
Cyrus therefore seeing this signal, paid his 
adoration to Jove, sovereign of the gods, and 
said to those that were present; "Friends, 
our hunt, if it please the gods, will be a noble 
one !" 

When they came to the borders, he hunted 
after his usual manner. The greater number 
of his horse and foot opened themselves in 
front, in order to rouse the beasts as they 
moved down on them. The best of his men, 
both horse and foot, stood here and there. dis- 
persed, received the beasts as they were roused, 
and pursued them ; and they took abundance 
both of swine, stags, goats, and wild asses ; 
for there are yet abundance of wild asses in 
those parts at this day. When they had fin- 
ished the hunt, and he had brought them close 
up to the Armenian borders, he ordered them 
to supper : and the next day hunted again, ad- 
vancing to those mountains that he had desired 
to be master of. And when he had again end- 
ed his sport he took his supper. But as soon 
as he found that the forces from Cyaxares were 
advancing, he sent privately to them, and or- 
dered them to take their supper at about the 
distance of two parasangs from him, foreseeing 
that this would contribute to the concealing the 
affair. When they had supped, he ordered their 
commander to march and join him. After 
supper was over, he summoned the colonels to 
him, and when they were come he spoke to 
them thus : 

" Friends ! the Armenian has been hereto- 
fore both an ally and subject of Cyaxares ; 
but now that he finds the enemy coming on 
him, he contemns him, and neither sends him 
forces nor pays him tribute. It is he there- 
fore that we must now hunt, and catch if we 
can. Thus, therefore," said he, " in my opin- 
ion we must do. Do you, Chrysantas, when 
you have had a little time to sleep, take half 
the Persians that are with us, march by the 
hill, and make yourself master or those moun- 
tains, whither they say the Armenian flies 
when he finds himself in danger, and I will 
give you guides. They say these mountains 
are full of woods, so that there are hopes you 
will not be discovered. However, if you send 
before the rest of your army some light men 
equipped for expedition, who, both by their 
number and habit, may look like plunderers, 
these men, if they meet with any of the Ar- 



menians, will prevent those that they can take 
from giving an account of things ; and, by 
driving away those they cannot take, will hin- 
der them from seeing the whole army, and 
will make them provide for themselves only 
as against a band of thieves. Do you," said he, 
η do thus : I, at break of day, with half the 
foot and all the horse will march directly to the 
palace of the Armenian by the plain. If he 
make head against us, it is plain we must fight : 
if he retire, and quit the plain, it is evident we 
must hasten after in pursuit of him. If he fly 
to the mountains, then," said he, « it is your 
business not to allow any of those that come 
to escape you ; but reckon, as in hunting, that 
we are to be the finders, and that you stand at 
the nets. Remember, therefore, this — that 
the passages must be first stopped before the 
beast is roused ; and that they who are ap- 
pointed to that station ought to keep concealed, 
if they have not a mind to turn off every thing 
that takes its course towards them. And do 
not act now," said he, " Chrysantas, as the 
love of hunting has sometimes made you do ; 
for you have often been employed the whole 
night, and have not slept at all ; but you should 
now allow your men to lie down a while, that 
they may get a little sleep. And because you 
used to wander through the mountains without 
taking men for your guides, but pursued 
wherever the beasts led the way, do not march 
therefore now through such difficult places, 
but bid your guides lead you the easiest way, 
unless there be one that is abundantly the 
shorter ; for to an army the easiest way is the 
quickest. And because you used to pass the 
mountains running, do not therefore now lead 
on at full speed, but with middling despatch, 
in such sort that the army may follow you. 
And it is of great use that some of the most 
vigorous and hearty should halt sometimes, 
and encourage the rest ; and when the whole 
wing is passed, it animates the other's despatch 
to see these running beside them, and passing 
them by as they themselves move on in their 
gentle pace." 

Chrysantas hearing this, and being trans- 
ported with the orders Cyrus had given him, 
took his guides and went his way ; and, having 
given the proper directions to those that were 
to attend in his march, he went to rest. When 
they had had a moderate time for rest, he 
marched to the mountains. 

Cyrus, as soon as it was day, despatched a 



36 



XENOPHON 



[book II. 



messenger to the Armenian, and bade him 
say thus : " Prince of Armenia, Cyrus sends 
you these directions, that you would come 
away as soon as possible, and bring with you 
your tribute and your forces. If he asks you 
where I am, tell him the truth, that I am on 
the borders. If he ask whether I am advanc- 
ing towards him, tell him the truth here too, 
that you do not know. If he inquire how 
many we are in number, bid him send some- 
body back with you to learn." Having given 



the messenger these orders, he despatched him 
away, thinking it more friendly to do thus than 
to march without sending word. And having 
formed his men into the best order, both for 
despatch in marching and for engagement in 
case of need, he began the march ; first com- 
manding his men to injure no one ; and if any 
of them met with an Armenian, to bid him be 
of good heart; and to order every one tha: 
had a mind to sell either meat or drink to come 
and make his market wherever they were. 






XENOPHON 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



BOOK IIL 



CONTENTS ofBOOKIII. 



Cyrus conquers the Armenians — SJends a herald to the k'mg, who suhmits — Tries him in the presence of his army 
— brings him to confession of his crime — the lamentations of his wife and children — Tigranes becomes hie advo 
cate — Cyrus, pleased with his proposal, takes the king into his favour, restores him to his family, and invites 
them to supper — The Armenians highly extol his compassion and noble virtues — Ii. The Armenians join their 
forces to those of Cyrus — The Chaldeans attacked and defeated — Cyrus retains possession of their heights, end 
builds a fortress — Makes peace between the Armenians and Chaldeans — Keeps the heights in his o%vn bands as 
a guarantee — Good effects of the peace. — III. Cyrus highly honoured by the Armenians and Chaldeans — Refuses 
treasure from the Armenian pritcece — Sends both army and treasure to Cyaxares — Returns to Media — His 
liberality to his army — Inspires hie men with ardour — Marches against the Assyrians — Arrives with Cyaxares in 
the enemies' country— Defeat of the Assyrians, and death of their king. 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



BOOK III 



I. Cyrus was taken up in these affairs ; but 
the Armenian, as soon as he heard from the 
messenger what Cyrus sent to tell him, was 
struck with it, considering that he had acted 
unjustly, both in failing to pay his tribute, and 
in not sending his forces. And the thing he 
principally feared was, lest he should be dis- 
covered to have begun fortifying the place of 
his residence in such sort as to render it de- 
fensible. Being at a loss on all these accounts, 
he sent around to assemble his forces. At the 
same time he sent his younger son Sabaris, his 
own wife, his son's wife, and his own daugh- 
ters away to the mountains, and sent with them 
all his most valuable apparel and furniture, ap- 
pointing them a force to conduct them. And 
at the same time he sent out scouts to discover 
what CyrUs was doing, and mustered all the 
Armenians he had present with him ; when 
immediately there arrived others, who told him 
that Cyrus was just behind them ; and not 
having courage enough onthis occasion to come 
to action he retired. 

The Armenians, when they saw him act in 
this manner, ran every one to their own affairs 
with intent to put all their effects out of the 
way. Cyrus, when he saw the whole country 
full of people, running up and down, and driv- 
I ing all off, sent them word that he would be an 
enemy to none that remained. at home; but if 
he caught any one making his escape, he de- 
clared he would treat him as an enemy. So 
the major part remairied ; some there were who 
went off with the king. 

But when they who conducted the women 
fell in among those who were in the mountains 
they presently set up a cry, and betaking them- 
selves to flight, many of them were taken ; and 
at last the son of the Armenian, the two wives, 
and the daughters, were likewise taken, as well 
as all the rich effects they were carrying off 



with them. As soon as the king perceived 
what had passed, being at a loss which way to 
turn himself, he fled to a certain eminence. 
Cyrus seeing this, surrounded the eminence 
with the army that he had with him, and send- 
ing to Chrysantas, ordered him to leave a guard 
on the mountains, and to come away. The 
army then joined under Cyrus ; and he, send- 
ing a herald to the Armenian, put the question 
to him in this manner: « Tell me," said he, 
" Armenian, whether it is your choice, staying 
there, to combat and struggle with thirst and 
hunger, or to come down on fair ground and 
fight us?" The Armenian answered, "That 
he did not choose to engage in either of these 
ways." Cyrus sending again to him, asked 
him this question : " Why then sit you there, 
and do not come down]" "I am at a loss," 
said he, " what I ought to do." " But you 
ought not to be at a loss about it," said Cyrus, 
" for you are at liberty to come down and have 
your cause tried." « And who," said he, shall 
be the judge*?" «He without doubt to whom, 
the gods have given power to deal with you as 
he pleases without a trial." Here the Arme- 
nian, seeing the necessity, came down ; and 
Cyrus taking him, and all that belonged to 
him, into the midst of them, encamped around, 
having his whole force with him. 

Just at this time Tigranes, the eldest son of 
the Armenian, returned from a journey he had 
taken abroad ; he who had been heretofore a 
fellow-huntsman with Cyrus. When he heard 
what had happened, he went directly to Cyrus, 
just as he was, and when he saw his father and 
mother, his brother, his sisters, and wife pri- 
soners, he wept, as was natural for him to do. 
Cyrus, on seeing him, gave him no other mark 
of respect or friendship, but said to him, "You 
are come very opportunely, that you may b 
| present, and hear the trial and determinati 

39 



40 



XENOPHON ON THE 



fBOOK III- 



of your father's ca He then presently 

summoned all the commanders of the Persians 
and Medes, and invited all such of the Arme- 
nians there as were men of note and quality ; 
and the women who were there present in their 
chariots, he sent not away, but allowed them 
to hear. 

When all was ready and in order, he began 
the discourse. " Armenians," said he, " first 
of all I advise you, in this trial of your cause, 
to speak the truth, that you may be free from 
one crime at least, which is a most hateful one : 
for be assured, that to be found false is the 
greatest bar that can lie in men's way to the 
obtaining of pardon. Then," said he, " these 
children and wives of yours, and all the Arme- 
nians present, are apprised of all that you have 
done : and if they perceive that you say things 
contrary to what has passed, they will think, 
if I discover the truth, that you condemn your- 
self to the extremity of punishment." "Ask 
me," said he, " Cyrus, what you will, as being 
resolved to tell you truth, happen what will in 
consequence of it." " Tell me then," said he, 
" did you some time ago make war with Asty- 
ages, my mother's father, and with the rest of 
the Medes ?" "I did," said he. « And when 
you were conquered by him, did you agree that 
you would pay him tribute 1 that you would 
join your forces to his wherever he should 
direct 1 and that you would have no fortifica- 
tions 3" «These things were as you say." 
" Now, therefore, why have you neither brought 
your tribute, nor sent your forces, but were 
building your fortifications I" He replied : " I 
was desirous of liberty ; for I thought it a noble 
thing, both to be free myself, and to leave 
liberty to my children." « It is indeed noble," 
said Cyrus, " to fight, in order not to be made 
a slave : but if a man be conquered in war, or 
by other means be reduced to servitude, and be 
Jound attempting to throw off his masters, do 
you yourself first pronounce whether you re- 
ward and honour such a one as an honest man, 
and as one that does noble things 1 or, if you 
take him, do you punish him as one that acts 
unjustly 1" " I punish him," said he : " you do 
not suffer me to falsify." « Tell me therefore 
plainly," said Cyrus, « and in particular thus : 
if a man be a governor and transgress, do you 
suffer him to continue in his government, or 
do you constitute another in his stead 1" "I 
constitute another," said he. " If he is a mas- 
ter of great riches, do you suffer him to con- 



tinue rich, or do you reduce him to poverty V 
" I take from him," said he, " all that he has." 
" If you find him revolting to the enemy, what 
do you do 1" "I put him to death," said he ; 
" for why should I die convicted of falsehood, 
rather than die telling the truth." 

Here his son, as soon as he heard these 
things, threw off his turban, and rent his clothes. 
The women set up a lamentable cry, and tore 
themselves as if their father had expired; and 
themselves lost and undone. Cyrus bade them 
be silent, and again spoke. " Be it so, Arme- 
nian, that these determinations of yours are 
just, what do you advise us to do on it ?" The 
Armenian was silent, being at a loss whether 
he should advise Cyrus to put him to death, 
or direct him to act just contrary to what he 
had said he would do himself. 

His son Tigranes then asked Cyrus — " Tell 
me," said he, " Cyrus, since my father seems 
to be at a loss whether I shall advise you what 
I think best for you to do in this case V And 
Cyrus, well remembering that when Tigranes 
used to hunt with him, there was a certain 
sage, very conversant with him, and much ad- 
mired by him, was very desirous to hear what 
he would say, and joyfully bade him speak his 
opinion : " Then," said Tigranes, " if you ap- 
prove all the measures that my father has con- 
certed, and all that he has done, I advise you 
by all means to imitate him ; but if you are of 
opinion that he has transgressed in all, my ad- 
vice is that you should not imitate him." 
" Then," said Cyrus, " by doing justice, I shall 
be the farthest from an imitation of the person 
transgressing." " It is so," said he. " Accord- 
ing to your own reasoning, then, your father 
should be punished, if it be just to punish one 
who acts unjustly." "But whether do you 
think it best, Cyrus, to inflict your punishments 
for your own advantage, or to your own preju- 
dice V " Why, this way," said he, " I should* 
punish myself." " And truly you would be 
highly punished," said Tigranes, "if you put 
to death those that belonged to you at the time 
that they would be of the greatest service to 
you to preserve." " But how," said Cyrus, 
" can men be so highly serviceable and useful 
when found to have acted unjustly?" " Why, 
truly, if they become considerate and humble ; 
for in my judgment, Cyrus, things stand thus : 
— there is no virtue useful and profitable with- 
out a discreet and sober sense of things : for," 
said he, " what use can be made of a man who 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



41 



has strength and bravery without discretion and 
modesty ] What use of one skilled in horse- 
manship ; or of one abounding in riches, or 
powerful in his country 1 But with discre- 
tion and modesty, every friend is useful, and 
every servant good." " This, therefore," said 
he, " you assert that your father, from insolent 
and haughty, is become discreet and humble, 
in this one day's time 1" " I do," said he. 
" Then this discreet and modest state of mind 
you pronounce to be a passion of the soul, as 
grief is ; and not a matter of knowledge and 
science 1 For if it be necessary that he who 
becomes discreet and modest should be wise 
and knowing, he cannot then, from insolent and 
haughty, become in an instant discreet and mo- 
dest." " But, Cyrus," said he, " did you never 
observe a man, out of pride and insolence, at- 
tempt fighting with another more powerful 
than himself, and when conquered presently 
fall from that insolence 1 Again," said he, 
" have you never seen one city engaged in war 
with another, and when conquered, immedi- 
ately, by this means, become willing to obey, 
instead of continuing the warl" " And what 
conquest over your father," said Cyrus, « is this 
you speak of, and that thus forcibly brings him 
to a discreet and humble sense of things'?" 
" Why, truly, the being conscious to himself, 
that while he has affected liberty, he has be- 
come yet more a slave than ever ; and that of 
all the things he thought to have effected, by 
privacy, by artifice, or by force, he has not been 
able to effect one : but he has seen you deceive 
him, in every thing you intended to deceive him 
in, as effectually as one might deceive the blind, 
or the deaf, or men of no understanding at all. 
He knows you have kept yourself so concealed 
from him, where you thought it proper so to 
do, that the places he thought the most secure 
to him, these, by concealed preparations, you 
have made yourself master of; and you have 
so far exceeded him in despatch, that you are 
come on him with a very considerable army, 
from afar, before he had assembled his forces, 
that were just at hand." " Are you of opinion, 
then," said Cyrus, " that such a conquest is 
sufficient to give men so much consideration 
and modesty, as to think others better than 
themselves ?" « Much more," said Tigranes, 
" than if a man were conquered in battle ; for 
he who is subdued by force may think that by 
exercising his body he may be enabled to renew 
the combat ; and cities that have been taken, 
4 * 1 



imagine that by gaining allies they may renew 
the war. But men often voluntarily submit to 
those whom they judge better than themselves, 
though under no necessity of doing it." " You 
seem," said he, " not to be of opinion that the 
proud and insolent can have any sense that 
there are any more modest and considerate than 
themselves ; or thieves, that there are any who 
are not thieves ; or false men, that there are any 
observers of truth ; or unjust men, that there 
are any who act with justice. Do you not 
know," said he, " that your father has at this 
time dealt falsely, and not stood to his agree- 
ments with us, though he knew very well that 
we had not transgressed in any sort what As- 
tyages had stipulated 1" ** Nor do I say, that 
the knowledge alone of others being better 
than ourselves makes men considerate and mo- 
dest, unless they receive punishment, at the 
hands of those their betters, as my father has 
now done." " But your father," said Cyrus, 
" has yet suffered no sort of ill. I know very 
well that he is afraid, indeed, of the highest 
punishments." " Do you think, therefore," 
said Tigranes, " that any thing oppresses men 
more than violent fear 1 Do you not know 
that they who are oppressed with the sword, 
which is reckoned the severest correction, will 
recur again to arms against the same enemy Τ 
but those that they are thoroughly afraid of, 
they are not able so much as to look at, when 
they do but confer with them." " Do you 
say," said he, " that fear is a heavier punish- 
ment on men than real misfortune 1" "You 
know yourself," said he, " that what I say is 
true : you know that they who are in fear of 
being banished their country, or that are in 
dread of being beaten in an approaching engage- 
ment, are in a most dejected condition. They 
that are at sea, and that dread shipwreck, and 
they that fear servitude and chains, are neither 
able to eat nor sleep for their fear ; but they 
who are already under banishment, who are 
already conquered and already slaves, are often 
in a condition to eat and sleep better than the 
fortunate themselves. And how great a burden 
fear is, is yet more evident by this ; that some, 
in dread that death would follow their cap- 
tivity, have died beforehand by means of that 
dread ; some throwing themselves headlong, 
some hanging themselves, and some dying by 
the sword. So that of all things terrible, fear 
strikes deepest into the minds of men. In 
what state of mind, then," said he, " do you 



42 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book III. 



take my father to be ; he who fears not only for 
his own liberty, but for mine, for that of his wife, 
and that of all his children ?•' Then Cyrus said : 
" It does not seem at all improbable to me that 
your father is at this time affected in this man- 
ner ; but it belongs to the same man to be in- 
solent and injurious in prosperity, and when 
broken in his fortune, to be dejected, and sunk ; 
and when re-established in his affairs, to be- 
come insolent again, and again to create dis- 
turbance." «Truly, Cyrus," said he, "our 
transgressions give you cause to distrust us : 
but you are at liberty to build fortresses, to 
keep possession of our places of strength, and 
to take whatever other pledge you please ; and 
yet," said he, "you will not find us very un- 
easy under these sufferings ; for we shall re- 
member that we ourselves were the cause of 
them. But if by giving up our government to 
any of those that are free from guilt, you appear 
distrustful of us ; look to it, lest at the same 
time you should be a benefactor to them, they 
shall think you no friend. And if, in cau- 
tion against their enmity, you do not impose a 
yoke on them to prevent their injuries ; look to 
it, that you come not under a greater necessity 
of reducing them to be considerate and humble, 
than you are now under of acting that part to- 
wards us." " By the gods !" said he, " it is, 
mcthinks, with displeasure that I make use of 
jsuch servants as I know serve me by necessity 
and force: but those that I judge to act their 
parts in concert with me, out of friendship and 
good-will, these, I think, I can more easily 
bear with when they transgress, than with those 
that hate me, and who by force discharge their 
duty the most completely." Tigranes to this 
said : " And with whom can you ever acquire 
so great a friendship as you may with us?" 
" With those, as I take it, who have never been 
so much at enmity with us, provided I would 
be that friend and benefactor to them that you 
now desire me to be to you." " And can you 
possibly find, Cyrus," said he, " at this time 
any one whom it is in your power to gratify in 
so high a degree as you may my father 1 First," 
said he, " if you grant their lives to those who 
never did you any injury, what thanks will they 
pay you for it, think you 1 If you leave a man 
his wife and children, who can have greater 
friendship for you, on this score, than he who 
thinks they may be justly taken from him 1 Do 
you know any one that will be more afflicted 
than ourselves if the kingdom of Armenia be 



not given them 1 And it is evident that he 
who is most afflicted that he is not king, when 
he receives the regal power will be the most 
grateful to you for it. And in case," said he, 
" you are any-wise concerned that things should 
be left here in the least confusion and disorder, 
when you quit us, consider whether things are 
likely to be on a quieter footing under a new 
government, than if the old-accustomed govern- 
ment continue. If it be of any concern to you 
to draw from hence the greatest number of 
forces possible, who do you think will levy 
them better than he who has often made use of 
them ? And if you want money, who do you 
reckon will better raise it than he who knows 
all, and is in possession of all 1 Good Cyrus," 
said he, " be careful, lest by rejecting us, you 
do yourself more mischief than my father has 
been able to do you." To this effect be spoke. 
And Cyrus was extremely pleased to hear 
him, thinking that he should be able to effect 
all that he had promised Cyaxares to do ; for he 
remembered to have told him that he thought 
he should make the Armenian yet more his 
friend than before. On this, then, he inquired 
thus of the Armenian : " And if I comply with 
you in these things, tell me," said he, " what 
force will you send with me ; and what money 
will you contribute to the war 1" To this the 
Armenian said : " Cyrus," said he, " I have 
no reply to make more plain or more just than 
to expose to you all the forces I have, that, 
viewing the whole, you may take with you 
whatever you will, and leave what you will for 
the guard of the country. In like manner with 
respect to our riches, it is just that I should 
discover to you all that I have, that, being ap- 
prised of all, you may carry off what you will 
of it and leave what you please of it." Then 
Cyrus said: "Proceed, then, and show me 
what forces you have, and tell me what youi 
riches amount to." Here the Armenian re 
plied : " The horse of the Armenians are eight 
thousand, and their foot forty thousand. Our 
riches, including the treasure my father left and 
reckoned in money, amount to more than three 
thousand talents." Then Cyrus, without he- 
sitation said : " Since therefore," said he, 
" the Chaldeans that border on you are at war 
with yoU; send me half of your forces ; and of 
your treasure, instead of fifty talents, which 
was the tribute you were to pay, give Cyaxares 
double that sum for your defect in the pay- 
ment. Then lend me," said he, a " hundred 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



43 



more ; and I promise you, that if the gods 
enable me, ΐ will, in return of what you lend 
me, either do you such services as shall be of 
greater value ; or, if I am able, will count you 
down the money again ; if I am not able to do 
it, I may then appear unable, but unjust I can- 
not be justly accounted." Then the Arme- 
nian said : " I conjure you by the gods, Cyrus, 
not to talk in that manner ; if you do you will 
afflict me ; but rather reckon," said he, " that 
what you leave behind is not less yours than 
what you carry off with you." " Be it so," 
said Cyrus ; " but, to have your wife again, what 
money will you give me?" "All that I am 
able," said he. " What for your children ?" 
" And for these too," said he, « all that I am 
able." " Here is then," said Cyrus, " already 
as much again as you have. And you,Tigranes," 
said he, « at what rate would you purchase the 
regaining of your wife ?" Now he happened 
to be but lately married, and had a very great 
love for his wife. " Cyrus," said he, « to save 
her from servitude I would ransom her at the 
expense of my life." » Take then your own 
to yourself," said he> " I cannot reckon that 
she is properly our captive ; for you never fled 
from us. And do you, Armenian take your 
wife and children without paying any thing for 
them, that they may know they come free to 
you. And now," said he, "pray take supper 
with us ; and when that is over, go your ways 
wherever you please." So they stayed. 

While they were together in the tent, Cyrus 
inquired thus : " tell me," said he, " Tigranes, 
where is that man that used to hunt with us, 
and that you seemed much to admire V " Oh !" 
said he, " and has not this father of mine put 
him to death?" "And what crime did he 
discover him committing?" " He said that he 
corrupted me : and yet, Cyrus, so good and so 
excellent a man he was, that when he was go- 
ing to die he sent for me and told me : " Ti- 
granes," said he, « do not bear ill-will to your 
father for putting me to death ; for he does it 
not out of malice, but out of ignorance. And 
whatever errors men fall into by ignorance, I 
reckon all such involuntary." Cyrus on this 
said : « Alas ! good man !" The Armenian then 
spoke thus : « They, Cyrus, who find strangers 
engaged in familiar commerce with their wives 
do not put them to death, and charge them as 
endeavouring to make their wives more discreet 
and modest ; but they are of opinion that these 
men destroy that affection and love their wives 



have for them, and for this reason they treat 
them as enemies. And I," said he, " bore 
hatred and ill-will to this man because I thought 
he made my son respect and admire him more 
than myself." Cyrus then said: "By the 
gods !" said he, " Armenian, I think you faulty, 
but in such a manner as human nature is often 
liable to be. And do you, Tigranes forgive 
your father." Having at that time discoursed 
in this manner, and having treated each other 
with great kindness and friendship, as is natural 
on a reconciliation, they mounted their chariots 
in company with the women, and drove away 
well pleased. 

When they came home one talked of Cyrus' 
wisdom, another of his patience and resolution, 
another of his mildness : one spoke of his beau- 
ty and the smallness of his person ; and on that 
Tigranes asked his wife : " And do you," said 
he, " Armenian dame, think Cyrus handsome ? " 
" Truly," said she, " I did not look at him." 
" At whom then did you look?" said Tigranes. 
« At him who said that, to save me from ser- 
vitude, he would ransom me at the expense of 
his own life." And after some entertainment 
of this kind, as was usual, they went together 
to rest. 

The next day the Armenian sent presents 
of friendship to Cyrus, and to the whole army : 
he sent orders to those of his people that were 
to serve in this expedition to attend on the third 
day ; and he paid down double the sum of 
money that Cyrus had mentioned. Cyrus, ac- 
cepting the sum he had expressed, sent the rest 
back, and asked : ", Which of them would com- 
mand the army, whether his son or himself?" 
They both spoke together, and the father said : 
" Either of us that you shall order." The son 
said : " I assure you, Cyrus, that I will not 
leave you, though I serve in the army as a 
slave." Cyrus, laughing at this, said: "What 
would one give," said he, « that your wife heard 
you were to carry baggage !" " There is no 
need," said he, " that she should hear, for I will 
carry her with me ; and by that means she may 
see what I do." " But it is full time," said he, 
« that you had all things ready to attend us." 
" Count on it," said he, " that we will be pre- 
sent at the time with all things ready that my 
father affords us." When the soldiers had been 
all thus entertained, and treated as friends, they 
went to rest. 

II. The next day Cyrus, taking Tigranes 
with him, and the best of the Median horse, to- 



44 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[BOOK III. 



gether with as many of his own friends as he 
thought proper, marched round, viewing the 
country, and examining where to build a for- 
tress. When they came to a certain eminence 
he asked Tigranes which were the mountains 
from whence the Chaldeans made their incur- 
sions to plunder the country. Tigranes show- 
ed them to him. He then inquired again: 
"And are these mountains entirely desert 1 ?" 
" No, truly," said he ; " but they have always 
certain scouts there, who give notice to the rest 
of whatever they observe." « And what do 
they do," said he, " when they have this no- 
tice V "They all then run to the eminences 
to defend themselves, every one as fast as he 
can." Cyrus gave attention to these things ; 
and, viewing around, he observed a great part 
of the Armenian territory to be desert and un- 
cultivated by reason of the war. They then 
retired to the camp ; and, taking their supper, 
went to rest. 

The next day Tigranes, with all things ready 
provided, joined him ; having four thousand 
horse, ten thousand archers, and as many tar- 
geteers with him. Cyrus at the time they 
ioined him made a sacrifice. When the vic- 
tims appeared to portend things fortunate and 
happy, he summoned the leaders of the Persians 
and Medes ; and, when they were together, he 
spoke to them to this effect : " Friends ! those 
mountains that we see belonging to the Chal- 
deans ; if we can seize them, and have a fortress 
on the summit, both Armenians and Chaldeans 
will be obliged to act with modesty and sub- 
mission towards us. Our sacrifice promises us 
success; and in the execution of a design 
nothing favours the inclination of men so much 
as despatch. If we prevent the enemy and 
gain the mountains before they assemble, we 
may either take the summit entirely without a 
blow, or shall have but few and weak enemies 
to deal with. Of all labours therefore, there is 
none more easy or more free from danger than 
resolutely to bear the fatigue of despatch. Haste, 
then, to arms ! and do you, Medes, march on 
our left ; and of you, Armenians, let half march 
on our right, and the other half lead on in front 
before us ; and do you, the horse, follow in the 
rear ; exhorting us, and pushing us up before 
you ; and if any one acts remissly, do not you 
suffer him to do so." 

Cyrus having said this led on, drawing the 
several companies into single files. The Chal- 
deans, as soon as they perceived that their 



heights were going to be attacked, gave their 
signal to their people, hallooed out to each 
other, and ran together. Cyrus then gave out 
orders in this manner ; " Men of Persia ! they 
give us the signal of despatch ; if we prevent 
them in gaining the heights, the efforts of the 
enemy will be of no significance." The Chal- 
deans had every one his shield and two jave- 
lins ; they are said to be the most warlike 
people of all in that part of the world. Where 
they are wanted they serve for hire, being a 
warlike people and poor ; for their country is 
mountainous, and but little of it fertile and 
rich. As Cyrus' men approached the heights, 
Tigranes, marching with Cyrus, spoke to him 
thus : " Cyrus," said he, " do you know that we 
must presently come to action, and that the 
Armenians will not stand the attack of the 
enemy 1" Cyrus, telling him that he knew it, 
made it presently be declared to the Persians 
that they should hold themselves in readiness, 
as being immediately to fall on ; and to pur- 
sue, as soon as the flying Armenians drew the 
enemy down so as to be near them. So the 
Armenians led on ; the Chaldeans, who were 
on the place, immediately on the approach of 
the Armenians set up a cry ; and, according to 
their custom, ran on them : the Armenians, ac- 
cording to their custom, did not stand to them. 
When the pursuing Chaldeans saw swordsmen 
fronting them, and marching up, they some of 
them came up close, and were presently killed ; 
some fled, and some were taken ; and the 
heights were immediately gained. And soon as 
Cyrus' men had gained the heights, they saw 
the habitations of the Chaldeans, and perceived 
them flying from such of those habitations as 
were near. Cyrus, as soon as the army was 
got together, ordered them to dinner. When 
dinner was over, having got information of the 
place where the Chaldeans planted their watch, 
he undertook the building of a fortress, that 
was very strong, and well supplied with water. 
He ordered Tigranes to send his father, and 
bid him come away with all the carpenters and 
builders he could get. The messenger went 
his way to the Armenian. Cyrus applied him- 
self to the building, with all the workmen he 
had at that time with him. 

Meanwhile they brought Cyrus the prisoners, 
some bound, and some wounded. As soon as 
he saw them he ordered those that were bound 
to be loosed ; and, sending for the physicians, 
he ordered them to take care of the wounded. 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



45 



He then told the Chaldeans that he was not 
come either with a desire to destroy them, or 
with inclination to make war on them ; but 
with intention to make peace between the 
Armenians and Chaldeans. " Before we got 
possession of your mountains, I know you had 
no desire of peace : your own concerns were 
in safety ; the effects of the Armenians you 
plundered at your pleasure. But now you see 
the condition you are in. Those of you there- 
fore that have been taken, I dismiss to your 
homes, and allow you, together with the rest 
of the Chaldeans, to consult amongst your- 
selves, whether you incline to make war with 
us, or to be our friends : if war be your choice, 
come no more hither without arms, if you are 
wise : if you think peace for your turn, come 
without arms. And, if you are friends, it shall 
be my care that your affairs shall be established 
on the best footing." The Chaldeans having 
heard these things, after many praises bestowed 
on Cyrus, and many assurances of friendship 
and trust given him went home. 

The Armenian, as soon as he heard what 
Cyrus had done, and the request he made him, 
took carpenters with him, and all things else 
that he thought necessary, and came to Cyrus 
with all possible despatch. As soon as he saw 
Cyrus he said to him : " Ο Cyrus ! how few 
things in futurity are men able to foresee ! and 
how many projects do we undertake ! I have 
endeavoured on this occasion to obtain liberty, 
and I became more a slave than ever : and, 
after having been made captive, and thinking 
our destruction certain, we now again appear 
to be in a condition of greater safety and se- 
curity than ever : for these men never ceased 
doing us all manner of mischief; and I now 
find them just in the condition I wished. And 
be it known to you," said he, " Cyrus, that to 
have so driven the Chaldeans from these 
heights, I would have given many times the 
money you received from me ; and the services 
you promised to do us when you took the 
money you have now so fully performed, that 
we appear to be brought under new obligations 
to you, which, if we are not very bad men, we 
shall be ashamed not to discharge ; and what- 
ever returns we make, we shall not be found 
to have done so much as such a benefactor de- 
serves." Thus spoke the Armenian. 

The Chaldeans came back, begging of Cyrus 
to make peace with them. Then Cyrus asked 
them: "Chaldeans!" said he, "is it on any 



other consideration that you desire peace, or is 
it only because you think you shall live with 
more security in peace than if you continue 
the war, since we ourselves told you sol" 
" We have other considerations," said the 
Chaldeans. « And what," said he, " if there are 
still other advantages that may accrue to you by 
peace V « We shall be still the more pleased," 
said they. " Do you think, therefore," said he, 
" that your being a poor and needy people is 
caused by any thing else but by the want of 
good land." They agreed with him in this. 
" Well, then," said Cyrus, " would you will- 
ingly be at liberty to cultivate as much of the 
Armenian territory as you pleased, paying the 
same for it that the Armenians do ]" « Yes," 
said they, " if we could be secure that we 
should not be injured." « What say you, then, 
Armenian 1" said he, "would you be willing 
to have your waste land cultivated on terms 
that the farmers of it shall pay you the settled 
dues?" The Armenian said he would give a 
great deal to have it so ; for his revenue would 
be much improved by it. " And you," said he, 
" Chaldeans, since you have mountains that are 
fertile, would you consent that the Armenians 
should use them for pasture, on condition that 
they who make use of them shall pay what is 
just and reasonable 1" The Chaldeans said 
that they would ; for it would be a considerable 
profit to them, without any labour. " And you, 
Armenian," said he, " would you make use of 
the pastures of these men, if by allowing a 
small profit to the Chaldeans, you might make 
a much greater profit by it yourselves 1 ?" 
« Readily," said he, " if I thought I might 
do it securely." " And securely you might 
do it," said he, " if the summits were in 
the hands of your friends." The Armenians 
agreed: " But, truly," said the Chaldeaus, " we 
should not be able to cultivate securely, neither 
the lands of these people, nor our own, if they 
are in possession of the summits." « But sup- 
pose," said he, " the summits are possessed by 
such as are friends to you." " Thus, indeed," 
said they, " things might do very well." " But, 
indeed," said the Armenian, " things will not 
be well with us if these men come to be again 
possessed of the summits : especially when they 
are fortified." Then Cyrus said : « Thus there- 
fore I will do : I will give up the summits to 
neither of you, but we will keep them ourselves : 
and if either of you injure the other, we will take 
part with the injured." When they heard this 



46 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book III. 



the}' both of them gave their applause, and 
said : " Thus only can the peace be firm and 
stable." On this they gave and received, mu- 
tually, assurances of friendship and trust, and 
stipulated to be both of them free and inde- 
pendent of each other ; to intermarry, to culti- 
vate, and feed each other's lands reciprocally, 
and to be common allies and supporters of 
each other against whosoever should injure 
either of them. Thus were these matters 
then transacted ; and these agreements then 
made between the Chaldeans and the possessor 
of Armenia, subsist still to this day. When 
the agreements were made they both presently 
applied themselves with zeal to the building of 
this fortress, as a common guard : and they 
jointly furnished all things necessary towards 
it. 

When evening came on he took both parties 
to sup with him, as being now friends. As 
they were at supper, one of the Chaldeans 
said : " That these things were such as all the 
rest of them wished for ; but that there were 
some of the Chaldeans who lived by plunder, 
and who neither knew how to apply themselves 
to work, nor were able to do it, being accus- 
tomed to live by war ; for they were always 
employed on plunder, or hired out on some 
service ; frequently to the king of the Indians ; 
for he is one," said they, " that abounds in 
gold : and frequently to Astyages." Then 
Cyrus said : " And why do they not engage 
themselves to me 1 for I will give them as much 
as any other ever gave." They consented, 
and said : " That there would be a great many 
that would willingly engage in his service." 
These things were accordingly agreed. 

Cyrus, as soon as he heard that the Chal- 
deans frequently went to serve under the Indian, 
and remembering that there were certain per- 
sons that came from him to the Medes. to ap- 
prise themselves of the Median affairs, and 
went thence to the enemy, to get an insight 
likewise into their affairs, he was desirous that 
the Indian should be informed of what he had 
done: he therefore began a discourse to this 
effect : " Tell me," said he, " Armenian and 
you, Chaldeans, if I should send one of my 
people to the Indian, would you send with 
him some of yours, who should direct him in 
his way, and act in concert with him to obtain 
from the Indian the things that I desire ? for 
I would procure some farther addition to my 
treasure, that I may have what will fully suffice 



to discharge the pay of those to whom it be • 
comes due, and to honour and reward such of 
my fellow-soldiers as are deserving. On these 
accounts I would have plenty of treasure ; I 
think I want it ; and to spare you would be a 
pleasure to me ; for I now reckon you our 
friends. But from the Indian I would gladly 
accept somothing, if he would give it me. The 
messenger therefore- that I desire you to give 
guides and assistants to, when he gets thither 
shall say thus : « Prince of India, Cyrus has 
sent me to you : he says that he is in want of 
money, expecting another army from Persia 
(and in reality I do expect it, said he) : if you 
send him therefore as much as you can con- 
veniently, he assures you that, if the gods give 
a happy issue to his affairs, he will do his 
endeavours to make you think that you have 
taken a happy step in gratifying him.' This 
he shall say from me. Do you on the other 
hand send him word by your people that you 
think it will be of advantage to you. And if 
we get any thing from him," said he, " we shall 
have all things in great plenty : if we get 
nothing, we shall" know that we owe him no 
thanks, and that as to him, we shall be at 
liberty to regulate all our affairs as best suits 
our own interests." Thus said CyTus, count- 
ing on it, that those of the Armenians and 
Chaldeans that went on this message would 
say such things of him, as he himself desired 
all men should say and hear concerning him. 
Then at the proper time they broke up their 
company in the tent, and went to rest. 

ΙΠ. The next day Cyrus sent away his 
messenger, charging him with all that he had 
before expressed. The Armenian and the 
Chaldeans sent with him such men as they 
judged most proper to act in concert with him, 
and to relate such things concerning Cyrus as 
were just and worthy of him. 

After this Cyrus having supplied the fortress 
with a sufficient garrison, and with all things 
necessary, and leaving as governor a certain 
Mede, one that he judged would be most 
agreeable to Cyaxares, marched away, taking 
with him both the army that he came with, 
and that which he had from the Armenians as 
well as the men he had from the Chaldeans, 
who amounted to about four thousand, and 
thought themselves better than all the rest 

When he came down into the inhabited 
country, not one of the Armenians, neither, 
man nor woman, kept within doors, but all 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



47 



went out and met him, being overjoyed at the 
peace, and running out with whatever they had 
of greatest value. The Armenian was not at 
all uneasy at these things, thinking that Cyrus, 
by means of these honours that were thus paid 
him by all, would be the better pleased. At 
last, likewise, the wife of the Armenian met 
him, having her daughters with her, and her 
younger son, and, together with other presents, 
she brought that treasure that Cyrus had before 
refused. Cyrus, when he saw her, said : " You 
shall not make me such a sort of man as to run 
up and down the world bestowing my services 
for money I — Go your ways, women, and keep 
all this treasure that you bring, and do not give 
it to the Armenian again to bury ; but equip 
your son with it, in the handsomest manner, 
and send him to the wars ; and out of the 
remainder supply yourself, your husband, your 
daughters, and your sons, with every thing, 
whether for use or ornament, that may make 
you pass your days in the most agreeable and 
handsome manner : let it suffice us to lay our 
bodies under ground, every one of us when we 
die." Having said this he marched on ; the 
Armenian attended on him, as all the rest like. 
wise did, calling him, aloud, « their benefactor, 
and an excellent man !" Thus they did till 
they had conducted him out of their territory. 
The Armenian sent a greater force with him, 
being now at peace at home. So Cyrus went 
away, not only enriched with the treasure he 
had received, but by means of his conduct he 
had laid up a much greater store, and could 
supply himself whenever he wanted. They 
then encamped on the borders. The next day 
he sent the army and treasure to Cyaxares, 
who was at hand, as he had said he would be. 
He with Tigranes, and the principal Persians, 
hunted where they met with game, and diverted 
themselves. 

When he came into Media he distributed 
money to his centurions, as much as he thought 
sufficient for each of them, and that they might 
have wherewithal to reward such of their men 
under them as they might happen to be parti- 
cularly pleased with : for he thought that if 
every one rendered his part of the army praise, 
worthy, the whole would be set right to his 
hands. And if he any where observed any 
thing that might contribute to the beauty of 
the army, he purchased it, and gave it to the 
most deserving ; reckoning that whatever his 



men were possessed of that was beautiful and 
noble, it was all an ornament to himself. 

When he had made a distribution amongst 
them out of what he bad received, then, in an 
assembly of centurions, captains, and all others 
that he particularly esteemed, he spoke to this 
effect : *< Friends ! a particular pleasure and 
satisfaction seems now to attend us, both be- 
cause we have plenty, and that we are in pos- 
session of what enables us to bestow rewards 
where we desire, and to be rewarded every one 
according to his merit. But then we ought by 
all means to remember, what the things are 
that have procured us these advantages, and on 
examination you will find them to be these r 
our being watchful on the proper occasions, 
our being laborious, our despatch, and our not 
giving way to the enemy. It is our part there- 
fore to continue thus brave men for the future ; 
determining with ourselves that obedience and 
resolution, labour and hazard, on the proper 
occasions, are things that produce great plea, 
sures and great advantages." 

But Cyrus considered hpw well the bodies 
of his men stood with respect to their being 
able to undergo all military labours, how well 
their minds were disposed with respect to a 
contempt of the enemy, how skilful they were 
in all things fitting, each in their several sorts 
of arms, and he saw that they were all well 
disposed with respect to obedience to their 
commanders ; from all this therefore he now 
desired to come to action with the enemy, 
knowing that by delay some part or other of a 
noble preparation comes to change and fail in 
the commander's hands. And besides, observ- 
ing that from a contention in things wherein 
men are ambitious to exceed, the soldiers had 
contracted envy and ill-will to each other ; he 
was for this reason desirous to lead them as 
soon as possible out into the enemy's country ; 
knowing that common dangers make friends, 
and fellow-combatants keep in a friendly dis- 
position one towards another ; and that in this 
circumstance, they neither envy those that are 
finely armed, nor those that are ambitious of 
glory ; but that even such men themselves rather 
applaud and esteem others that are like them, 
accounting them their fellow-labourers in the 
public service. So, in the first place, he com- 
pletely armed them all, and formed them into 
the best and most beautiful order that was pos- 
sible. He then summoned the commander* 



48 



XENOPHON ON THE 



of ten thousands, the commanders of thousands, 
the centurions, and captains , for these were 
exempt from being reckoned of the number of 
those that constituted the military rank ; and 
when they were to execute any orders from the 
commander-in-chief, or to transmit any parti- 
cular directions to others ; yet thus there was 
nothing left confused and without rule, but the 
remainder of the men were preserved in order 
by the commanders of twelves and sixes. When 
the proper persons were assembled, he conduct- 
ed them about with him, and showed them all 
that was right and in proper order, and taught 
them in what consisted the strength of every 
ally. And when he had raised in these men a 
desire of doing something, he bade them go to 
their several distinct bodies, teach them what 
he had taught themselves, and endeavour to 
inspire them all with a desire of action, that 
they might set forward with all possible-ardour. 
And he bade them in the morning attend at 
Cyaxares' door. They then retired, and did 
as they were ordered. 

The next morning, as soon as it was day, 
the proper persons attended at the doors ; and 
Cyrus, entering in with them to Cyaxares, be- 
gan a discourse to this effect : " I know, Cy- 
axares," said he, " that what I am going to say 
is not less your opinion than it is our own, but 
perhaps you may be unwilling to express it, 
lest you should seem to put us in mind of 
marching away, as if the maintaining of us 
were burthensome and uneasy to you. There- 
fore, since you are silent, I will speak both for 
you and for ourselves. — Since we are prepared 
and ready, it is the opinion of us all, not to 
delay engaging the enemy till after they have 
broken in on your country, and not to sit down, 
and wait here in the territory of our friends ; 
but to march with all possible despatch into 
the enemy's country. For now that we are in 
your territory, we are forced, against our wills, 
to injure you many ways ; but if we march into 
the enemy's country, we shall, with pleasure, do 
them mischief. Then it is you that now main- 
tain us, and at a great expense. If we carry 
the war abroad, we shall be maintained on the 
enemy's country. But then, indeed, if our 
danger was to be greater there than it is here, 
perhaps the safest course should be taken ; but 
they will be the same men, whether we wait 
here for them, or march into their own country, 
and meet them. And we shall be the same, 
whether we receive them here, as they come 



[BOOK III. 

on us, march up to them and attack them 
But we shall have the minds of our men in 
better condition, and more animated, if we 
march to the enemy, and seem not to get sight 
of them against our wills. They will have a 
much greater terror of us when they shall hear 
that we do not sit at home in dread, and terri- 
fied with them ; but that, as soon as we per- 
ceive them advancing, we march and meet 
them, in order to close with them as soon as 
possible ; and that we do not wait till our own 
country is distressed by them ; but that we 
prevent them and lay their lands waste. And 
then," said he, " if we strike terror into them, 
and raise courage in ourselves, I take this to 
be a very great advantage to us. Thus I reckon 
the danger to be much less to ua, and much 
greater to the enemy. And my father always 
said, you yourself say, and all others agree, that 
battles are decided rather by the courage and 
spirits of men, than by the strength of their 
bodies." Thus he spoke, and Cyaxares re- 
plied : " Ο Cyrus ! and you the rest of the 
Persians, do not imagine that the maintaining 
you is burdensome and uneasy to me. But 
indeed, the marching into the enemy's country 
seems now to me to be the better course." 
" Since, therefore," said Cyrus, « we agree in 
opinion, let us make all things ready, and if our 
sacred rights signify the approbation of the gods, 
let us depart as soon as possible." 

On this, giving orders to the soldiers to make 
all things ready, Cyrus made a sacrifice, first 
to Regal Jove, then to the other deities ; and 
prayed that they would vouchsafe to be con- 
ductors to the army, good and gracious assist- 
ants and friends, and direct them in all happy 
courses! He invoked likewise the heroes, 
inhabitants and guardians of the land of Me- 
dia. When he had sacrificed happily, and the 
whole army was formed on the borders, meet- 
ing with happy auguries he fell into the ene- 
my's country. As soon as he had passed the 
borders, he performed propitiatory rites to the 
earth by libations, to the gods by sacrifice ; 
and implored the favour of the heroes, inhabi- 
tants of Assyria. And having done this, he 
again sacrificed to Paternal Jove ; and whatever 
other deity occurred to him, he neglected none. 

When these things were duly performed, 
making the foot advance at a small distance 
forward they encamped ; and making excur- 
sions around with the horse, they furnished 
themselves with great quantities of all kinds 






INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



49 



of booty. Then changing their encampments, 
and being provided with all things necessary in 
abundance, and laying the country waste, they 
waited for the enemy. When they were said 
to be advancing, and not to be at the distance 
of above two days' march, then Cyrus said : 
« Now, Cyaxares, is the time for, us to march 
and meet them, and not to appear, either to the 
enemy or to our own people, afraid of advancing 
against them ; but let us make it evident that 
we do not come to a battle with them against 
our wills." When Cyaxares had agreed, they 
advanced towards the enemy, keeping always 
in order, and marching each day as far as they 
thought it proper : they took their supper by 
day-light, and made no fires in their camp by 
night, but made them before the front of the 
camp, that by means of these fires they might 
perceive if any people approached in the night, 
and might not be seen themselves by the ap- 
proaches ; and they frequently made their fires 
behind the camp, in order to deceive the ene- 
my ; so that the enemy's people that were sent 
out for intelligence sometimes fell in with the 
advanced guards, thinking themselves to be still 
at a distance from the camp, because the fires 
were behind. 

The Assyrians then, and those that attended 
them, as soon as the armies were near to each 
other, threw up an entrenchment round them- 
selves ; a thing that the barbarian kings practise 
to this day when they encamp, and they do it 
with ease by means of their multitude of hands ; 
for they know that an army of horse . in the 
night is confused and unwieldy, especially if 
they are barbarian : for they have their horses 
tied down to their mangers, and if they are at- 
tacked, it is troublesome in the night to loose 
the horses, to bridle them, and to put on them 
their breastplates and other furniture ; and 
when they have mounted their horses, it is ab- 
solutely impossible to march them through the 
camp. On all these accounts, both they and 
others of them throw up an entrenchment round 
themselves ; and they imagine that their being 
entrenched puts it in their power, as long as 
they please to avoid fighting. And doing 
thus, they approached each other. 

When they were advanced to about the dis- 
tance of a parasang, the Assyrians encamped 
in the manner before expressed, in a post en- 
trenched, but exposed to view ; Cyrus in a 
place the most concealed that was possible, 
with villages and rising grounds before him, 
5 



reckoning that all things hostile that discover 
themselves on a sudden, are the more terrible 
to the opposite party. And both parties that 
night, posting advanced guards, as was proper, 
went to rest. 

The next day the Assyrian, and Croesus, and 
the other leaders, gave their armies rest in their 
strong camp. Cyrus and Cyaxares waited in 
order of battle, as intending to fight, if the 
enemy advanced. When it appeared that the 
enemy would not stir out of their entrench- 
ment, nor come to a battle that day, Cyaxares 
summoned Cyrus, and all the other proper 
persons to him, and spoke to this effect : " It 
is my opinion, friends," said he, "that we 
should march, in the order we are in, up to the 
entrenchment of these men, and show them 
that we are desirous to come to a battle ; for by 
this means," said he, " if they do not come out 
to us, our men will act with the more courage 
against them; and the enemy, observing our 
boldness, will be the more terrified." This 
was his opinion : but Cyrus said : " By the 
gods ! Cyaxares, we must by no means act in 
this manner ; for if we now discover ourselves, 
and march as you desire, the enemy will see us 
advancing towards them, and will be in no 
manner of fear of us, knowing themselves to be 
in a situation secure from any danger ; and 
after having made this march, when we shall 
retreat, then again, seeing our number much 
inferior to theirs, they will have a contempt for 
us, and to-morrow will march out with minds 
more firm and resolute. But now," said he, 
" thattheyknow we are at hand, without see- 
ing us, be assured they do not contemn us, but 
are solicitous to know how things stand ; and 
are, I know very well, continually taken up in 
debating about us. But when they march out, 
then ought we, at once, to make our appear- 
ance, march instantly, and close with them, 
taking them at the advantage we have hereto- 
fore desired." Cyrus having spoken thus, 
Cyaxares and the rest agreed in opinion with 
him. Then, having taken their suppers, placed 
their guards, and made many fires in the front,, 
before those guards, they went to rest. 

The next day, early in the morning, Cyrus, 
with a crown on his head, made a sacrifice ; 
and ordered the rest of the alike-honoured to 
attend the holy rites with crowns. When the 
sacrifice was over Cyrus called them together, 
and said : " The gods, friends, as the diviners 
say, and as I myself think, do fortell that fliere 
G 



50 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book III. 



will be a battle. They give us victory, and 
promise us safety by the victims. I ought per- 
haps to be ashamed to direct what sort of men 
you ought to show yourselves on such an oc- 
casion ; for I know you understand those 
things as well as I do ; that you have practised 
and learned, and continue to learn, all the same 
things that I have done ; so that you may just- 
ly instruct others in them : but if, perhaps, you 
may not have taken exact notice of them, pray 
hear : Those men that we have lately admitted 
as our fellow-combatants, and have endeavoured 
to make like ourselves, it is your part to put 
them in mind for what purposes we are all 
maintained by Cyaxares ; what the things are 
that we practise, and have invited them to, and 
wherein they said they would joyfully be our 
rivals : and put them in mind likewise of this, 
that this day will show what every one de- 
serves ; for, in things where men have been 
late learners, it is no wonder, that some of them 
have need of a monitor. One ought to be con- 
tented if they can make themselves good and 
useful men on admonition ; then in doing this 
you will make a trial of yourselves ; for he that 
on such an occasion is able to. make others 
better men, must be justly conscious of being 
himself completely good. But he who bears 
these things in mind to himself only, and rests 
satisfied with that, should in justice account 
himself but half complete. The reason why I 
do not speak to these men myself, but bid you 
do it, is, because they may endeavour to please 
you ; for you are immediately conversant with 
them, every one of you in his particular part 
And be assured, that while you show yourselves 
to be in courage and heart, you will teach cou- 
rage to these men, and to many more, not by 
word, but by deed." In conclusion, he bade 
them go, crowned as they were, to their din 
ners ; and when they had performed their li 
bations to come crowned to their ranks. 

When these men were gone, he summoned 
the rear-leaders to him, and spoke to them to 
this effect : " YotfJ likewise, men of Persia, are 
become part of the alike-honoured ; and have 
been chosen, as men who appear to be equal, 
in all other respects, to the bravest, but, by 
your age, to excel in discretion. You have 
therefore a station assigned you, which is not 
less honourable than that of the file-leaders ; 
for being placed in the rear, and observing the 
brave and encouraging them, you make them 
still 'the better men : and, if any one acts re- 



missly, you do not suffer him to do so. If 
victory be of advantage to any, it is so to you, 
both by reason of your age and the weight of 
your military habit. If they therefore who are 
before, call out to you and exhort you to follow, 
comply with them ; and that you may not be 
outdone by them in this, do you exhort them, 
in return, to lead with more despatch to the 
enemy. Go, then," said he, " and when you 
have taken your dinners, come crowned, with 
the rest, to your ranks." Cyrus' men were thus 
employed. 

The Assyrians, when they had dined, march- 
ed boldly out, and formed themselves with a 
great deal of resolution. The king himself 
formed them, driving round in his chariot ; and 
he made them an exhortation in this manner : 
" Men of Assyria ! now is the time for you to 
be brave men, for now is your trial for your 
lives, for the country where you were born, for 
the houses where you were bred, for your 
wives and children, and for all things valuable 
that you possess. If you conquer, you will re- 
main masters of all these as before ; if you are 
defeated, be assured you give them all up to the 
enemy. Therefore, as you value victory, stand 
firm and fight ; for it is folly for those that de- 
sire conquest to turn the blind, unarmed, and 
handless parts of their bodies to the enemy by 
flight. He is a fool, who, for love of life, 
should attempt flying, when he knows that the 
conquerors are safe, and that run -away s meet 
their death more certainly than they who stand 
their ground. And he is a fool, who, out of 
love to his money, submits to a defeat ; for 
who is there that does not know that conque- 
rors save all that belongs to themselves, and 
acquire, besides, all that belongs to the defeat- 
ed enemy 1 but they who are defeated throw 
both themselves and all that belongs to them 
away." Thus was the Assyrian employed. 

But Cyaxares, sending to Cyrus, tola him 
that now was the opportunity of leading to the 
enemy ; " For," said he, « if there are yet but 
few that are got out of the entrenchment, by 
the time we arrive there will be great numbers 
of them. Therefore, let us not wait till they 
are more numerous than ourselves ; but let us 
march whilst we think we may yet easily 
master them." Cyrus replied : " Unless those, 
Cyaxares, that we shall defeat, amount to above 
half the number of the enemy, be assured they 
will say that we were afraid of their numbers, 
and therefore attacked but a few of them. 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



51 



They will not take themselves to be defeated ; 
and it will be necessary for you to come to 
another battle, when perhaps they will contrive 
better than they do now, that they give them- 
selves up to us to parcel out and engage as 
many of them as we please." The messengers 
having heard this went their way. 

On this came Chrysantas the Persian, and 
others of the alike-honouied, bringing with 
them certain deserters. Cyrus, as usual, re- 
quired from these deserters on account of the 
enemy. They told him that they were already 
marching out in arms ; that the king was come 
out, and was forming them ; and that, continu- 
ally, as they marched out, he made them many 
warm and vigorous exhortations, as the hear- 
ers, they said, reported. Here Chrysantas 
spoke : " Cyrus," said he, « what, therefore, if 
you should call the soldiers together while you 
are yet at liberty to make them an exhortation, 
in order to make them braver and better men?" 
Then Cyrus said : " Ο Chrysantas ! let not 
the exhortations of the Assyrians disturb you ; 
for no exhortation whatever, though ever so 
noble, can, at the instant, make the hearers 
brave if they were not so before ; nor can it 
make them skilful at the bow, unless they have 
before practised it ; nor skilful at the javelin, 
nor horsemen ; nor can it give them bodies 
capable of labour unless they have been before 
inured to it." Chrysantas then said i " But it 
is enough, if you can make their minds better 
by your exhortation." «And can a word," 
said Cyrus, " spoken at the instant inspire the 
minds of the hearers with a sense of shame, or 
hinder them from doing things mean and base ? 
Can it influence them effectually to undergo all 
labours, and run all hazards, to gain praise ? 
Can it establish this sentiment firmly ii their 
minds, that to die fighting is rather to be 
chosen than to be saved by flying 1 And if 
such sentiments," said he, " are to be instilled 
into men, and to be made lasting, ought there 
not, in the first place, to be such laws estab- 
lished whereby a life with honour and liberty 
should be provided for the brave 1 and such a 
course of life traced out and laid before the 
vicious, as should be abject and painful, and 
not worth living out ? Then there ought to be 
teachers and governors in these affairs, who 
should direct men right, should teach and ac- 
custom them to practise these things, till 
they come to determine with themselves, that 
the brave and the renowned are, in reality, the 



happiest of all; and to judge that the vicious 
and the infamous are of all the most miser- 
able ; for thus ought those to stand affected 
who are to make their institution and disci- 
pline overrule their fear of the enemy. But, if, 
just at the time that men are marching in arms 
to the enemy, when many are hurried out of 
all their former learning and knowledge, it 
were in one's power, by putting together a 
set form of words, to make men in the instant 
soldiers, then were it the easiest thing in the 
world both to learn and to teach the greatest 
virtue that belongs to men. Nor could I be 
secure that the men we now have, and that 
have been exercised under us, would remain 
firm, unless I saw you here present with them, 
who will be examples to them in their be- 
haviour, and will be able to remind them if 
they are at a loss in any thing. I should very 
much wonder," said he, " Chrysantas, if a 
discourse, ever so finely spoken, should be 
able to teach bravery to men wholly undis- 
ciplined in virtue, any more than a song well 
sung could teach music to such as where wholly 
un instructed in it." In this manner they dis- 
coursed. 

A'nd Cyaxares sent word again to Cyrus, 
that he was much in the wrong to spend time, 
and not march immediately to the enemy. 
Cyrus made answer to the messengers : " Let 
him be assured," said he, " that there are not 
yet come out so many of them as there ought 
to be ; and tell him this, openly before all ; 
but since it is his opinion, I will lead out this 
instant." Having said this, and having made 
his supplications to the gods, he led the army 
out. As soon as he began to put forward 
with more despatch, he led the way, and they 
followed ; and they did it in a very orderly 
manner, because they understood how to march 
in order, and had been exercised in it ; they 
did it with vigour and resolution, by means of 
their emulation of each other, by having inured 
their bodies to labour, and having all their 
officers at the head of them ; and they did it 
with pleasure, because they were wise ; for 
they knew, and had long since learned, that it 
was their safest and easiest course to close with 
the enemy, especially when consisting of ar- 
chers, of men armed with javelins, and of 
horse. While they were yet out of reach of 
the enemy's weapons, Cyrus gave out the 
word, which was this, " Jove, our assistant 
and leader l" When the word came about to 



52 



XENOPHON. 



[book III. 



him again, he begun the usual hymn to the 
youths of Jove, Castor and Pollux. They all, 
with great devotion, accompanied him, with a 
loud voice ; for, in such a circumstance, they 
who fear the deities are the less in fear of men. 
When the hymn was over, the alike-honoured, 
marching with alacrity and perfect good dis- 
cipline, and at the same time looking round at 
each other, calling by their names those that 
were on each hand of them, and those that 
were the next behind them, and frequently 
crying out, " Come on, friends ! come on, 
brave men !" they exhorted each other to fol- 
low : they that were behind, hearing this, ex- 
horted the foremost, in return, to lead on with 
vigour and resolution. And Cyrus had an 
army full of spirit and of ardour in the pursuit 
of honour: full of vigour, boldness, mutual 
exhortation, discretion, and obedience, which I 
think the most terrible to an enemy. 

Those of the Assyrians who fought from 
their chariots, in front, before the rest, as soon 
as the Persian body was near, and ready to 
close in with them, mounted their chariots, 
and retreated to their own body. Their ar- 
chers, and their men armed with the javelin, 
and their slingers, made the discharge, of their 
weapons a good while before they could reach 
their enemy. As soon as the Persians came 
up on these weapons that had been thus dis- 
charged, Cyrus cried aloud, " Now, my brave 
men, let somebody distinguish himself, and 
march quicker on, and transmit this order to 
the rest." They accordingly transmitted it ; 
and some, out of zeal and ardour, and out of 
desire to close with the enemy, began to run. 
The whole phalanx followed running ; Cyrus 
himself, forgetting his slower pace, led them 
on running, and cried out at the same time, 
" Who follows 1 who is brave 7 who will first 
prostrate his man V They, hearing this, cried 
out in the same manner ; and as he first gave 
it out, so it ran through them all, " Who will 
follow 1 who is brave Γ ' In this disposition 
did the Persians close with the enemy. 

The enemy were no longer able to stand 
them, but turned and fled to the intrench- 
ment; the' Persians, following up to the en- 



trances of the intrenchment, laid many of them 
on the ground, as they were pressing on each 
other and leaping in after those that fell into 
the ditch, they killed them, both men and 
horses, promiscuously ; for some of the chariots 
of the enemy were forced on, in their flight, 
and fell in amongst the rest. The Median 
horse, observing these things, charged the ene- 
my's horse ; and they gave way before them. 
Then followed a pursuit of both horses and 
men, and a mighty slaughter of both. They 
who were within the Syrian intrenchment, and 
were posted at the top of it, by reason of the 
dreadful spectacle before them, and of their 
terror, had neither ability nor skill to do exe- 
cution with their arrows and javelins on those 
that were making destruction of their people. 
And learning, presently after, that some of the 
Persians had cut their way through at the 
entrances of the intrenchment, they turned 
away and fled from the top of it. The Assy- 
rian women, and those of their allies, some of 
them, such as had children, and some that were 
of the younger sort, seeing that they already 
began to fly in the camp, set up a clamour, and 
ran up and down in consternation, rending their 
clothes and tearing themselves, and begging of 
every one they met not to fly and abandon 
them, but to stand by their children, by them, 
and by each other. Here the princes them- 
selves, with those they chiefly confided in, 
standing at the entrances of the intrenchment, 
and mounting to the top of it, fought them- 
selves, and encouraged the rest. As soon as 
Cyrus knew how things stood, being afraid 
lest, being but few, they should be but ill treated 
by the great multitude of the enemy, if they 
forced their way in, he gave out orders to re- 
treat out of the reach of the enemy's weapons, 
and required their obedience in so doing. Here 
one might distinguish the alike-honoured, and 
such as were formed to due discipline ; for they 
instantly obeyed, and transmitted the orders to 
the rest. When they were out of the reach 
of the enemy's weapons they stood in their 
several stations, much more regularly than a 
set of dancers ; every one knowing with great 
exactness where he was to be. 



X.ENOPHON 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



BOOK IV. 



s* 






CONTENTS of BOOK IV 



I. Cyrus addresses his army ; signalises and rewards Chrysantas ; congratulates Cyaxares— Pursues the eDemy 
with as many Medes as would attend him voluntarily. — II. The Hyrcanians revolt, and send messengers to 
Cyrus — His policy and encouragement to his army — Engages with the enemy and obtains a victory — Entertains 
his army, and u?es Persian abstinence as to treasures and provisions. — III. Cyrus acknowledges the superior 
skill of the Medes and Hyrcanians in horsemanship— Proposes its establishment among the Persians by the !aw 
of reputation. — IV. V. Cyrus makes friends of such of the enemy as were taken prisoners — His vigilance and 
orders during the time of feasting of the allies — Receives an angry message from Cyaxares — His politic be- 
haviour to the messenger— Sends an expostulatory letter to Cyaxares — Solicits from the Persians an increase 
of his army — Orders the arms of the enemy to be burnt, and distributee their effects among the allies.-- 
VI. Revolt and arrival of Gobry as — His address to Cyrus augmenting his grievances and the reply — Gobryis 
received as an ally. 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



BOOK IV. 



I. Cybus, waiting there for some considerable 
time with the army, and having made it appear 
that they were ready to fight, if any would come 
out. against them, since nobody stirred, led off 
to the distance he thought proper, and they 
encamped. 

Then having placed his guards, and sent out 
his scouts, he placed himself in the midst, and 
calling his soldiers together, he spoke to this 
effect : " Men of Persia ! I do, in the first 
place, give all possible praise to the gods ; I be- 
lieve you all do the same ; for we have obtained 
conquest and safety. Out of what we possess 
therefore it is our duty to make the gods our 
presents of gratitude and thanks, in return for 
these things. After this, I give praise to you 
all ; for the action that is passed has been per- 
formed by you all. When I have made my in- 
quiry from the proper persons what each man 
deserves, I will endeavour, both in word and 
in deed, to pay every man his due. With re- 
spect to Chrysantas, indeed, who was the near- 
est centurion to me, I need not enquire of others, 
but I know myself how well he behaved ; for 
he performed all those other acts that I believed 
you all did ; and when I gave out orders to re- 
treat, calling on him particularly by name, he, 
who had his sword held up to give his enemy a 
stroke, obeyed me in the instant, and, forbear- 
ing to do what he was about, performed my 
command. For he retreated himself, and trans- 
mitted the order with the greatest despatch to 
others; so that he got his century out of 
weapon's cast before the enemy perceived 
that we were retreating, before they extended 
their bows, or threw their javelins ; so that he 
was himself unhurt, and kept his men unhur» 
by this obedience. But there are others," said 
he, « that I see wounded ; and when I have ex- 
amined at what time it was that they were 
wounded, I will then declare my opinion con- 



cerning them. Chrysantas I now reward with 
the command of a thousand, as a man vigorous 
in action, prudent, and able both to obey and 
command. And when the gods shall grant us 
any farther advantage, neither will I then for- 
get him. And I am desirous too," said he, 
" to give you all an advice ; that you would 
never lose the remembrance and the consider- 
ation of what you now see by this battle ; that 
you may always have it settled in your minds, 
whether it is flight, or virtue rather, that pre- 
serves the lives of men ; whether they who 
readily engage in action come off the better, or 
they who are backward and unwilling; and 
that you may judge how great a pleasure it is 
that victory affords. You may now the better 
make a judgment of these things, having had 
experience of them, and the affair having been 
so lately transacted. And," said he, " by 
having the consideration of these things always 
present in your minds, you will become the 
better men. Now, like discreet and worthy 
men, favoured of heaven, take your suppers, 
make your libations to the gods, begin your 
hymn, and be observant of the word of com- 
mand." 

This said, he mounted on his horse and rode 
off. Then coming to Cyaxares, and having 
congratulated with him, as was proper, having 
seen how things stood there, and having in- 
quired whether Cyaxares had any farther need 
of him, he rode back to his own army. Cyrus' 
men, having taken their suppers and placed 
their guards, as was proper, went to rest. 

The Assyrians, on their prince being killed, 
and together with him all the bravest of their 
men, were all in a desponding condition, and 
many of them fled from the camp in the night. 
On seeing these things, Croesus, and their 
other allies, lost all courage, for they were 
surrounded with difficulties on all sides. And 

55 



56 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV 



what chiefly sunk the courage of them all, was, 
that the principal nation of all that were in the 
army were entirely confounded in their opinions. 
So they quitted the camp, and went off in the 
night. 

As soon as it was day, and that the camp ap- 
peared to be entirely abandoned, Cyrus imme- 
diately made the Persians march first into it. 
Great numbers of sheep and oxen had been left 
there by the enemy, and many wagons full of 
abundance of valuable things. After this, the 
Medes with Cyaxares marched in, and there 
took their dinners. When they had dined, 
Cyrus called his centurions together, and spoke 
to this effect : " Friends ! how many valuable 
things have we, in my opinion, perfectly thrown 
away, when the gods had delivered them into 
our hands ! for you yourselves see that the 
enemy are flying for fear of us. And how can 
any body think that they who, when possessed 
of an intrenched post, quitted it and fled, can 
stand and look us in the face on fair ground 1 
They who did not stand before they had made 
trial of us, how should such men stand after 
they are beaten, and have been so ill treated by 
us 1 How should the worst of those men in- 
cline to fight us, of whom the best have been 
destroyed 1" On this somebody said : " Why 
do we not immediately pursue, when the ad- 
vantages we have are so evident V Cyrus re- 
plied : " Why, because we want horse. And 
the best of the enemy, and such as it is most 
for our purpose to take or to destroy, are re- 
tiring on horseback. And those that, with the 
help of the gods, we are able to put to flight, 
we are not able to take in the pursuit." " Why, 
then," said they, " do you not go to Cyaxares 
and tell him these things !" To this he said ; 
" Come therefore all of you along with me, 
that he may see we are all of us of this opinion." 
On this they all followed him, and said what 
they thought was proper concerning the things 
they desired. 

Cyaxares partly out of a sort of envy, because 
they had begun the discourse on the subject, 
and partly, perhaps, because he thought it best 
for him not to hazard another battle, for he was 
indulging himself in pleasure, and observed 
that many of the Medes were doing the same 
thing, spoke therefore in this manner : " I am 
convinced Cyrus, by the testimony both of my 
eyes and ears, that you Persians, of all man- 
kind, study the most how to keep yourselves 
from being impotent and insatiable in any kind 



of pleasure : but my opinion is, that it is by 
much the most advantageous thing to be master 
of one's self in the greatest pleasure ' of alL. 
And what is there that gives men greater plea- 
sure than the good fortune, that has now be- 
fallen us 7 Therefore, since we have that good 
fortune, if we take care to preserve it with dis- 
cretion and temper, perhaps we may, without 
hazard, grow old in happiness. But if we use 
it greedily and insatiably, and endeavour to 
pursue one piece of good fortune after another, 
take care lest we suffer the same fate that they 
say many people do at' sea, who, by means of 
their having been once fortunate, will never 
cease repeating their voyages till they are lost 
And as they say many do, who, having obtained 
one victory, and aiming at more, have lost the 
first. If, indeed, the enemy who are fled were 
fewer than we, perhaps we might pursue those 
with safety ; but consider what part of them 
it was that our whole number fought and con- 
quered, the rest were out of the action, and un- 
less we force them to fight, are going their 
ways, meanly and ignorantly, without knowing 
their own strength or ours. If they shall find 
that they are not less in danger in retreating 
than they are in standing to us, how can it hap- 
pen otherwise than that we shall force them, 
even against their will, to be brave 1 for be 
assured, that you are not more desirous to seize 
their wives and children than they aTe to pre- 
serve them. And consider even swine, that 
they, though many in number, betake them- 
selves to flight, together with their young, as 
soon as they are discovered ; but if any man 
pursue one of their little ones, the sow, though 
she be single, does not continue her flight, but 
attacks the pursuer that attempts to take it. 
Now these men, on this late occasien, had shut 
themselves up in an entrenchment, and let 
themselves be parcelled out by us in such a 
manner, as put it into our power to engage as 
many of them as we pleased. But if we march 
up to them in an open country, and they shall 
have learned to divide and extend themselves, 
so that part of them shall oppose us in front, 
part on one wing, and part on another, and some 
in our rear ; do you then take care lest we, 
every one of us, stand in need of many more 
hands and arms than we have. Besides," said 
he, " now that I observe the Medes to be enjoy- 
ing themselves, I should be very unwilling to 
rouse them from their pleasures, and compel 
them to throw themselves into danger." 



institution of cyrus: 



57 



Then Cyrus in reply said : " You shall com- 
pel no one : do but allow those to follow me 
that are willing to doit. Perhaps we may 
come back, and bring you, and every one of 
these friends of yours, what you will all be 
pleased with. We will not pursue the main 
body of the enemy ; for how should we be able 
to lay our hands on them 1 But if we meet with 
any thing straggling from the rest of the army, 
or left behind, we will come and bring it to you. 
Consider then," said he, " that when you want- 
ed us, we came a long journey to do you plea- 
sure ; it were but just therefore that you should 
gratify us in return, that we may go home pos- 
sessed of something, and not all of us have our 
eye to your treasure." Here Cyaxares said : 
" If any one, indeed, weuld attend you of his 
own accord, I should think myself obliged to 
you." "Send with me then one of these 
credible persons who shall tell your message." 
« Come," said he, " take which of them you 
please." And there happened to be that person 
present who had called himself his relation, and 
that he had kissed ; Cyrus therefore immedi- 
ately said : " I am contented with this man." 
«'Let him therefore," said he, « attend you ; 
and do you," said he, "declare that any one 
who is willing may go with Cyrus." So, tak- 
ing this man with him, he went out. As soon 
as he came out, Cyrus presently said to him, 
" Now you will make it appear whether you 
spoke truth, when you said you were delighted 
with the sight of me." « When you propose 
this matter," said the Mede, " I will not aban- 
don you." " And will you not," said Cyrus, 
< yourself espouse it, and propose it to others V 
Then,' with an oath, " By Jove !" said he, " I 
will ; and that till I make you delighted with 
the sight of me." Then did this messenger of 
Cyaxares discharge himself with zeal, in all re- 
spects, by declaring his message to the Medes ; 
and added this of himself : " That, for his part, 
he would not desert this best and most excel- 
lent of men ; and, what was above all, this man 
who derived his origin from the gods !" 

II. While Cyrus was transacting these affairs 
there came messengers from the Hyrcanians, 
as if by divine appointment. The Hyrcanians 
are borderers on the Assyrians ; they are no 
great nation, and therefore subject to the As- 
syrians ; they at that time, it seems, consisted 
of horse, and do so at this day : the Assyrians 
therefore used them as the Lacedsemonians do 
the people of Sciros, not sparing them in 



fatigues and dangers ; and they at that time 
had commanded them to make the rear-guard, 
being a thousand horse, that in case any dangei 
pressed on them in the rear, these men might 
have it fall on them before it reached them- 
selves. The Hyrcanians, being to march be- 
hind all, had their wagons and domestics in 
the rear : for most of the inhabitants of Asia 
are attended in their military expeditions by 
those that they live with at home. And the 
Hyrcanians at that time attended the service in 
that manner. Considering therefore with 
themselves what they suffered under the As- 
syrians ; that their prince was now dead, and 
they beaten ; that the army was now under great 
terror ; that their allies were in a desponding 
condition, and were quitting them ; on these 
considerations, this appeared to them to be a 
noble opportunity to revolt, if Cyrus' men 
would but fall on the enemy in conjunction 
with them. Accordingly, they sent messen- 
gers to Cyrus ; for, since the battle, his fame 
was grown to the greatest height. 

The men that were sent told Cyrus — " That 
they had a just hatred to the Assyrians ; that 
if he would now march up to them, they them- 
selves would be his assistants, and lead him the 
way." They gave him likewise accounts of the 
circumstances of the enemy, as men who were 
extremely desirous to animate him to this ex- 
pedition. Then Cyrus asked them — " Do you 
think," said he, " that we can get up with them 
before they get into their fortresses'? For," 
said he, " we take it to be a very great misfor- 
tune that they fled without our knowledge." 
This he said with intention to raise in them 
the greatest confidence possible in himself and. 
his people. They replied, " That if he and 
his men, setting out early in the morning, 
marched with expedition, they might come up 
with them, even the next day ; for by reason 
of their multitude, and the number of their 
carriages, they marched very slowly. And be- 
sides," said they, " having had no rest the night 
before, they marched but a little way, and are 
now encamped." Then Cyrus said : "Have you 
any pledge therefore to give us of the truth of 
what you say 1" «We will go," said they, 
" this instant, and bring you hostages to-night. 
Do you only give us the security of your taking 
the gods to witness on your part, and give us 
your right hand, that what we ourselves thus 
receive from you we may carry to the rest of 
our people." On this he gave thera the testi- 
H 



58 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV 



monials of his faith, that " If they accomplished 
what theyjsaid, he would treat them as faithful 
men and friends ; and that they should not be 
of less consideration with him than the Per- 
sians or Medes." And at this day it may be 
observed, that the Hyrcanians are employed in 
considerable trusts, and are possessed of go- 
vernments, as those of the Persians and Medes 
are that appear worthy of them. 

When they had supped he led out the army, 
while it was yet day, and he ordered the Hyr- 
canians to stay, that they might go with him. 
All the Persians, as one may naturally sup- 
pose, were immediately out. Tigranes, like- 
wise, with his army was the same. But of 
the Medes, some marched out, because, while 
they were yet boys, they had been friends to 
Cyrus while a boy ; some because, by conver- 
sing with him in his huntings, they were much 
taken with his temper and manners ; some out 
of gratitude, because they thought him the man 
who had relieved them when they were under 
very great terror ; some, by his appearing al- 
ready to be a man of great dignity and worth, 
had hopes that he would still grow farther so, 
as to be prodigiously fortunate and great ; some, 
because they were desirous to return him that 
friendship and service that he had 'done them 
while he lived among the Medes ; for out of 
his good-nature he had performed several ser- 
vices with his grandfather for many of them : 
but most part of them, when they saw the Hyr- 
canians, and that it was discoursed abroad that 
they were to lead the way to mighty advan- 
tages, marched out in order to get something. 
So almost all the Medes marched, except those 
that were in the tent with Cyaxares. These 
remained, and the men that were under their 
command. The rest hastened out with zeal 
and pleasure, as not going by restraint, but vo- 
luntarily, and with design to oblige. When 
they were out he went to the Medes. He first 
commended them, and prayed — " That the 
gods, being propitious, both to them, to him- 
self and to his people, would vouchsafe to con- 
duct them ! and then that he himself might be 
enabled to make them grateful returns for tbis 
their zeal !" In the last place, he told them 
that the foot should lead the way, and bade 
them follow with their horse ; and wherever 
they rested, or suspended their march, he or- 
dered them to send off some people to him, that 
they might be informed of what was proper on 
every occasion On this he ordered the Hyrca- 



nians to lead the way, and then asked him this 
question : " Why," said they, " do you not stay 
till we bring our hostages, that you may march 
with the pledges of our fidelity in your hands 1 " 
He is said to have replied thus : " Why," said 
he, " I consider that we have all of us pledges 
of your fidelity in our own hearts and hands ; 
for we take ourselves to be so well provided, 
that if you tell us truth, we are in a condition 
to do you service : and if you deceive us, we 
reckon that we stand on such a footing as not 
to be ourselves in your power, but rather, if 
the gods so please, that you will be in ours. 
Since then," said he, " Ο Hyrcanians ! you say 
that your people march the hindermost, as soon 
as you see them signify to us that they are your 
people, that we may spare them." The Hyr- 
canians, hearing these things, led the way as he 
ordered* They admired his firmness of mind, 
and were no longer in fear either of Assyrians, 
the Lydians, or their allies ; but only lest Cy- 
rus should be convinced that, whether they 
were present or absent, they were of little sig- 
nificance. 

While they were on the march, and night was 
come on, a clear light from heaven is said to 
have appeared to Cyrus and to the army ; so 
that all were seized with a shivering at the di- 
vine appearance, but inspired with boldness 
against the enemy. As they marched without 
incumbrance and with despatch, they probably 
moved over much ground, and at the dawn of 
day they were near the Hyrcanian army. As 
soon as the messengers discovered them, they 
told Cyrus that these were their people : they 
said : " They knew them by their being the hin- 
dermost, and by their multitude of fires." On 
this he sent one of the two messengers to 
them, ordering him to tell them : " If they 
were friends, immediately to meet him, holding 
out their right hands." He sent some of his 
own people with them, and bade them tell the 
Hyrcanians : " That when he and his people 
saw them advancing, they themselves would do 
the same thing." So one of the messengers 
stayed with Cyrus, the other rode off to the 
Hyrcanians. While Cyrus was observing what 
the Hyrcanians would do, he made the army 
halt ; and the chief of the Medes and TigTanes 
rode up to him, and asked him what they were 
to do. He told them thus : " This body that 
is near us is that of the Hyrcanians. One of 
their messengers is going to them, and some of 
our people with him, to tell them, if they are 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



59 



friends, to meet us with' their right hands held 
out ; therefore if they come in this manner, 
do you, every one in your several stations, re- 
ceive them with your right hands as they come, 
and encourage them. If they take to their 
arms, or attempt to fly, do you endeavour to 
let none of those that we first meet with 
escape." He gave these orders ; and the Hyr- 
canians having heard the report of the messen- 
gers, were in great joy, and mounting their 
horses at a leap, came up, as was told them, 
with their right hands extended. The Medes 
and Persians, on their side, received them with 
their right hands, and encouraged them. On 
this Cyrus said : " Hyrcanians, we now trust 
to you. It is your part to be in the same dis- 
position towards us : but, in the first place," 
said he, " tell us this — how far from hence is 
the place where the enemy's commanders are, 
and their main body I" They said, in answer, 
" That it was little more than a parasang." 

On this occasion Cyrus said: " Come on, 
then," said he, •< men of Persia, Medes, and 
you, Hyrcanians, for to you I now speak, as to 
confederates and sharers with us in all things. 
Y"ou ought now all to be assured, that we are 
in such a circumstance as must bring on us the 
greatest severities of fortune, if we act in it 
remissly and faintly ; for the enemy know for 
what purposes we come. If we march to the 
enemy with vigour and spirit, and charge home, 
you will see them like staves that have run 
away and are discovered, some supplicating for 
mercy, some flying, and. some without presence 
of mind enough to do either; for, beaten as 
they are, they will see us come on them, and 
thinking of our coming, will be surprised, 
without order, and without being prepared to 
fight. If therefore, we desire, henceforward, 
to take our meals, to pass our nights, and to 
spend the rest of our lives with pleasure, do 
not let us give them leisure to contrive or exe- 
cute any thing that may be for their own ser- 
vice ; nor to know so much as that we are men ; 
out let them fancy that all is shields, swords, 
cutlasses, and blows that fall on them. And 
do you Hyrcanians," said he, " extending your- 
selves in front before us, march first, that by 
the appearance of your arms we may keep con- 
cealed as long as possible. When I get up 
with the enemy's army, do you, each of you, 
leave me with a troop of horse that I may 
make use of them, in case of need, remaining* 
in the camp. Do you, commanders, and your 



men of most years, if you are wise, march to 
gether in close order, lest, meeting perhaps 
with a close body, you be repulsed. Send out 
our younger men to pursue ; let these despatch 
the enemy, for it is our safest course at this 
time to leave as few of the enemy alive as we 
can. But lest, what has happened to many 
victors, a turn of fortune befall us, we ought 
strictly to guard against turning to plunder ; 
and as he that does it can no longer be reck- 
oned a man, but a mere bearer of baggage, so 
any one that will, is free to use him as a slave. 
You ought to be sensible that there is nothing 
more gainful than victory, for the victor sweeps 
all away with him, both men, women, and trea- 
sure, together with the whole country. Keep 
your eye therefore intent only on the preserva- 
tion of victory, for even the plunderer himself 
is comprehended in it. And remember this 
too, in your pursuit, that you return again to 
me while it is yet day ; for after it is dark we 
will give admittance to none." 

Having said this, he dismissed them, every 
one to his own century, and ordered them with- 
al to go their ways, and signify these things, 
every one to his chiefs of ten ; for the chiefs 
of tens were all in front, so as to be able to 
hear ; and he bade them order the chiefs of 
tens to give these directions, each to his own 
ten. On this the Hyrcanians led the way : 
he himself marched with the Persians in the 
centre, and formed the horse, as usual, on each 
wing. As soon as his army appeared, some 
of the enemy were astonished at the sight ; 
some, already discovered what it was ; some told 
it about ; some set up a clamour ; some loosed 
their horses ; some packed up their effects ; 
some threw the arms from off the beasts of 
burden, and some armed themselves ; some 
mounted their horses ; some bridled them ; 
some helped the women "up on the wagons; 
some laid hold of what they had of greatest 
value to save it ; and some were found burying 
such kind of things ; but most of them betook 
themselves to flight. It must needs be thought 
that they were taken up with these things, and 
many more of various kinds, excepting only 
that nobody fought, but that they were destroy- 
ed without making any opposition. Croesus, 
the king of the Lydians, it being the summer 
season, had sent away his women in the night 
in chariots, before, that they might travel with 
the more ease in the cool, and he himself with 
his horse had followed after. The Phrygian, 



60 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



they say, who was prince of that Phrygia (hat 
lies on the Hellespont, did the same. But as 
soon as they perceived the runaways, and that 
some of them came up with them, having got 
information of what had happened, they fled in 
the utmost haste. The kings of the Cappa- 
docians, and of the Arabians that were at 
hand, and without their corslets, thinking 
themselves secure, the Hyrcanians killed. — 
But the greatest number of those that died 
on this occasion were Assyrians and Arabs ; 
for being in their own country, they were most 
remiss in marching off. The Medes and Hyr- 
canians performed such things in the pursuit 
as are usual for men that have gained the vic- 
tory. But Cyrus ordered the horse, that had 
been left with him, to ride round the camp, 
and kill all such as they saw going off with 
their arms ; and to those that remained he 
ordered it to be proclaimed, " That all soldiers 
of the enemy whatever, whether horsemen, 
targeteers, or archers, should bring their arms, 
all bound up together, away to him, and leave 
their horses at their tents ; and that if any re- 
fused to do thus, he should immediately lose 
his head." Some with their swords drawn 
stood round in order; they who had arms 
brought them away, and threw them down on 
the place that he appointed them ; and they 
that he ordered for that service burnt them. 

But Cyrus then reflecting that they were 
come without either meat or drink, and that 
without these it was impossible to carry on a 
war, or do any thing else ; considering therefore 
how he might be supplied with these tfeings 
the soonest, and in the best manner, it came 
into his mind that it was absolutely necessary 
for all men that were engaged in military ser- 
vice to have some certain person to take care 
of the tent, and who should provide all things 
necessary for the soldiers when they came in. 
He judged therefore, that of all people in the 
camp, these were the most likely to be left 
behind, because of their being employed in 
packing up the baggage ; so he ordered procla- 
mation to be made, that all the officers of this 
kind should come to him, and where there was 
no such officer, that the oldest man of that tent 
should attend : he denounced all manner of 
severity to him that should disobey. But they 
all paid obedience instantly, having seen their 
masters do it before them. When they were 
Dresent he commanded all such as had neces- 
saries in their tents for two months and up- 



wards to sit down. When he had observed 
these, he again commanded all such as were 
provided for one month to do the same. On 
this almost all of them sat. When he found 
this, he spoke to them thus : " Come, then, 
good people, all those of you who would avoid 
evil, and desire to obtain any good from us, do 
you with readiness and zeal take care that in 
each tent there be prepared double the portion 
of meat and drink that you used to provide 
each day for your masters and their domestics ; 
and have all things else ready that will contri- 
bute to furnish out a handsome entertainment ; 
taking it for granted that the party conquering 
will be presently with you, and will require to 
have all things necessary provided for them in 
plenty. Know therefore that it may be of 
service to you to receive these men in the most 
unexceptionable manner." Having heard these 
things, they executed the orders with the great- 
est diligence. And having called the centu- 
rions together, he spoke to this effect : — 

" We know, friends, that it is now in our 
power to take our dinners first, before our 
allies, who are absent, and to apply the most 
exquisite meats and drinks to our own use ; 
but in my opinion this dinner will not do us so 
much service as our making it appear that we 
are careful of our allies. Nor will this good 
entertainment add more to our own strength, 
than we shall gain by making our confederates 
zealous and hearty in our interest. If we ap- 
pear, so negligent of those that tre pursuing and 
destroying our enemies, and fighting in case 
there are any that oppose them, that they find 
we have dined before we know what they are 
doing ; how can it happen otherwise, than that 
we shall appear vile in their sight, and lose our 
strength by losing our allies 1 But to be care- 
ful that they who are engaged in fatigues and 
dangers may have all necessaries ready for them 
when they come in ; this, I say, is the treat 
that should more delight you than the present 
gratification of your bellies. And consider," 
said he, " that if we were to act without any 
respect to our friends, yet to cram with meat 
and drink is not at all proper with regard to 
ourselves ; for we have a great many enemies 
in the camp loose and unconfined ; it is our 
business to be on our guard against them, and 
to keep a guard on them, that we may have 
people to do all necessary things for us. Our 
horse are absent, and give us cause to be in 
some concern and doubt where they are, whether 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



61 



they are to come back to us, or whether they 
are to stay. So that in my opinion, friends, 
the meat and drink, the most for our purpose 
at present, ought to be what one can imagine 
of most use to preserve us from being drowsy 
and remiss. Yet farther, I know that there 
are great treasures in the camp ; and I am not 
ignorant that it is in our power to appropriate 
to ourselves what we please of these things, 
that belong in common to all that were jointly 
concerned with us in taking them: but I am 
of opinion, that our taking them to ourselves 
cannot be a greater gain to us, than by making 
ourselves appear to these men to be just and 
honest, to purchase by that means still a greater 
share in their affection than we have yet ob- 
tained. And I am of opinion," said he, " to 
give up the distribution of these treasures to 
the Medes, Hyrcanians, and Tigranes, when 
they come ; and even to reckon it an advan- 
tage, if they allot us the smallest share ; for 
by means of their profit, they will with the 
more pleasure remain with us. And the tak- 
ing a present advantage may indeed afford us 
short-lived riches, but they that give up this, 
acquire by it in return those things from 
whence riches flow. And in my opinion this 
may procure much more lasting riches to us 
and ours. It was for this end, I think, that 
we practised at home that continence and com- 
mand over ourselves in the concerns of the 
belly, and in matters of unseasonable profit, 
that we might be able, when occasion served, 
to make use of these qualities for our advan- 
tage. And on what greater occasion than the 
present one we can show the virtue of our in- 
stitution, I do not see." 

Thus he spoke, and Hystaspes, a Persian, 
and one of the alike-honoured, spoke in favour 
of his opinion in this manner : " It were in- 
deed a sad case, Cyrus, if in hunting we can 
continually master ourselves, and abstain from 
food in order to get possession of some beast, 
and perhaps of very little value ; and, when 
we are in pursuit of all that is valuable in the 
world, we should not think it very unbecoming 
us to suffer ourselves to be stopped in our 
course by any of those things that have the 
command indeed of mean men, but are inferior 
and subservient to the deserving." Thus 
spoke Hystaspes in support of Cyrus* opinion; 
the rest approved it. Then Cyrus said : 
" Well, then, since we agree in these matters, 
do you send out five men of each company ; 
6 



and such as are the most diligent ana careful, 
let these march round, and those whom they 
find employed in providing the necessaries let 
them commend ; those whom they find negli- 
gent, let them chastise, without sparing them, 
any more than if they themselves were their 
masters. These men executed their orders. 

III. By this time some of the Medes 
drove up several wagons that had set out 
before from the camp, and that they had taken 
and turned back, laden with things that the 
army was in want of. Some of them brought 
chariots that they had taken ; some full of the 
most considerable women, who were some of 
them of the legitimate sort ; others of them 
courtesans, that were conveyed up and down 
by those people on account of their beauty ; 
for to this day all the inhabitants of Asia in 
time of war attend the service accompanied 
with what they value the most : and say that 
they fight the better when the things that are 
most dear to them are present : for they say 
that they must of necessity defend these with 
zeal and ardour. Perhaps indeed it is so; 
but perhaps they do it only for their pleasure. 

Cyrus, observing the things that were per- 
formed by the Medes and Hyrcanians, was 
almost angry with himself and with those that 
were with him ; for the others seemed to out- 
shine them at that time, and to be continually 
making some advantage or other, while they 
themselves stood quiet in an idle station ; for 
they that brought the prizes, after showing 
them to Cyrus, rode off again in pursuit of 
others ; for they said that they were ordered 
so t9 do by their commanders. Cyrus, though 
nettled at this, yet ordered the things away to 
a particular station ; then calling the centu- 
rions again together, and standing in a place 
where what he said might be heard, he spoke 
thus : " I believe, friends, we* are all convinced 
that if we had had the taking of these things 
that have just now appeared before us, all the 
Persians in general would have been great 
gainers, and we probably the greatest, who had 
been personally concerned in the action. But 
how we, who are not able of ourselves to ac- 
quire these things, can possibly get them into 
our possession, I do not yet see, unless the 
Persians procure a body of horse of their own. 
For you observe," said he," " that we Persians 
are possessed of arms that are proper to repel 
enemies that will close with us; but when 
they are once repulsed, what horsemen, archers, 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



targeteers, or dartsmen, while we are without 
horse, can we possibly take or destroy in their 
flight ? who would fear to annoy us, whether 
archers, dartsmen, or horse, when they know 
very well that there is no more danger of re- 
ceiving any hurt from us, than from trees that 
grow fixed in the ground 1 If these things are 
thus, is it not plain that the horseman now 
with us reckon all things that fall into our 
hands not less theirs than ours 1 Nay, per- 
haps, even more. On this footing therefore 
do things now necessarily stand. But if we 
get a body of horse not inferior to themselves, 
is it not evident to you all that we shall be 
able without them to perform the same things 
against the enemy that we now do with them 1 ? 
and that we shall have them in a more humble 
disposition towards us 1 for when they have a 
mind either to go or stay, it will be of less 
concern to us, if we are of ourselves sufficient 
without them. But be this as it will, yet no 
one, I believe, will be of a contrary opinion to 
me in this, that for the Persians to have a 
body of horse of their own, is not a matter 
that is entirely indifferent. But then, perhaps, 
you are considering how this can be brought 
about. Supposing then that we incline to 
constitute a body of horse, let us examine 
what is it we have, and what it is we want. 
Here are horses in great number that are left 
in the camp, and there are bridles to manage 
them, and all other things that are proper for 
the use of such as keep horses ; and we have 
likewise the things that are proper for the use 
of a horseman himself; corslets for the defence 
of his body, and lances, that we may either use 
in throwing or by hand. What then remains 1 
It is plain we must have men ; and these we 
have more certainly than any thing, for there 
is nothing so much belongs to us as we do to 
ourselves. But ' perhaps somebody will say 
that we do not understand it : nor, by Jove ! 
have any of those who understand it now at- 
tained the skill before they learned it. But 
they learned it, somebody may say, when they 
were boys. And have boys the better faculty 
to learn things that are told them, or shown 
them ; or have men 1 And when they have 
once learned, which of them have bodies the 
most able to undergo labour, boys or men 1 
Then we have that leisure for learning that 
neither boys have, nor other men ; for we have 
neither the use of the bow to learn, as boys 
have, for we know it already ; nor throwing of 



the javelin, for we know that too ; nor have we 
that continual employment that other men have, 
some in agriculture, some in trades, and some 
in other particular affairs. We have not only 
leisure to practise military affairs, but we are 
under a necessity of doing it. Nor is this, as 
many other military matters are, a thing of diffi- 
culty, as well as of use ; for is it not pleasanter 
on the road to be on horseback, than to travel 
on foot 1 And where despatch is required, is 
it not a pleasure to get quickly to a friend, 
when there is occasion, or readily ίο overtake 
either a man or a beast in the pursuit ? And 
is it not a convenience that whatsoever arms 
are to be carried, the horse helps to carry them Τ 
for to have arms and to carry them is the same 
thing. And as to what one may have most 
reason to fear, that we may perhaps be obliged 
to come to action on horseback, before we are 
yet well skilled in the work, and that we may 
become neither able footmen nor able horse- 
men ; even this is not a difficulty that is uncon- 
querable ; for whenever we please we are im- 
mediately at liberty to fight on foot ; nor shall 
we unlearn any thing of our skill as footmen 
by learning to ride." 

Thus Cyrus spoke; and Chrysantas, speak- 
ing in favour of the same opinion, said thus : 
" I am," said he, " so desirous of learning to 
ride, that I reckon, were I a horseman, I should 
be a flying man. As matters now stand, were 
I to run a race with a man, I should be con- 
tented if I got but by the head before him ; or 
if I saw a beast running by, I would be con- 
tented if on the stretch, I could contrive to 
reach him with my bow or javelin before he 
got at great a distance from me. But if I be- 
come a horseman I shall be able to kill anv 
man, though at as great a distance as I can 
see ; and in the pursuit of beasts, some I shall 
be able to come up with, and to strike them by 
hand, others I shall be able to reach with my 
javelin, as well as if they stood still ; for if two 
creatures are swift alike, they continue as near 
to each other as if they stood still. Of all 
creatures, they that I think raise my envy and 
emulation the most, are the centaurs, if there 
ever were any ; — creatures that, with the un- 
derstanding of man, are capable of contrivance 
and forecast ; who with their hands can effect 
what is proper to be done, and have the swift- 
ness and strength of the horse, so as to over- 
take what flies from them, and overturn what 
opposes them. So when I am a horseman, all 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



63 



these powers do I carry with me ; I shall be 
able to contrive things with my understanding, 
as a man ; my arms 1 shall carry in my hands ; 
with my horse I shall pursue, and by my horse's 
strength overturn what opposes me. But then 
I shall not be bound down and grow to him, 
like the centaurs ; and this is certainly better 
than to be incorporated with him ; for centaurs, 
I fancy, must be at a loss both how to use 
several conveniences discovered by men, and 
how to enjoy several pleasures natural to horses. 
But I. when I have learned to ride, and am 
mounted on horseback, shall perform the part 
of a centaur ; and when I dismount I shall 
take my meals, clothe myself, and take my 
rest, as other men do. So that what am I but 
a centaur, free and separable when I please ; 
and then, when I please, of a piece again 1 Be- 
sides, I have this advantage over the centaur," 
said he, " that he saw but with two eyes and 
heard but with two ears, but I shall see with 
four eyes, and receive notices of things by 
means of four ears ; for the horse they say dis- 
covers to men many things that he beforehand 
sees with his own eyes, and gives them notice 
of many things that he beforehand hears with 
his own ears. Write me down therefore as one 
of those that are desirous to serve on horse- 
back." " And us too," said all the others. On 
this Cyrus said : « Since, then," said he, " we 
are so much of this opinion, what if we should 
make a law, that it should be scandalous for 
any of those amongst us that I furnish with 
horses to be seen travelling on foot, let the 
way he is to go be little or great, that men may 
imagine we" are entirely centaurs'?" This 
proposal he made them, and they all gave their 
consent. So that at this day the Persians still 
put it in practice ; and none of the considera- 
ble men among the Persians are ever to be seen 
travelling on foot of their own good-will. 

IV. These men were employed in these dis- 
courses ; but when the middle of the day was 
past, the Median horse and the Hyrcanians 
rode up, and brought with them both horses 
and men that they had taken ; for as many as 
delivered their arms they did not kill. When 
they rode up, Cyrus first asked them whether 
they were all come safe 1 When they said that 
they were, he then asked them what they had 
done, and they related the things that they had 
performed, and gave magnificent accounts how 
manfully they had acted in every particular. 
He hearkened with pleasure to all that they had 



a mind to tell him, and then commended them 
thus : " It is apparent how well you have be- 
haved, for you are now in appearance taller, 
more beautiful, and more terrible than before." 
He then asked them how far they had gone, 
and whether the country was inhabited. They 
told him, " They had gone a great way ; that 
the whole country was inhabited, and full of 
sheep, goats, oxen, and horses, corn, and all 
valuable things." «There are two things, 
then," said*he, "that we are to take care of; 
how to subject the people that are the posses- 
sors of these things ; and how to make them 
remain on the place : for a country well inha- 
bited is a very valuable acquisition ; but one 
destitute of men is destitute of every thing that 
is good. All those that stood to their defence," 
said he, " I know you have killed ; and you did 
right ; for this is of the greatest importance for 
the maintaining of a victory. Those that de- 
livered their arms you have taken ; and if we 
dismiss them, we should do what I say would 
turn to our advantage ; for, first, we shall not 
be under a necessity of being on our guard 
against them, nor of keeping a guard on them, 
nor of furnishing them with provisions; for 
certainly we should not be for starving them. 
Then, by dismissing them, we shall have the 
greater number of captives ; for if we conquer 
the country, all will be our captives that in- 
habit it ; and the rest, when they see these 
living and set at liberty, will the more readily 
remain, and rather choose to submit than to 
continue in war. This is my j udgment ; but if 
any other person sees what is better, let him 
say it." But they, having heard these things, 
agreed to act accordingly. 

So Cyrus, having called for the prisoners, 
spoke thus: «Friends!" said he, "by your 
present submission you have preserved your 
lives ; and, for the future, if you behave in the 
same manner, no ill whatever shall befall you, 
unless it be that the same person will not go- 
vern you that governed you before : but you 
shall inhabit the same houses, and you shall 
cultivate the same territory ; and you shall live 
with the same wives, and you shall rule your 
children as you do now ; but you shall neither 
make war on us, nor on any one else ; and if 
any other injure you, we will fight for you. 
And that nobody may order you out on mili- 
tary service, bring your arms to us. And to 
those that bring them, peace ! and what I pro- 
mise shall be made good to them without fraud, 



64 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[BOOK IV 



But we will make war on those that refuse to 
lay their arms aside. But then if any of you 
shall come to us, and shall appear to do any 
action, or to give any information, in friend- 
ship and good-will to us, him will we treat as 
a benefactor and a friend, not as a slave. Let 
these things therefore be known to you, and do 
you tell them to the rest. And 'if there are 
any that will not comply with us in these things 
that we require, do you lead us the way to 
them, that we may make ourselves masters of 
them, and they not masters of us." Thus he 
spoke. They paid him their adoration, and said 
that they would perform what he enjoined them. 

V. When they were gone, Cyrus said : « It 
is time, Ο Medes and Armenians ! for all of 
us to take our suppers : and all things proper 
have been made ready for you in the best man- 
ner that we are able. Go your ways, then, 
and send us half the bread that has been made ; 
for there has been enough made for us both : 
but send us neither meat with it, nor any thing 
to drink, for of these we have enough with us 
already provided. And do you," said he, " Ο 
Hyrcanians ! conduct them to the tents ; the 
commanders to the greatest, (for you know 
which they are,) and the others as you think 
most proper. And do you, likewise, take your' 
suppers where it is most agreeable to you ; for 
the tents are untouched, and things are pro- 
vided there for you, as well as for the others. 
But let this be known to you both, that we 
undertake to keep the night-watch without. 
Do you look to what passes in the tents, and 
place your arms within ; for they who are in 
the tents are not yet our friends." 

The Medes then, and Tigranes' people, 
bathed themselves, (for all matters for that 
purpose had been provided,) and, having 
changed their clothes, took their suppers , and 
their horses were provided with all necessaries. 
Half their oread they sent to the Persians, but 
sent no meat with it, nor wine ; thinking that 
Cyrus' people were provided with those things, 
Decause he had said that they had them in 
plenty. But what Cyrus meant was, that the 
meat they had with their bread was hunger, 
and their drink was the water of a stream that 
ran by. Cyrus therefore having given the Per- 
sians their supper, sent many of them out, as 
soon as it was dark, in fives and tens, and com- 
manded them to march round the camp pri- 
vately ; judging that they would be a guard to 
it, if an enemy came on them from without ; 



and that if any one ran off with treasure of 
any kind they might take him. And it hap- 
pened so ; for there were many that ran away, 
and many were taken. Cyrus allowed the trea- 
sures to those that seized them, but ordered 
them to kill the men. So that afterwards, 
even though one desired it, one could not easily 
meet with a man that was going any where in 
the night. And thus the Persians employed 
themselves ; but the Medes drank and feasted, 
entertained themselves with the music of flutes, 
and indulged themselves in all kinds of delights 
and pleasure : for a multitude of things of that 
sort had been taken. So that they who were 
on the watch were in no want of work. 

But Cyaxares, king of the Medes, that night 
that Cyrus marched away, was drunk himself, 
as well as those that were of his company in 
the tent, it being on an occasion of happy suc- 
cess. As he thought that the rest of the 
Medes, excepting only some few, were still re- 
maining in the camp, because he heard a mighty 
noise and uproar ; for the servants of the Medes, 
on their masters being gone, drank without 
ceasing, and were very tumultuous : and the 
more, because they had taken from the Assy- 
rian army great quantities of wine, and abun- 
dance of other such things. As soon as the 
day came, and that nobody attended at his 
doors, but they that had supped with him ; and 
that he heard that the camp was left empty by 
the Medes and by their horse; and that he 
himself when he went out saw that this was 
really the case ; he then broke out into a rage 
at their going away and leaving him destitute. 
And as he is said to have been very violent and 
rash, he immediately commanded one of those 
about him to take some horses with him, and 
march with the utmost despatch to the army 
.that was with Cyrus, and to say thus : " I was 
of opinion, Cyrus, that even you would not 
have engaged in councils so imprudent and bad 
for me ; Or if Cyrus might have thought fit to 
do so, I did not think that you, Medes, would 
have consented to leave me thus destitute. 
Now, therefore, whether Cyrus will or will not, 
do you come away to me with the utmost des- 
patch." This message he sent then ; but he 
that received these orders to march said : « But 
how, Ο sovereign, shall I be able to find 
them 1" " And how should Cyrus," said he, 
" find those that he marched after 1" " Truly 
because," said he, " as I hear, certain Hyrca- 
nians who belonged to the enemy, and who had 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



65 



revolted and came hither, went and led them 
the way." Cyaxares hearing this, was in a 
much greater rage at Cyrus for not having told 
it him ; and he sent in much more haste to the 
Medes that he might strip him of his forces : 
he ordered them hack with more vehemence 
than before, and with threats. The messenger 
likewise he threatened, in case he did not dis- 
charge himself with vigour in the delivery of 
his message. 

The person that was thus sent marched with 
about a hundred of his own horse, and was 
grieved that he himself had not gone with 
Cyrus. As they proceeded in their march, 
the roads dividing, they lost their way in a 
beaten track, and could not get to Cyrus' army, 
till meeting with some Assyrians that were re- 
tiring, they forced them to be their guides ; and 
oy this means getting sight of their fires, they 
got up with them about midnight. When they 
were got to the army, the guards, as was order- 
ed them by Cyrus, did not admit them before 
day. • 

And when day appeared, Cyrus, calling to 
him the magi, commanded them to choose out 
what was due to the gods on the occasion of 
such advantages as they had obtained. These 
men employed themselves accordingly. He 
having summoned the alike-honoured, spoke to 
them thus : " My friends, the gods are pleased 
to lay many advantages before us ; but we, Ο 
Persians ! are at present but few in number to 
secure to ourselves the possession of them ; for 
the things that we have already gained, unless 
we secure them by a guard, will fall again into 
the power of others ; and if we leave some of 
ourselves as guards to secure the things that are 
already in our power, we shall immediately be 
found to have no manner of strength remain- 
ing. My opinion is, therefore, that some one 
among you should go as soon as possible to the 
Persians, acquaint them' with what I say, and 
bid them send an army as soon as they possibly 
can, if the Persians desire that the dominion 
of Asia, and the revenues that arise from it, 
should belong to them. Go therefore," said 
he, " you who are the oldest man, and when 
you arrive, say thus: that whatever soldiers 
they send, when they come to me, it shall be 
my care to maintain. You see all the advan- 
tages that we have gained ; conceal no part of 
them. "What part of these things it will be 
handsome and just for me to send to the gods, 
ask of my father ; what to the public, ask of 
6* 



the magistrates. Let them send people to see 
what we do, and to acquaint them with what 
we desire from them. Do you," said he, « make 
yourself ready, and take your company to at- 
tend you." 

After this he called the Medes, and with 
them Cyaxares' messenger appeared, and before 
all declared Cyaxares' anger to Cyrus, and his 
threats to the Medes ; and in conclusion said : 
" That he commanded the Medes to come 
away though Cyrus should incline to stay." 
The Medes, on hearing the messenger, were 
silent, not knowing how they should disobey his 
summons, and yet in fear how they should yield 
obedience to him on his threats, especially 
knowing the violence of the man. But Cyrus 
then spoke : « I do not at all wonder," said he, 
" Ο messenger, and you Medes, that Cyaxares, 
who had then seen a multitude of enemies, and 
knew not what we were doing, should be under 
concern both for us and for himself. But when 
he knows that a great many of the enemy are 
destroyed, and that they are all driven away be- 
fore us, he will first cease to fear ; and will then 
be convinced that he is not destitute at this 
time, when his friends are destroying his ene- 
^mies. But how is it possible that we can de- 
serve reproach for doing him service, and that 
not of our own heads neither ? for I prevailed 
with him to allow me to march, and to take you 
with me. It was not you that, from any desire 
of your own to march, begged his leave to do 
it, and so came hither ; but it was on orders 
from himself to go, given to every one of you 
that was not averse to it. I am therefore very 
well satisfied that this anger of his will be al- 
layed by our successes, and, when his fear 
ceases, will quite vanish. Now therefore do 
you messenger, take a little rest, since you have 
undergone a great deal of fatigue. Let us, Ο 
Persians ! since we expect the enemy to be 
with us, either to fight or to submit themselves, 
keep ourselves in the best order •; for while we 
are observed to be so, it is probable we shall 
succeed the better in what we desire. And do 
you," said he, " prince of the Hyrcanians, at- 
tend here, after you have commanded the 
leaders of your men to call them to arms." 

When the Hyrcanians had done this, and 
came to him, Cyrus said : " It is a pleasure to 
me, Ο Hyrcanian ! not only to perceive that 
you attend here, after having given us marks of 
your friendship, but that you appear to me to be 
a man of great ability. It is evident that the 
I 



66 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV- 



same things are now alike advantageous to us 
both ; for the Assyrians are enemies to me, 
and are now more at enmity with you than with 
myself. We must both of us therefore consult 
how to prevent any of our allies that are at 
present with us from falling off from us, and 
if we can, how to acquire others. You have 
heard the Mede deliver his orders to recall 
their cavalry. If they leave us, how can we 
that are foot remain alone ? You and I there- 
fore must contrive that this messenger who 
recalls them shall himself desire to stay with 
us. Do you therefore find out for him, and 
give him a tent where he may pass his time in 
the handsomest manner, and with all things 
convenient about him. I will endeavour to 
employ him on some business that will be more 
agreeable to him to do, than it will be to leave 
Us. Do you discourse to him on the many ad- 
vantages we hope all our friends will make, in 
case we are well supplied with every thing 
necessary. And when you have done this, come 
again to me." The Hyrcanian went, and con- 
ducted the Mede to a tent 

And he that was going to the Persians at- 
tended ready prepared. Cyrus directed him to 
tell the Persians the things he had before men^ 
tioned in his discourse to him, and to deliver 
to Cyaxares a letter. " But," said he, " I have 
a mind to read to you what I write, that being 
apprised of the matter, you may own it, if any 
body ask you about it." The contents of the 
letter were thus : 



CXRUS TO CTAXAHES. 



" Joy and happiness ! We have neither left 
you destitute, (for nobody, while they conquer 
their enemies, can be destitute of friends,) nor, 
when we left you, did we imagine that we 
brought you into danger ; but at the greater 
distance we were from you, so much the more 
security did we reckon we procured you ; for 
they that sit themselves down the nearest to 
their friends are not the men that best afford 
their friends security ; but they that drive their 
enemies to the greatest distance are the men 
that put their friends the most out of danger. 
Consider then what your conduct has been to 
me, in return of what mine has been to you, 
that you can yet blame me. I brought you 
friends and allies ; not as many as you could 
persuade, but as many as I was able. You 
gave me, while I was yet on friendly ground, 
as many as I could persuade to follow me ; and 



now that I am in the enemy's territory, you 
recall not every one that is willing to be gone, 
but all. At that time, therefore, I thought 
myself obliged both to yourself and them ; but 
now you force me to leave you out, and to en- 
deavour to make all my returns of gratitude 
and thanks to those that followed me. And 
yet I cannot act like you ; but am now sending 
to the Persians for an army, and give orders 
that whatever numbers are sent me, if you 
should be in any want of them before they reach 
us, you are free to use them, not according to 
their liking, but as you yourself please. And 
though I am the younger man, yet I advise you 
not to take away what you have once given, 
lest you meet with ill-will instead of thanks ; 
and when you would have any one to come 
quickly to you, not to send for him with threats ; 
and when you talk of being destitute, not to 
threaten a multitude, lest you teach them not 
to mind you. We will endeavour to attend 
you, as soon as we have effected the things that 
we judge to be of advantage both• to you and 
us. — Health attend you !" 

" Deliver him this letter, and whatever he 
asks you on the subjeet of these affairs, do you 
answer conformable to what is here written ; 
for with respect to the Persians, I give you 
such orders as are expressed in the letter." 

Having said thus to him, and given him the 
letter, he dismissed him ; enjoining him withal 
to use diligence ; as taking it for granted that 
it would be of great advantage to him to be 
quickly back again. 

After this he observed all the Hyrcanians 
and Tigranes* men already armed; and the 
Persians were likewise armed ; at which time 
some of the neighbouring people brought in 
horses and arms. Such of the javelins as they 
were not themselves in want of, he ordered 
them to throw on the place where he had or- 
dered others before ; -and those whose business 
it was, he ordered to burn them. But he com- 
manded those who brought horses to stay and 
look to them till he signified his intentions to 
them. Then calling to him the commanders 
of the horse and those of the Hyrcanians, he 
spoke in this manner: « My friends and allies, 
do not wonder," said he, " that I call you fre- 
quently together ; for our present circumstances 
are new to us ; many things are yet in disor- 
der; and things that are in disorder must of 
necessity give us trouble till they are settled in 
their proper places. We have now in our 






INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



67 



power many treasures, as well as men captive ; 
and by our not knowing which of these belong 
to each of us, and by their not knowing who is 
to each of them severally master, there are not 
many of them that we see performing their 
proper parts ; but almost all of them are at a 
loss what to do. That things therefore may 
not continue thus, do you distribute them. 
Whoever is in possession of a tent fully sup- 
plied with provisions of meat and drink, with 
servants, carpets, and apparel, and with all 
other things that a tent well accommodated for 
military service is furnished with ; here there 
is nothing farther necessary than that the pos- 
sessor should understand that it is his part to 
take care of these things as his own property. 
But where any one is possessed of a, tent, 
where those things are wanting, after you have 
discovered it, on examination, do you - supply 
what falls short ; for I know there will be of 
many things more than enough ; because the 
enemy was possessed of every thing in greater 
proportion than suits our numbers. Besides, 
there have been with me certain stewards be- 
longing to the Assyrian king, and their other 
great men, who have told me that they had by 
them sums of gold in coin, arising as they said, 
from certain tributary payments. Make pro- 
clamation therefore that these things be brought 
to you where you sit ; and denounce terror and 
punishments to whosoever does not execute 
what you command them. Do you receive 
these things, and distribute them ; to the horse- 
men, double payments; to the foot, single; 
that in case you want any thing, you may have 
wherewithal to buy. And have it presently 
proclaimed that nobody injure the camp-mar- 
ket ; but that the sutlers and tradesmen sell 
what each of them has for sale ; and when 
they have disposed of these, that they fetch 
more, that the camp may be supplied." 

. They immediately had these things proclaim- 
ed. But the Medes and Hyrcanians spoke in 
this manner : « And now can we," said they, 
" distribute these things without you and your 
people 1 " Cyrus to this question replied thus : 
" Is this then, friends," said he, " your opinion, 
that whatever is to be done, we must all of us 
attend on it 1 and shall not I be thought suffi- 
cient by you to transact any thing for you that 
may be proper, nor you sufficient to transact 
for us 1 By what other means can we possibly 
create ourselves more trouble, and do less busi- 
ness than by acting thus 1 But you see," said 



he, " that we have been the guards that have 
kept these things for you ; and you have repos- 
ed a confidence in us that they have been well 
and faithfully guarded. Do you on the other 
hand distribute these things, and we will repose 
a confidence in you, that they have been well 
and justly distributed. And on other occa- 
sions we will endeavour to perform some other 
public service. And now, in the first place, 
you observe how many horses we have at pre- 
sent, and that others are continually brought to 
us ; if we leave these without riders, they will 
be of no manner of use to us, and will give us 
trouble to take care of them ; but if we set 
horsemen on them, we shall be freed from the 
trouble, and shall add to our strength. If you 
have others that you would give them to, with 
whom it would be more pleasing to you to act 
with on any occasion in war than with us, give 
them the horses ; but if you would rather have 
us for supporters and assistants, give them to 
us ; for when you pushed on before us in the 
late service, without us, you put us under great 
apprehension lest you should come by some 
misfortune ; and you made us ashamed that 
we were not at hand wherever you were. But 
if we once get horses we will follow you ; and 
if it be thought of most service to engage on 
horseback, in concert with you, we shall lose 
nothing of our ardour and zeal ; but if it be 
thought most proper to support you on foot, 
then to alight will be obvious and easy to us ; 
we shall be ready at your hands on foot, and 
will contrive to find people to deliver our 
horses to." 

Thus he spoke ; and they replied : « We 
have neither men to mount on these horses, 
nor, if we had, would we come to any other 
determination, since you would have it thus. 
Take, then," said they, " the horses, and 
do as you think best." " I receive them," 
said he, " and may good fortune attend on 
our becoming horsemen ! Do you divide the 
things that are in common ; but first take out for 
the gods whatever the magi shall direct ; and 
then take such things for Cyaxares as you think 
most acceptable to him." They laughed, and 
said, that beautiful women, then, were what 
should be chosen for him. « Choose women, 
then," said he, « and whatever else you think 
proper : and when you have chosen for him, then 
do you, Hyrcanians, do all you can to give en- 
tire content to all these men that have volunta- 
rily followed me. And you, Ο Medes ! reward 



68 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



these, our first allies, in such a manner as may 
convince them that they took a right resolution 
when they became our friends. And out of 
the whole, give a share to the messenger that 
is come from Cyaxares, both to himself and the 
men that are with him, and exhort him to stay 
with us, as being my opinion, jointly with 
yours, that by means of his being better inform- 
ed of every particular he may represent to 
Cyaxares a full state of things : for the Per- 
sians," said he, " that are with me, let what re- 
mains over and above, after you are all well pro- 
vided for, be sufficient ; for," said he, " we have 
not been brought up in a nice delicate way, but 
in a coarse, rustic manner ; so that perhaps you 
may laugh at us, if there should happen to be 
any thing fine and magnificent left for our 
share : as I know very well," said he, " we 
shall give you a great deal of laughter and di- 
version when we are set on horseback ; and so 
we shall do, I believe," said he, " when we are 
thrown from off our horses to the ground." 
On this they went their ways to the distribu- 
tion, laughing heartily at this new body of 
horse. 

But he, calling the centurions to him, order- 
ed them to take the horses, the horse-furniture, 
and the men that were to take care of them ; 
and, after having numbered them, and drawn 
lots by centuries, to take each of them a like 
number. Cyrus himself ordered them to make 
proclamation, that whatever slave there might 
be, either in the Assyrian, Syrian, or Arabian 
armies, whether he were Mede, Persian, Bac- 
trian, Carian, Cilician, or Greek, or of any 
other country, forced to serve, that he should 
appear. These men, hearing the proclamation, 
appeared joyfully before him in great numbers. 
And he, having chosen from amongst them the 
most personable and sightly men, told them 
that they should now become free, and bear 
such arms as he would give them. To supply 
them with all necessaries, he said, should be 
his care ; and, bringing them immediately to 
the centurions, he put them under their care, 
and commanded them to give them shields and 
a smaller sort of swords, that being thus equip- 
ped they might attend the horse ; that they 
should take all necessaries for these men as well 
as for the Persians that were with him ; that 
they themselves, with their corslets and lances, 
should always march on horseback : and he be- 
gan it himself; and that over the foot of the 
alike-honoured they should, each of them out 



of the number of the alike-honoured, appoint a 
commander in his own stead. In these affairs 
were these men employed. 

VI. Meanwhile Gobryas, an Assyrian, and 
a man in years, arrived on horseback, attended 
by some cavalry, consisting of his own depen- 
dents ; and they were all provided with arms 
proper for horse. They that had been appoint- 
ed to receive the arms bade them deliver their 
lances that they might burn them, as they had 
done others before ; but Gobryas said that he 
desired first to see Cyrus. Then they that at- 
tended this service left the other horsemen 
behind, and conducted Gobryas to Cyrus ; and, 
as soon as he saw Cyrus, he spoke thus : "My 
sovereign lord, I am by birth an Assyrian ; I 
have a strong fortress in my possession, and 
have the command of a large territory : I fur- 
nished, the Assyrian king with a thousand 
horse, and was very much his friend ; but since 
he, who was an excellent man, has lost his life 
in the war against you, and that his son, who is 
my greatest enemy, now possesses the govern- 
ment, I come and throw myself at your feet as 
a supplicant, and give myself to you as a servant 
and assistant in the war. I beg you to be my 
revenger : I make you my son as far as it is pos- 
sible. With respect to male issue, I am child- 
less ; for he, Ο sovereign ! that was my only 
one, an excellent youth, who loved and honour- 
ed me to as great a degree as son could do to 
make a father happy ; him did the present 
king (the late king, the father of the present, 
having sent for my son, as intending to give him 
his daughter, and I sent him away, proud that 
I should see my son married to the daughter of 
the king) invite to hunt with him, as a friend ; 
and, on a bear appearing in view, they both 
pursued. The present king having thrown his 
javelin, missed his aim. Ο that it had not 
happened so ! and my son making his throw — 
unhappy thing ! — brought the bear to the 
ground. He was then enraged, but kept his 
envy concealed ; but then again a lion falling 
in their way, he again missed ; and that it 
should happen so to him I do not think at all 
wonderful ; but my son again hitting his mark, 
killed the lion, and said, « I have twice thrown 
single javelins, and brought the beasts both 
times to the ground.' On this the impious 
wretch contained his malice no longer, but, 
snatching a lance from one of his followers, 
struck it into his breast, and took away the life 
of my dear and only son ! Then I, miserabl 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



man ! brought him away a corpse instead of a 
bridegroom ; and I, who am of these years, buri- 
ed him, my excellent and beloved son, a youth 
just bearded. His murderer, as if he had de- 
stroyed an enemy, has never yet appeared to 
have had any remorse ; nor has he, in amends 
for the vile action, ever vouchsafed to pay any 
honour to him, who is now under the ground. 
His father, indeed, had compassion, and plainly 
appeared to join in affliction with me at this 
misfortune; therefore, had he lived, I had 
never applied to you to his prejudice ; for I 
had received a great many instances of friend- 
ship from him, and I served him. But since 
the government has fallen to the murderer of 
my son, I can never possibly bear him the least 
good-will ; nor can he, I know very well, ever 
reckon me his friend; for he knows how I 
stand affected towards him ; how I, who lived 
with that joy and satisfaction before, must now 
stand in this destitute condition, passing my 
old age in sorrow. If you receive me, there- 
fore, and that I can have hopes of obtaining, 
by your means, a revenge for my dear son, I 
shall think I arise again to new life : I shall 
neither be ashamed to live, nor, if I die, do I 
think that I shall end ray days with grief." 

Thus he spoke. And Cyrus replied: "If 
you make it appear, Gobryas, that you really 
are in that disposition towards us that you ex- 
press, I receive you as our supplicant, and, 
with the help of the gods, I promise to revenge 
you on the murderer. But tell me," said he, 
« if we effect these things for you, and allow 
you to hold your fortress, your territory, and 
your arms, and the power that you had before, 
what service will you do for us in return for 
these things 1" He then said : « My fortress 
I will yield you for your habitation whenever 
you please ; the same tribute for my territory, 
that I used to pay to him, I will pay to you ; 
wherever you shall make war I will attend you 
in the service, with the forces of my territory ; 
and I have besides," said he, « a maiden 
daughter, that I tenderly love, just of an age 
for marriage ; one that I formerly reckoned I 
brought up as a wife for the person now reign- 
ing ; but she herself has now begged me, with 
many tears and sighs, not to give her to the 
murderer of her brother ; and I join with her 



in opinion. I here give you leave to deal with 
her as I appear to deal by you." Then Cyrus 
said : " On these terms," said he, " with truth 
and sincerity do I give you my right hand, and 
accept of yours. Let the gods be witnesses 
between us !" When these things had passed, 
he bade Gobryas go, and keep his arms : and 
he asked him at what distance his habitation 
was, it being his intention to go thither. He 
then said : " If you march to-morrow morning 
you may quarter with us the next day. So 
Gobryas went away and left a guide. 

The Medes then came, after having deliver- 
ed to the magi such things as they had said 
were to be chosen for the gods. And they 
had chosen for Cyrus a most beautiful tent ; a 
Susian woman, that was said to have been the 
most beautiful woman of all Asia; and two 
other women that were the finest singers. 
And they chose the same things over again 
for Cyaxares. They had fully supplied them- 
selves with all such things as they wanted, that 
they might be in want of nothing in the course 
of their service in the war ; for there were all 
things in great abundance. The Hyrcanians 
took likewise whatever they wanted ; and they 
made Cyaxares' messenger an equal sharer with 
them. As many tents as were remaining over 
and above, they gave to Cyrus, that the Per- 
sians might have them ; the money, they said, 
they would divide as soon as it was collected : 
and they divided it accordingly. These things 
did these men do and say : but Cyrus ordered 
such men to take and keep the things that be- 
longed to Cyaxares as he knew to be most in- 
timate with him. < And all that you give me,' 
said he, " I accept with pleasure ; but he 
among you," said he, " that is the most in want 
of them shall have the use of them." A cer- 
tain Mede, who was a lover of music,l;hen said, 
" In the evening, Cyrus, I heard those singers 
that you now have, and I heard them with 
pleasure : if you would give me one of them, I 
believe it will be a greater pleasure to me to 
attend the service of the war than to istay at 
home." Then Cyrus said : " I give her to 
you, and I think myself more obliged to you 
for asking her of me, than you are to me for 
having her ; so very desirous am I to please 
you all." So he then took her away. 



XENOPHON 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



BOOK V. 



CONTENTS of BOOK V. 



(I. Cyrus marches to Gobryas, who presents him with hie daughter— His noble self-denial — Commendation of 
his friends — Invites Gobryas to supper — Obtains information respecting the enemy. — ΓΠ. Cyrus reaches the 
boundaries of Gobryas' territory — Arrives in the enemy's country, and takes considerable booty — His distribution 
of it — Marches toward Babylon — Sends a challenge to the Assyrian king, which is refused — Is complimented by the 
Hyrcanians — The Cadusians and Saeians beeome his zealous allies. — IV. Cyrus enters the territory of Gadatas, 
who offers hiro rich presents, which are modestly declined — The Cadusians make a private excursion from 
Cyrus' army, and are put to flight by the Assyrians — Cyrus' care of the dead and revenge on the enemy, stipulates 
for peace with the Assyrians — Assigns reasons for not advancing to the walls of Babylon. — V. Cyrus takes three 
forts from the enemy — Sends to Cyaxares for advice — orders his tent to be furnished in the best manner — 
Receives a reinforcement of forty thousand Persian archers— Interview between Cyaxares and Cyrus. 



72 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



BOOK V. 



I. Cyrus then calling to him Araspes the 
Mede, (he that had been his companion from 
a boy, to whom he gave the Median robe, that 
he himself put off when he left Astyages, and 
departed for Persia,) commanded him to keep 
the woman and tent for him. This woman 
was wife of Abradatas, king of the Susians. 
And when the camp of the Assyrians was taken, 
her husband was not in the camp, but was gone 
on an embassy to the king of the Bactrians. 
The Assyrians had sent him to treat of an 
alliance between them ; for he happened to have 
contracted a friendship with the king of the 
Bactrians. This woman therefore he ordered 
Araspes to keep till such time as he took her 
himself. But Araspes, having received his 
command, asked him this question : 

« Cyrus," said he, " have you seen this wo 
man that you bid me keep !" " No, by Jove I" 
said he, " I have not." " But I did," said he, 
« when we choose her for you. Indeed, when 
we first entered her tent we did not know her ; 
for she was sitting on the ground, with all her 
women servants round her, and was dressed in 
the same manner as her servants were ; but 
when we looked around, being desirous to know 
which was the mistress, she immediately ap- 
peared to excel the others, though she was 
sitting with a veil over her, and looking down 
on the ground. When we bade her rise, she 
and all the servants round her, rose. Here then 
she excelled first» in stature, then in strength, 
and grace, and beautiful shape, though she was 
standing in a dejected posture, and tears ap- 
peared to have fallen from her eyes, some on 
her clothes, and some at her feet. As soon as 
the eldest among us had said to her, « Take 
courage, woman ; we have heard that your hus- 
band is indeed an excellent man, but we now 
choose you out for a man that, be it known to 
you, is not inferior to him, either in person, in 
7 



understanding, or in power ; but, as we think, 
if there be a man in the world that deserves 
admiration, Cyrus does, and to him hencefor- 
ward you shall belong." As soon as the woman 
heard this she tore down her robe, and set up 
a lamentable cry, and her servants cried put at 
the same time with her. On this most part of 
her face discovered itself, and her neck and 
hands appeared. And be it known to you, 
Cyrus," said he, " that I, and the rest that saw 
her, all thought that never yet was produced, 
or born of mortals, such a woman, throughout 
all Asia. And by all means," said he, " you 
likewise shall see her." 

Then Cyrus said : " No, by Jove ! not I ; 
and much the less, if she be such a one as you 
say." " Why so 1" said the young man. « Be- 
cause," said he, " if on hearing now from you 
that she is handsome, I am persuaded to go and 
see her at a time that I have not much leisure, 
I am afraid that she will much more easily per- 
suade me to go and see her again ; and after 
that perhaps I may neglect what I am to do, 
and sit gazing at her." The young man then 
laughed, and said : « And do you think, Cyrus, 
that the beauty of a human creature can neces- 
sitate one against his will, to act contrary to 
what is best]" "If this were naturally so," 
said he, " we should be all under the same ne- 
cessity.. You see how fire burns all people 
alike ; for such is the nature of it. But of 
beauties, some inspire people with love, and 
some do not ; one loves one, and another an- 
other ; for it is a voluntary thing, and every one 
loves those that he pleases. A brother does 
not fall in love with a sister, but somebody else 
does ; nor is a father in love with a daughter, 
but some other person is. Fear and the law 
are a sufficient bar to love. If indeed," said 
he, " the law should enjoin that they who did 
not eat should not be hungry, and that they who 
• Κ - 73 



74 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[BOOK Vr 



did not drink should not be thirsty ; that men 
should not be cold in the winter, nor hot in 
the summer ; no law in the world could make 
men submit to these decisions, for by nature 
they are subject to those things. But love is 
a voluntary thing, and every one loves those 
that suit him, just as he does his clothes or his 
shoes." " How comes it to pass then," said 
Cyrus, " if to love be a voluntary thing, that 
we cannot give it over when we will 1 For I 
have seen people," said he, " in tears for 
grief, on account of love ; slaves to those they 
were in love with, and yet thought slavery a 
very great evil before they were in love ; giv- 
ing away many things that they were never 
the better for parting with ; wishing to be rid 
of love, as they would of any other distemper, 
and yet not able to get rid of it ; but bound 
down by it, as by a stronger tie of necessity, 
than if they were bound in iron chains ! they 
give themselves up therefore to those they 
love, to serve them in many odd and unaccount- 
able ways : yet, with all their sufferings, they 
never attempt making their escape, but keep 
continual watch on their loves, lest they should 
escape from them." 

The young man to this said : " There are 
people, indeed, that do these things ; but," 
said he, " they are miserable wretches ; and 
this I believe is the reason why they are al- 
ways wishing themselves dead, as being 
wretched and unhappy ; and though there are 
ten thousand ways of parting with life, yet they 
do not part with it. Just such wretches as 
these are they that attempt thefts, and will not 
abstain from what belongs to others ; but when 
they have plundered or stolen any thing, you 
see," said he, " that you are the first that ac- 
cuse the thief and the plunderer, as reckon- 
ing theft to be no such fatal necessary thing, 
and you do not pardon, but punish it. So 
people that are beautiful do not necessitate 
others to love them, nor to covet what they 
ought not ; but mean wretched men are im- 
potent, I know, in all their passions, and then 
they accuse love. Men, excellent and wor- 
thy, though they have inclinations both for 
gold, fine horses, and beautiful women, can 
yet with ease abstain from any of them, so as 
not to touch them contrary to right ■ I, there- 
fore," said he, " who have seen this woman, 
and think her very beautifnl, yet I am here at- 
tending on you, and I am abroad on horseback, 
and in all other respects I discharge my duty." 



" But, By Jove !" said Cyrus, " perhaps you 
retired before the time that love naturally lays 
hold of a man. It is the nature of fire not 
immediately to burn the man that touches it, 
and wood does not immediately blaze out ; 
yet still I am not willing either to meddle 
with fire, or to look at beautiful persons ; nor 
do I advise you, Araspes, to let your eyes 
dwell long on beauties, for as fire burns those 
that touch it, beauties catch hold of those that 
look at them, though at a distance, and set 
them on fire with love." 

" Be easy," said he, " Cyrus ; though I look 
at her without ceasing, I will not be so con- 
quered as to do any thing that I ought not" 
" You speak," said he, " very handsomely ; 
guard her, therefore," said he, " as I bid you, 
and be careful of her ; for perhaps this woman 
may be of service to us on some occasion or 
other." And having discoursed thus they 
parted. 

The young man, partly by seeing the woman 
to be extremely beautiful, and being apprized 
of her worth and goodness, partly by waiting 
on her, and serving her, with intention to 
please her, and partly by his finding her not to 
be ungrateful in return, but that she took care 
by her servants that all things convenient 
should be provided for him when he came in, 
and that he should want nothing when he was 
ill ; by all these means he was made her cap- 
tive in love, and perhaps what happened to 
him in this case was what need not be wonder, 
ed at. 

Thus were these things transacted. 

But Cyrus, designing that both the Medes 
and allies should stay with him of their own 
accord, summoned together all the proper per- 
sons, and when they were met, spoke to this 
effect ; " Medes, and all you that are here 
present, -I know very well that you came with 
me, not out of any desire of getting money, 
nor with the thought of serving Cyaxares by 
it, but you were willing to oblige me by it, 
and, in honour to me, you resolved to under- 
take a march by night, and to embark your- 
selves in dangers and hazards with me ; and if 
I am not very unjust, I must acknowledge my- 
self indebted to you for these things! But I 
do not think I am yet able to make you a due 
return for them : this I am not ashamed to 
say. But that I will make you just returns if 
you stay with me ; this, be it known to you 
I should be ashamed to tell you ; for I shouk 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



75 



think that it would look as if I said this only 
to make you the more willing to stay with me. 
Instead of that, therefore, I say this ; if you 
now go away in obedience to Cyaxares, yet 
will I endeavour, if I act with success, to deal 
by you in such a manner as shall make you 
applaud me. For my own part, I will not go ; 
and the Hyrcanians, to whom I have given 
my oath and my right hand, I will stand by ; 
I will not be caught betraying them. And 
for Gobryas, who delivers us up his fortress, 
his territory, and his whole force, I will en- 
deavour to bring it about that he shall not re- 
pent of his journey to me ; and, what is above 
all, when the gods so evidently deliver all these 
advantages into our hands, I ought to rever- 
ence them, and be ashamed to make a rash 
retreat and abandon all. Thus, therefore," 
said he, "will I act; do you as you judge 
proper, and tell me what your mind is." Thus 
he spoke. 

And he who before had said that he was 
related to Cyrus replied; "As for me," said 
he, " Ο king ! for you I take to be as much, 
by birth and nature, my king, as the particular 
bee in a hive is born the leader of the bees ; 
for that one they willingly obey ; where that 
remains, not one from thence departs ; that 
Temove, not one of them is left behind, so 
strong is the affection they are inspired with 
to be governed by it : and men seem to me to be 
almost exactly thus disposed towards you ; for 
when you left us, and went into Persia, what 
Mede, either young or old, stayed behind, and 
did not follow you, till Astyages made us 
turn back 1 When you sent out from Persia 
to our assistance, we again saw almost all your 
friends voluntarily following you ; and when 
you were desirous to undertake the expedition 
hither, all the Medes willingly attended you ; 
and we now stand so disposed, as that, with 
you, though we are in an enemy's country, we 
have courage, and without you we are afraid 
even to go home. Let the rest therefore speak 
for themselves, and declare what they will do. 
I, Cyrus, and they that are under my com- 
mand, will remain with you, and, comforted 
with the sight of you, and supplied by your 
bounty, we will undergo any thing, and bear 
it with bravery." 

On this Tigranes spoke thus : « Do not at 
all wonder," said he, « Cyrus, if I am silent ; 
for my soul," said he, " is not prepared for ad- 



vising you, but for executing what you com 
mand." 

Then the Hyrcanian said : " For my part, 
Ο Medes ! if you now go away, I should say 
it were the pleasure of some deity not to suffer 
you to be highly fortunate and happy ; for what 
human creature can determine for turning back 
when the enemies are flying ? or when they de- 
liver their arms, would refuse to accept them ? 
or when they deliver up themselves, and all 
that belongs to them, would refuse to receive 
them ; especially when we have such a leader 
as, in my opinion, and I swear it to you by all 
the gods, is more pleased with doing us good 
than with enriching himself!" On this the 
Medes all said thus : " You, Ο Cyrus ! have 
led us out, and do you, when you think i pro- 
per to retire, lead us back again with you." 

Cyrus, having heard these things, made this 
prayer: "But do thou, greatest Jove! I beg 
thee, grant me to exceed in good offices those 
that pay me such honour !" 

On this he ordered the rest to place their 
guards, and attend to the care of themselves. 
But the Persians he ordered to take possession 
of their tents ; the horsemen such as were pro- 
per for them, and the foot such as were suffi- 
cient for the foot ; and he ordered things to be 
so regulated, that they who were.in the tents 
despatching the business there, should bring 
all necessaries to the Persians in their ranks, 
and see that the horses were taken care of, that 
the Persians might have no other work to do 
but the business of war. This day they thus 
passed. 

II. And the next morning when they rose 
they marched to join Gobryas. Cyrus march»• 
ed on horseback, as did also the Persian horse- 
men, who were about two thousand. They 
who held the shields and the swords of these 
men followed after them, being equal to them 
in number ; and the rest of the army marched 
in order of battle. He ordered every one to 
tell their new servants, that whoever of them 
should be seen either behind the rear-guard or 
before the front, or should be caught on the 
outside of those that were in their ranks on 
either wing, should be punished. On the se- 
cond day, towards the evening, they reached the 
habitation of Gobryas. They saw it to be an 
exceeding strong fortress, and that all things 
were provided upon the walls proper for a vigo- 
rous defence ; and thev saw abundance of oxeu 



76 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book 



and sheep brought under the fortifications. Go- 
bryas then, sending to Cyrus, bade him ride 
round, and see where the access was most easy, 
and send in to him some of those that he con- 
fided in, who, having seen how things stood 
within, might give him an account of them. So 
Cyrus, desiring in reality to see if the fortress 
might be taken on any side, or whether Gobry- 
as might be discovered to be false, rode round 
on every side, but saw every part too strong to 
be approached. They that Cyrus sent in to 
Gobryas brought him an account, that there 
was such plenty of all good things within as 
could not, as they thought, even in the age of 
a man, come to fail the people that were there. 
Cyrus was under concern about what all this 
might mean. But Gobryas himself came out 
to him, and brought out all his men ; some car- 
rying wine, some meal, and others driving oxen, 
sheep, hogs, and goats, and of every thing that 
was eatable ; they brought sufficient to furnish 
a handsome supper for the whole army that was 
.with Cyrus. They that were appointed to this 
service made distribution of all these things, 
and they all supped. But Gobryas, when all 
his men were come out, bade Cyrus enter in 
the manner that he thought the most safe. Cy- 
rus therefore, sending in before certain people 
to view and search into things, and a force with 
them, then entered himself; and when he was 
got in, keeping the gates open, he summoned 
all his friends and the commanders that had at- 
tended him : and when they were come in, Go- 
bryas, producing cups of gold, and vessels of 
various kinds, all manner of furniture and ap- 
parel, daricks, without number, and magnificent 
things of all kinds ; and at last bringing out his 
daughter (who was astonishingly beautiful and 
tall, but in affliction on the death of her bro- 
ther,) spoke thus : 

" Cyrus, all these treasures I give you, and 
this daughter of mine I intrust you with to dis- 
pose of as you think fit : but we are both of us 
your supplicants : I, before, that you would be 
the revenger of my son ; and she, now, that 
you would be the revenger of her brother." 

Cyrus to this said : " I promised you, then, 
that, if you were not false to us, I would re- 
venge you to the utmost of my power ; and 
now that I find you true to us, I am under the 
obligation of that promise. And I now pro- 
mise her, with the help of the gods, to perform 
it. These treasures," said he, " I accept, but 
give them to this your daughter, and to the 



man that shall marry her. But I go off 
with one present from you, that I could not 
go off with more pleasure with the treasures of 
Babylon, where there are abundance; nor even 
with those of the whole world, were they to be 
exchanged for this that you have now presented 
me with." 

Gobryas, wondering what it should be, and 
suspecting that he meant his daughter, asked 
him thus : " Ο Cyrus !" said he, » what is it 1" 
Then Cyrus replied: "Gobryas," said he, 
" it is this. I believe here may be abundance 
of men that would not be guilty either of im- 
piety, injustice, or falsehood ; and yet, because 
nobody will throw either treasures, or power, 
or strong fortresses, or lovely children in their 
way, die before it comes to appear what they 
were. But you, by having now put into my 
hands both strong fortresses, and riches of all 
kinds, your whole force, and your daughter, 
who is so valuable a possession, have made me 
clearly appear to all men to be one that would• 
neither be guilty of impiety towards friends that 
receive and entertain me, nor of injustice for 
the sake of treasure, nor willingly false to faith 
in compacts. This therefore, be you assured, Τ 
will not forget, while I am a just man, and while 
as such I receive the applause of men, but I will 
endeavour to make you returns of honour in all 
things great and noble : and do not be afraid of 
wanting a husband for your daughter, and such 
a one as shall be worthy of her; for I have 
many excellent friends, and, amongst them, 
whoever it is that marries her, whether he will 
have either as much treasure as you have given, 
or a great deal more, I am not able to say ; but 
be assured that there are some of them who, for 
all the treasures you have bestowed, do not on 
that account esteem you one jot the more. But 
they are at this time my rivals ; they supplicate 
all the gods that they may have an opportunity 
of showing themselves that they are not less 
faithful to their friends than I am : that, while 
alive, they will never yield to their enemies, 
unless some god should blast their endeavours ; 
and that for virtue and good reputation, they 
would not accept of all the treasures of the Sy- 
rians and Assyrians added to yours. Such 
men, be you assured, are sitting here." 

Gobryas, smiling at this — " By the gods !" 
said he, " Cyrus, pray show me where these 
men are, that I may beg one of them of you to 
be my son." " Do not trouble yourself," said 
he, " it will not be at all necessary for you to 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



77 



inquire that of me. If you will but attend us, 
you yourself will be able to show them every 
one to any body else." 

And having said this, he took Gobryas by 
the right hand, rose, went out, and brought out 
all that were with him ; and though Gobryas 
repeatedly desired him to take his supper with- 
in, yet he would not do it, but supped in the 
camp, and took Gobryas to sup with him. Af- 
ter he had laid himself down on a mattress, he 
asked him thus *< Tell me," said he, " Gobry- 
as, whether do you think that you, or we here, 
have the greatest plenty of furniture for 
couches?" He replied: "By Jove! I know 
very well that you have the furniture of this 
kind in greatest abundance, and couches too in 
greater number : and then your habitations are 
much larger than mine ; for you have heaven 
and earth for a habitation, and couches you have 
as many as there are places on the earth to lie 
on : and for their furniture, you do not only 
think that you have as much of it as there grows 
of wool on the backs of sheep, but as much as 
there is of stubble and brushwood that the 
mountains and plains produce." 

But Gobryas then supping with him for the 
first time, and observing the coarseness of the 
meats that were set before them, thought that 
they themselves lived in a much nobler man- 
ner than these people. Β ut he afterwards con- 
sidered their great temperance ; for no disci- 
plined Persian ever appeared struck with any 
sort of meats or drink, either by eagerness in 
his eyes, or by greediness, or by any such in- 
tenseness of mind, as not to give the same at- 
tention to things as if he were not taken up in 
eating ; but as good horsemen, by keeping them- 
selves easy and undisturbed on horseback, are 
able at the same time to see, to hear, and to 
speak what is proper ; so they think, that while 
they are at their food, they ought to appear dis- 
creet and temperate ; and to be much moved 
with any sort of meat or drink, they take to be 
selfish and brutal. He considered likewise 
their manner of converse, in asking each other 
such questions as were more agreeable to be 
asked than not ; in jesting with each other in 
such a manner as was more pleasing than if let 
alone ; and of their sporting with each other, 
but so as to keep at the greatest distance from 
being abusive, or from doing any thing indecent 
and ugly, and from giving one another offence. 
But what seemed to him to be above all was, 
that men engaged in military service should 
7* 



think that none of those engaged in the same 
dangers should be served with greater plenty 
than others ; but they reckoned it their noblest 
feast to provide in the best manner for those 
that were to be their fellow-combatants. And 
when Gobryas rose up to go to his house, he is 
reported to have said : 

« It is no longer a wonder to me, Cyrus, that 
we possess these fine vessels, gold, and rich 
habits, in greater abundance than you do, and 
that we are much less deserving than you are ; 
for we do our endeavours to obtain as many of 
these things as we can, and your endeavours 
are to make yourselves the most excellent 
men." Thus he spoke ; and Cyrus said : 
" Take care, Gobryas, to attend in the morn- 
ing with your horse, ready in arms, that we 
may see your force, and at the same time, that 
you may conduct us through your territory, that 
we may know what we are to reckon belonging 
to our friends, and what to our enemies." 

And having thus discoursed, they parted, 
each retiring to his proper business. 

When day came, Gobryas attended with his 
horse, and led them the way. But Cyrus, as 
became a commander, was not only attentive 
to his present march, but as he advanced, con- 
sidered whether it was in his power, by any 
means, to distress and weaken the enemy, and 
to strengthen themselves. Calling, therefore, 
the Hyrcanian and Gobryas to him, for he judg- 
ed that these understood best the things that he 
thought it necessary for him to be informed of 
— « My friends," said he, " I do not think that 
I am in the wrong, when I consult with you on 
the subject of this war, as with men that are 
faithful and true; for I find that it is more 
your business than mine to take care that the 
Assyrian do not get the fitter of us : I, per- 
haps, though I fail in my undertaking here, may 
yet have a farther resource ; but if he get the 
better, I see that all is lost for you. He is, in- 
deed, my enemy, but not out of any hatred he 
bears me, but because he thinks it a damage 
to himself that we should be considerable, and 
this was the reason he made war on us. But 
you he hates, and by you he thinks himself un- 
justly dealt with." To this they both answer- 
ed : " That he should proceed as he intended, 
and as concluding that they were convinced of 
what he said, and under the greatest care and 
concern for the turn that the present state of 
their affairs might take." Here then he thus 
began : " Tell me, said he, does the Assyria» 



78 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



think that you are the only people at enmity 
with him 1 or do you know any body else that 
is his enemy ?" " Yes, by Jove !" said the 
Hyrcanian, " the Cadusians are his enemies in 
the highest degree, and are a strong and nu- 
merous people : the Sacians too, that are our 
borderers, and who have undergone a great 
many hardships under the Assyrian, for he en- 
deavoured to subdue them as he did us." " Do 
not you think, therefore," said he, " that they 
would both, with pleasure, fall on the Assy- 
rian, in conjunction with us ?" « With a great 
deal of pleasure," said they, " if they could 
join us." What is there then between," said 
he, "to hinder our joining!" "The Assy- 
rians," said they ; " the very nation that you 
are now marching through." 

After Cyrus had heard this — « Well, Go- 
bryas," said he, " do you not charge this young 
man that is now established as king with great 
pride and insolence of temper 1" " Yes," said 
Gobryas, " for I have suffered by him accord- 
ingly." " And has he then," said Cyrus, " been 
so only to you ? or has he been so to others 
besides 1 ?" "By Jove!" said Gobryas, "to 
many others. But what need I mention the 
wrongs he has done to the inconsiderable ? 
There is one man abundantly more powerful 
than myself, on whose son ; being his compan- 
ion, as mine was, and drinking with him at his 
own house, he inflicted a most serious injury ; 
because, as some say, his courtesan had com- 
mended him as a handsome man, and pronounc- 
ed that woman happy who was to be his wife. 
But, as he himself now says, it was because he 
had made advances to his courtesan. This 
man, however, since the death of his father, 
holds that government." " Do you not think, 
therefore," said he, " that this man would see 
us with pleasure if he thought we would sup- 
port him ?" "I know it very well," said Go- 
bryas : " but to come at the sight of him, Cy- 
rus, is a difficult matter." "How so?" said 
Cyrus. " Because if any one has a mind to 
join him, one must pass by Babylon itself." 
" And what difficulty then is therein this?" 
"The difficulty, by Jove!" said Gobryas, "is, 
that the forces that belong to that place alone, 
I know to be much greater than those you have 
at present with you ; and be assured that the 
Assyrians are now less forward than before to 
bring you arms and horses ; for this reason, 
that your force appears to be but little to those 
that have had a vigw of it ; and the discourse 



of this has been already much spread abroad 
among them. So it seems to me," said he, " to 
be best for us to be on our guard, and cautious 
to our march." 

Cyrus hearing this from Gobryas, spoke to 
him in this manner: 

" In my qpinion, Gobryas, you say very well 
when you bid us take the safest course we can 
with respect to our march : and therefore, on 
consideration, I am not able to find that any 
other march is safer for us than that to Baby- 
lon itself, if the principal strength of the enemy 
lies there ; for you say they are very numerous ; 
and, if they are in spirit, then I say they will 
be terrible to us. By not seeing us therefore, 
and by imagining that it is our fear of them that 
keeps us from appearing ; be assured," said he, 
" that they will be released from the fear that 
has been on them ; courage will spring up in 
its stead, and a courage that will be so much 
the greater, as they are the longer without see- 
ing us. If we march instantly up to them, we 
shall find many of them lamenting for those 
that we have killed, many still bound up by 
reason of the wounds they received from our 
people, and all of them still well remembering 
the boldness of this army as well as their own 
misfortune and flight. And be assured, Go- 
bryas, of this besides, that a multitude, when 
they are in spirit, raise in themselves such a 
courage as nothing can withstand ; but when 
they are in fear, they bring on themselves such 
a terror as is the greater, and strikes on them so 
much the more as they are the more in number : 
for it falls on them, increased by numerous sto- 
ries of misfortune, and gathers to a head from 
many unhappy circumstances, and from multi- 
tudes of dejected and astonished looks. So that 
it grows to such a height, that it is no easy 
matter either to suppress it by any discourse, or 
to raise a spirit by leading to the enemy, or to 
nurse up a courage by retreating ; but the more 
you exhort them to confidence, they imagine 
themselves to be in so much the more danger- 
ous circumstances. And now let us examine 
strictly into this particular farther. And in- 
deed if victories from henceforward are acts to 
be performed only by that party that can reckon 
the greatest numbers, you are in the right to 
fear for us, and we are in reality in dangerous 
circumstances. But if engagements, as here- 
tofore they have been, are still decided by good 
combatants, you will not be at all in the wrong 
to be of good heart ; for with the help of the 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



79 



gods, you will find more amongst us that are 
forward to engage than amongst them. And 
that you may be still more in spirit, consider 
this: that the enemies are at this time much 
weaker than they were before they were beat- 
en by us, and still weaker than when they fled 
from us ; but we are more in vigour since we 
have been victorious, and stronger since you 
have joined us : for do not still think con- 
temptuously of your people, now that they are 
with us ; for be assured, Gobry as, that they 
that attend the victorious, follow with confi- 
dence ; nor let this escape your notice," said he, 
" that the enemy is now at full liberty to see 
us ; but we cannot, by any means, make our 
appearance with greater terror to them than by 
our marching up to them. As this therefore 
is my fixed opinion, do you lead us directly the 
way to Babylon." 

III. So marching on, they reached the boun- 
daries of Gobryas' territory on the fourth day. 
When he had got into the enemy's country, he 
took the foot to himself, and as many of the 
horse as he thought proper, and formed them. 
The rest of the horse he sent out on excur- 
sions : he ordered them to kill those that were 
in arms, but to bring the rest to him, together 
with whatever sheep or cattle they should take. 
He ordered out the Persians likewise on this 
service with the orders ; and many of them re- 
turned, after having got falls from their horses ; 
but many of them brought off considerable 
booty. When the booty arrived, and that he 
had called together the commanders of the 
Medes and Hyrcanians, together with the alike- 
honoured, he spoke thus : 

« Gobryas, my friends, has entertained us all 
with good things in great abundance : there- 
fore," said he, " after having taken out what is 
due to the gods, and what will be sufficient for 
the army, if we should give the remainder of 
the booty to him, we should do a handsome 
thing, by making it immediately appear that 
we endeavour in benefits to exceed our bene- 
factors." 

When they had heard this they all commend- 
ed and applauded it ; arid one of them spoke 
thus : " This we will do, Cyrus," said he, « by 
all means ; for I believe that Gobryas took us 
for beggarly people, because we came not with 
daricks in abundance, and do* not drink out of 
golden cups ; but if we do this that you pro- 
pose, he may then understand that it is possi- 
ble to bo generous, even without gold. Go, 



then," said he, " and having delivered to tho 
magi what is due to the gods, and taken what 
is sufficient for the army, call Gobryas, and 
give him the remainder." 

So these men, having taken as much as was 
proper, gave the rest to Gobryas. On this he 
marched on to Babylon itself, making the same 
disposition as when he fought ; and the As- 
syrians declining to come out against him, Cy- 
rus commanded Gobryas to ride on before, and 
to declare that if the king were willing to come 
out and fight for his territory, he would fight 
him ; but if he would not defend his territory, 
that then of necessity he was to submit to his 
conquerors. Gobryas, riding on as far as it 
was safe, notified these things. And the other 
sent out one to return him an answer in this 
manner : 

" Gobryas, your sovereign says to you thus : 
that I have killed your son, I do not repent ; 
but I repent that I have not killed you like- 
wise ! If you would fight, come hither on the 
thirtieth day from hence : we are at this time 
not at leisure, for we are yet employed in our 
preparations." 

Then Gobryas said : " May that repentance 
never quit you ! for it is plain I am a torment 
to you, from the moment that this repentance 
takes place." 

Gobryas brought back the message from the 
Assyrian ; and Cyrus having heard it, drew off 
the army ; and calling Gobryas -to him — " Tell 
me," said he, " did you not say that you thought 
a certain person who had been seriously injured 
by the Assyrian would take part with us i" "I 
think I know it very well," said he ; " for he 
and I have often conferred together with great 
freedom." " When you think it proper there- 
fore do you go to him ; and, in the first place, 
you must manage so as to know what he says 
on the subject ; and when you have conferred 
with him, if you find him inclined to be our 
friend, you must then contrive that his friend- 
ship for us may be kept concealed ; for no one 
can by any other means do greater service to 
his friends in war, than by appearing to be 
their enemy ; nor can he by any other means 
do greater mischief to his enemy than by ap- 
pearing to be their friend." I know indeed," 
said Gobryas, " that Gadatas would pay any 
price to do some considerable mischief to the 
Assyrian king; but then we must consider 
what it is that he can do." " Tell me, then," 
said Cyrus, "that fortress that lies on the 



80 



XENOPHON ON THE 



BOOK V. 



frontiers of this country, and that you say was 
built as a barrier and defence to it, in war 
against the Hyrcanians and Sacians ; do you 
think," said he, " that the commander of it 
would admit Gadatas into it if he came thither 
with his forces !" " Certainly," said Gobryas, 
"if he came unsuspected as he now is." 
" Therefore," said he, " he would stand the 
clearest from all suspicion, if I should fall on 
the places that are in his possession, as intend- 
ing to make myself master of them, and he 
should act with his forces against me ; if I 
should take something of his, and he on the 
other side should take either some others of 
our people, or some of those messengers that I 
send to such people as you say are enemies to 
the Assyrian ; and if the people so taken de- 
clare that they were going to get forces, and to 
fetch ladders for the attack of the fortress ; and 
if Gadatas then pretend, that on hearing these 
things, he attended him with intention to give 

him an account of them " 

Then Gobryas said, " If these things are 
thus transacted, I know very well that he 
would admit him, and would beg him to stay 
till you were gone." " And then," said Cyrus, 
" if he were once got in, could he not give up 
the fortress into our hands'?" "Very pro- 
bably," said Gobryas, " if he prepared matters 
within, and you brought a considerable strength 
on them from without." " Go then," said he, 
" and after you have given him your instruc- 
tions and accomplished these matters, endea- 
vour to be here with us again : but as for his 
securities of our keeping faith with him, I de- 
sire you would neither mention nor intimate 
to him any greater than those that you your- 
self received from us." 

On this Gobryas went his way. Gadatas 
seeing him, with great pleasure consented in 
every thing, and settled with him the things 
that were proper to be done. 

And when Gobryas brought back an account 
that the whole business of his errand was firm- 
ly settled and agreed with Gadatas, then the 
next day Cyrus fell on him. He defended him- 
self against the attack : the place that Cyrus 
took was that that Gadatas had appointed : of 
the messengers that Cyrus sent, directing them 
beforehand which way they should go, some 
Gadatas suffered to escape, that they might 
bring forces and fetch ladders ; but those that 
he took he put to the torture before a great 
many people ; and when he had heard what 



they declared to be the business they were 
about, he immediately prepared all things, and 
marched in the night, as intending to go and 
give an account of it : to conclude, he was 
trusted, and he entered the fortress as an as- 
sistant in defence of it : for a while he concur- 
red with the governor in all preparations as far 
as he was able ; but when Cyrus came up he 
seized the fortress, making the prisoners he had 
taken from Cyrus his assistants in the work. 

When this was accomplished, Gadatas, hav- 
ing settled matters within, came out immedi 
ately to Cyrus, and having paid him his ado- 
ration in the accustomed manner, he said : 
" Happiness, Ο Cyrus, and joy to you !" "I 
have it," said hie, " already ; for, with the help 
of the gods, you not only bespeak joy to me, 
but you oblige me to rejoice : for be assured," 
said he, " I take it to be a thing of great im- 
portance to leave this place to my friends and 
allies in these parts. Your having of children, 
Gadatas, is what the Assyrian, it seems, has 
rendered hopeless ; but the power of acquiring 
friends he has not deprived you of ; and be as- 
sured that, by this action, you have made 
friends of us, who will endeavour, if we are 
able, to be as good supporters to you as if you 
had sons or posterity." Thus he spoke. 

On this the Hyrcanian, who had just got 
notice of what had happened, ran to Cyrus, and 
taking him by the right hand, said : " Ο how 
great a blessing, Cyrus, are you to your 
friends ! what a debt of gratitude and thanks 
do you bring me under to the gods, for having 
united me^ to you !" " Go then, presently," 
said Cyrus, " and take possession of the place 
you are so pleased with me for, and dispose of 
it in such a manner as it may be of most ad- 
vantage to your own nation and to our other 
allies ; but chiefly," said he, " to Gadatas, here, 
who has taken it, and delivered it up to us." 
" Therefore," said the Hyrcanian, " when the 
Cadusians, the Sacians, and my countrymen 
are come, shall we call in this man too, that all 
we who are concerned may consult in common 
how we may make use of this fortress to the 
best advantage V Cyrus applauded the pro- 
posal ; and when all that were concerned in the 
affair of this fortress were met, they jointly de- 
termined that it should be kept by those who 
had an advantage by its being in their interest, 
that it might be a bulwark and defence to them, 
and their rampart against the Assyrians. When 
this was done the Cadusians engaged with 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



81 



much more readiness and zeal in the service, 
as did likewise the Sacians and Hyrcanians ; 
and from that time there was formed an army 
of Cadusians, consisting of twenty thousand 
shield-men, and four thousand horse ; of Sa- 
cians, an army consisting of ten thousand bow- 
men on foot, and two thousand on horseback. 
The Hyrcanians sent out all the foot that they 
were able, and filled up their horse to the num- 
ber of two thousand ; for most of their horse 
were at first left behind, because the Cadusians 
and Sacians were enemies to the Assyrians. 
And all the time that Cyrus lay employed 
about the regulating this fortress, many of the 
Assyrians in those parfs brought horses and 
many brought arms, being afraid of all their 
neighbours. 

On this Gadatas comes to Cyrus; and tells 
him that there were messengers arrived, who 
told him that the Assyrian, when he was in- 
formed of what had passed in the affair of the 
fortress, was extremely incensed, and made 
preparations to fall on his territory. " There- 
fore, Cyrus, if you would dismiss me, I would 
endeavour to save my places of strength ; of 
the rest I make less account." Then Cyrus 
said : » If you set out now, when shall you be 
at home]" And Gadatas said : " I shall sup 
in my own territory the third day." " And do 
you think," said he, « that you will find the 
Assyrian already there]" " I know very well," 
said he, " that I shall ; for he will make so 
much the more haste, as he thinks you to be at 
the greater distance." « And in how many 
days," said Cyrus, " might I get thither with 
the army]" To this Gadatas said: " Ο my 
sovereign ! you have a very great army, and 
you would not be able to reach my habitation 
in less than six or seven days." « Do you 
then," said Cyrus, « go your way as soon as 
you can, and I will march with all possible 
despatch." 

Gadatas then went his way, and Cyrus call- 
ed together all the commanders of his allies ; 
and he seemed now to have a great many, and 
full of courage ; and in their presence he spoke 
to this effect: "Friends and allies! Gadatas 
has performed such things as we all judge to be 
of very great value to us, and this before he 
has received the least advantage whatever at 
our hands. It is reported that the Assyrian is 
now fallen on his territory with design, it is 
evident, both to be revenged of him, because he 
thinks himself to have been highly injured by 



him, and perhaps he considers withal that if 
they that revolt to us receive no hurt or damage 
from him, and if they that take part with him 
are destroyed by us, he must probably very 
soon have nobody that will stand by him ; there- 
fore, friends, we shall do in my opinion a very 
handsome thing if we yield our assistance with 
readiness and zeal to Gadatas, a man who has 
been our benefactor; we should besides do an 
act of justice, by discharging a debt of grati- 
tude ; and in my opinion we should at the same 
time do what would be of advantage to our- 
selves : for if we make it appear that we en- 
deavour to outdo in injuries those that are 
injurious and hurtful to us, and to exceed our 
benefactors in good services, it is probable that 
by means of such conduct many will be willing 
to be friends to us, and nobody will desire to be 
our enemy ; but if we appear neglectful of Ga- 
datas, in the name of all the gods, with what 
arguments can we persuade others to do us any 
kindnesses 1 how can we dare to commend our- 
selves ] and how can any of us possibly look 
Gadatas in the face, if we are outdone by him 
in good offices ]— -we who are so many, by him 
who is a single man, and a man in such cir- 
cumstances]" 

Thus he spoke, and they all highly approved 
it. « Come on, then," said he, " since you 
agree with me in opinion. Let every man of 
us leave, with the carriages and with the beasts 
of burden, those that are the most proper to 
march with them, and let Gobryas command 
and conduct them ; for he is skilled in the 
roads, and able in every other respect. Let us 
march with the best of our men and horse, tak- 
ing necessaries with us for three days ; and 
the lighter and more frugal provision we make, 
the pleasanter shall we dine and sup, and the 
pleasanter shall we sleep on the days that fol- 
low after. Now let our march be in this man- 
ner: let Chrysantas, in the first place, lead 
those that wear corslets, with all the centurions 
in front, since the way is level and open ; and 
let each century march one by one in a line ; 
for, by keeping in close order, we shall march 
with the more despatch and the more safety. 
And it is for this reason that I order those that 
have corslets to lead, because they make the 
heaviest part of the army ; and when the hea- 
viest lead the way, of necessity all the lighter 
follow with ease; but when the lighter and 
nimbler part leads in the night, it is not at all 
to be wondered at that the forces disperse ; foi 



82 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



the body that is at the head runs off from the 
rest. After these," said he, " let Artabazus 
lead the Persian shield-men and archers : after 
these, let Andranicas the Mede lead the Me- 
dian foot: after these, Embas the Armenian 
foot : after these, Artuchas the Hyrcanians : 
after these, Thrambradas the Sacian foot : after 
these, Damatas the Cadusians. Let all these 
lead with their centurions in front, and with 
tlHr shield-men on the right, and their archers 
on ;he left of their own oblong bodies ; for by 
ma-ching in this manner they are the more 
ready for service. After these," said he, " let 
the baggage servants of the whole army follow. 
Let their commanders take care of them all, 
that they have all things ready put up before 
they sleep, that they attend early in the morn- 
ing in their appointed posts, and follow in an 
orderly manner. After the baggage servants," 
said he, " let Madatas the Persian lead the 
Persian horse, and let him likewise have the 
centurions of horse in front ; and let the cen- 
turion lead his century in a line one after ano- 
ther, in the same manner as the officers of foot. 
After these, let Rambacas the Mede lead his 
horse in the same manner. After these, do 
you, Tigranes, lead your own horse ; and so 
the rest of the commanders of horse, the horse 
that each of them joined us with. After these, 
let the Sacians march ; and the Cadusians, as 
they came in to us the last, so let them bring 
up the rear of the whole army. And do you, 
Alceuna, that command them, take care to be 
in the rear of all, and do not suffer any to be 
behind your horse. And do you, commanders, 
and all you that are wise, take care to march 
silently ; for it is by means of the ears, rather 
than the eyes, that all things must of necessity 
be discovered and transacted in the night. And 
to be put into disorder is a thing of worse con- 
sequence than in the day, and more difficult to be 
recovered. For this reason silence must be 
kept and order preserved. And when you are 
to settle the night-watches, you ought always 
to make them as short and as many as is pos- 
sible, that much watching on the night-guard 
may nofrexhaust and disable any one for the 
march ; and when the time comes for march- 
ing, the signal must be given by the sound of 
the horn. And do you all attend ready on 
the road to Babylon, each of you with all 
things proper. And let him that advances 
before always exhort the man behind him to 
follow." 



- On this they went to their tents, and in 
going discoursed among themselves how great 
a memory Cyrus had, and how he gave his or- 
ders, naming all the persons that he gave di- 
rections to. This Cyrus did out of his great 
care and exactness ; for he thought it very 
strange that mean artificers should each of 
them know the names of the tools belonging 
to their art ; and that a physician should know 
the names of all the medicines and instruments 
that he uses ; but that a general should be such 
a fool as not to know the names of the com- 
manders that are under him, and that he must 
necessarily use as his instruments. And when- 
ever he had a mind to possess himself of any 
thing, or to preserve it, when he had a mind to 
raise courage or to strike terror, or when he 
had a mind to do honour to any one, he thought 
it became him to call the men by their names. 
And he was of opinion, that they who thought 
themselves known to their commander would 
be the more desirous to be seen performing 
some noble action, and more zealous to ab- 
stain from doing any thing that was base. He 
thought it very foolish, when one had a mind 
that any thing should be done, to give orders 
as some masters in their private families give 
theirs — " Let somebody go for water — let 
somebody cleave the wood ; for when such 
orders were given, he thought that all looked 
one on another, and that nobody despatched 
the thing that was ordered ; and that all were 
in fault, yet nobody was ashamed or afraid, be- 
cause the blame was shared amongst several. 
For these reasons he named all the persons 
when he gave his orders. This was Cyrus' 
judgment in this matter. 

The soldiers having taken their suppers, 
settled their watches, and put up all things that 
were proper, went to rest. When it was mid- 
night the signal was given by the sound of the 
horn; and Cyrus having told Chrysantas that 
he would wait in the road on the front of the 
army, went off, taking his servants with him. 
In a short time after Chrysantas came up at 
the head of those that work corslets. Cyrus 
therefore giving him guides, ordered him to 
march gently on till a messenger came to him, 
for they were not yet all on the march. He, 
standing in the same place, dismissed away in 
order those that came up, and sent off to call 
forward those that were dilatory. When they 
were all on the march, he sent certain horsemen 
to Chrysantas, to tell him that all were now on 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



83 



he march : — « Lead on therefore with more 
despatch !" — He himself on horseback, putting 
forward towards the van, observed at leisure 
the several bodies, and those that he saw 
marching orderly and silently, he rode up to, 
and inquired who they were ; and when he was 
informed, he commended them : but if he per- 
ceived any of them to be tumultuous, he in- 
quired into the cause of it, and endeavoured to 
allay the disturbance. 

There is only one part of his care in the 
night that has been omitted ; which is, that at 
the head of the whole army he sent out certain 
light and expeditious foot, not many in number, 
that Chrysantas was to keep within the reach 
of his eye, and who were to keep Chrysantas 
within the reach of theirs ; who getting notices 
of things by the ear, or if by any other means 
able to receive any intelligence, were to signify 
to Chrysantas what the occasion seemed to re- 
quire. There was one commander over them, 
Who kept them in order, and notified what was 
worthy of notice, and what was not so, he gave 
no disturbance by the telling. And thus he 
marched in the night. 

But when it was day, he left the Cadusian 
horse with the Cadusian foot, because they 
marched the last, and that they might not 
march unprovided with horse. But the rest of 
the horse he ordered to push forward to the 
front, because the enemy were before them ; 
and that in case any opposed him, he might 
meet and engage them with his forces in order 
under him ; and that if any were seen flying, he 
might be in the greatest readiness for the pur- 
suit. And he had always ready in order, both 
those that were to pursue, if pursuit were pro- 
per, as well as those that were to remain by 
him; but the general order of the whole he 
never suffered to be broken. Thus Cyrus led 
the army. He himself was not always in the 
same station, but riding about here and there, 
kept viewing, and where any thing was defi- 
cient, took tare of it. Thus did Cyrus' men 
march. 

IV. But a certain person, one of authority 
and consideration, belonging to Gadatas' body 
of horse, as soon as he saw that he had revolt- 
ed from the Assyrian, concluded that if any 
misfortune happened to Gadatas, he himself 
might obtain from the Assyrian all that belong- 
ed to Gadatas. So he sent one of the most 
trusty of his people to the Assyrian ; and he 
ordered the man that went, if he found the As- 



syrian army already in Gadatas' territory, to tell 
the Assyrian, that if he would form an ambus- 
cade, he might take Gadatas and all that were 
with him. He ordered the man to tell what 
force Gadatas had, and that Cyrus did not go 
with him ; and he told him the road that he in- 
tended to take. Besides, that he might be the 
more readily trusted, he sent orders to his ser- 
vants to deliver up to the Assyrian the fort that 
he had the possession of, in the territory ot 
Gadatas, and all that was in it. He said that 
he would come himself, and if he was able, it 
should be after he had killed Gadatas ; but if 
he could not do that, it should be to attend on 
the Assyrian for the future. When the person 
appointed for this service, having rode with all 
possible speed, was come to the Assyrian, and 
had declared the purpose of his coming, the As- 
syrian having heard it, immediately seized the 
fort ; and having a great force, both of horse 
and chariots, he lay in ambuscade in certain 
villages that stood very close together. Gada- 
tas, as soon as he approached these villages, 
sent some people to examine and make discove- 
ry. The Assyrian, when he found these scouts 
approaching, ordered two or three chariots and 
a few horse to quit their post, and betake them- 
selves to flight, as being terrified, and but few 
in number. The scouts themselves, as soon as 
they saw this pursued, and made signs to Ga- 
datas. He being thus deceived, pursued with 
all his might. The Assyrians, when they 
thought Gadatas within reach of being ta- 
ken, broke out from their ambuscade. They 
that were with Gadatas, seeing this, fled, as 
was natural for them to do ; the others like- 
wise, as was natural, pursued. On this the 
contriver of this affair against Gadatas struck 
at him, but missed the mortal blow, hit him on 
the shoulder, and wounded him ; and having 
done this, he made off to join the pursuers. 
When it was known who he was, he, pressing 
his horse on with a great deal of zeal, in com- 
pany with the Assyrians, attended the pursuit 
with the king. It is plain that on this occa- 
sion they that had the slowest horses were 
taken by those that had the fleetest. And 
all Gadatas' horse, having before been harassed 
by their march, were quite spent. When they 
saw Cyrus advancing with his army, one must 
needs think they made up to them with as 
much joy and pleasure as if they were entering 
a harbour after a storm. 

Cyrus was at first astonished ; but when he 



84 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



understood what the matter was, he led the 
army forward, in order, during the whole time 
that all these men that faced him were riding 
up towards him. But when the enemy, un- 
derstanding how things were, turned and fled, 
then Cyrus commanded those that were ap- 
pointed to that purpose to pursue. He him- 
self followed with the rest, in the manner that 
he thought proper. On this occasion several 
chariots were taken, some by means of the 
drivers falling off, and this partly by being 
overturned, partly by other means, and some 
were taken by being intercepted by the horse; 
and they killed a great many, and amongst 
them the man that struck Gadatas. Of the 
Assyrian foot that were besieging the fortress 
of Gadatas, some fled to the fort that had re- 
volted from Gadatas, and some escaped to a 
considerable city that belonged to the Assy- 
rian, and whither the Assyrian himself, with 
his chariots and horses, fled. 

Cyrus having done this, retired into the ter- 
ritory of Gadatas, and having given his orders 
to the proper persons on the subject of the 
prisoners, he presently went to see how 
Gadatas was of his wound ; and as he was 
going Gadatas met him with his wound al- 
ready bound up. Cyrus was pleased at the 
sight of him, and said, " I was going to see how 
you did." " And I, by the gods !" said Gadatas, 
" was going again to view the outward form of 
the man who has such a soul ! you who are 
not, that I know, in any manner of need of 
me, who never promised to do these things for 
me ; who, as to your own particular, never re- 
ceived any benefit whatever from me : and 
only because I was thought to have done a 
service to your friends, have so affectionately 
assisted me. $o that, as far as I was con- 
cerned myself, I had now perished, but am by 
your means saved. By the gods, Cyrus ! if I 
had children, I do not think that I could ever 
have a son so affectionate to me. For I know 
this present king of the Assyrians particularly 
to have been the cause of more affliction to his 
father than he can be now to you, and many 
other sons the same." 

To this Cyrus said : " Now, Gadatas, do 
you admire me, and pass by a much greater 
wonder ?" « And what is that V said Gadatas. 
" That so many Persians," said he, « have been 
so diligent in your service, so many Medes, so 
many Hyrcanians, as well as all these Arme- 
nians, Sacians, and Cadusians, here present." 



Then Gadatas made this prayer : « Ο Jove ! 
may the gods bestow many blessings on them, 
but most on him who is the cause of their 
being such men ! And that we may hand- 
somely entertain these men that you commend, 
Cyrus, accept these presents of friendship, 
which are such as I am able to tender you." 
At the same time he brought him great abun- 
dance and variety of things, that he might 
make a sacrifice, if he pleased, or entertain the 
whole army suitably to things so nobly per- 
formed, and so happily succeeding. 

Meanwhile the Cadusian still made the 
rear-guard, and had no share in the pursuit ; 
but being desirous to perform something him- 
self that was conspicuous, he made an excur- 
sion into the territory of Babylon, without 
communicating it, or saying any thing of it to 
Cyrus. But the Assyrian, from that city ot 
his, whither he had fled, and with his army 
entirely together, and in order, coming up 
with the horse of the Cadusian that were dis- 
persed, as soon as he knew them to be the 
Cadusians alone, attacks them, kills their com- 
mander and a great many others, takes a great 
many horses, and takes from them the booty 
that they were carrying off. The Assyrian 
then, after having pursued as far as he thought 
it safe, turned back, and the Cadusians made 
their escape to the camp, where the first of 
them arrived towards the evening. 

Cyrus, as soon as he perceived what had 
happened, went and met the Cadusians, and of 
all that he saw wounded, some he took and 
sent to Gadatas, that they might be taken care 
of, and others he lodged together in tents, and 
took' care that they had all things necessary, 
taking some of the Persian alike-honoured to 
be his assistants ; for on such occasions men of 
worth are willing to bestow their joint pains ; 
he evidently appeared to be extremely afflicted ; 
so that while others were taking their suppers, 
when the time for it was come, Cyrus, attend- 
ed by servants and physicians, willingly left no 
one neglected, but either saw with his own 
eyes, or if he could not despatch all . himself, 
he was observed to send others to take that 
care of them. Thus then they went to rest. 

As soon as it was day, having made procla- 
mation that the commanders of the other na- 
tions, and all the Cadusians in general, should 
assemble, he spoke to this effect : " Friends 
and allies ! the misfortune that has happened 
to us is what human nature is liable to ; for, in 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



85 



my opinion, it is not to be wondered at, that 
being men, we should be guilty of error. 
However, we are not unworthy of reaping 
some advantage by this accident ; and that is 
to learn never to separate from the whole a 
smaller force than that of the enemy. Yet I 
do not say," said he, " that we are never to 
march where it is proper, with a part even yet 
less than the Cadusian marched with on this 
occasion. But if a man march after having 
concerted matters with another, who is able to 
support him, he may indeed be deceived ; but 
he that remains behind, by deceiving the ene- 
my, may turn them to another part, and out of 
the way of those that have marched off ; it is 
possible for him to procure safety to his 
friends, by giving other employment to his 
enemies ; and thus, he that separates does not 
become entirely disjoined, but remains annexed 
to the main strength of the whole. He on 
the other hand, that marches off without giving 
any information whither it is that he is going, 
is in the same case as if he made war alone. 
But," said he, « if it please the gods, it shall not 
be long before we have our yevenge of the 
enemy, in return for this. And as soon as 
ever you have dined I will lead you out to the 
place where this affair was transacted ; we will 
bury our dead at the same time, if it please the 
gods ; we will let the enemy see men superior 
to themselves, on the very place where they 
think they have been victorious, that they may 
not look with pleasure on that spot of ground 
where they butchered our fellow combatants. 
If they will not come out to us, we will burn 
their villages and destroy their country, that they 
may not be delighted, on viewing what they 
themselves have done, but be afflicted at the 
sight of their own misfortunes. Let the rest 
then," said he, " go and take their dinners ; and 
do you, Cadusians, first go your ways, and 
choose you a commander according to your 
usage, who, with the help of the gods, and to- 
gether with us, shall take care of you in what- 
ever may be wanting to you ; and when you 
have made your choice and taken your din- 
ners, then send the person you have chosen 
to me." 

These men did accordingly. And Cyrus, 
when he had led out the army, and placed the 
person who was chosen by the Cadusians in 
his station, ordered him to lead his body of men 
near to himself, « That if we are able," said 
he, " we may recover the courage of the men." 



So they marched, and coming up to the place, 
they buried the Cadusians, and laid the country 
waste. And having done this, and supplied 
themselves with necessaries out of the enemy's 
country, they again retreated into the territory 
of Gadatas. 

But then, considering that they who had re- 
volted to him, being in the neighbourhood of 
Babylon, would suffer severely, unless he him- 
self was always at hand, he therefore com- 
manded all those of the enemy that he dismiss- 
ed to tell the Assyrian, that he himself sent a 
herald to declare to him that he was ready to 
let the labourers that were employed in the cul- 
ture of the lands alone, and not to do them any 
injury ; if he, on the other side, would allow 
such labourers as belonged to those that had 
revolted to himself to go on with their work ; 
and indeed," said he, » if you are able to hinder 
them, you will hinder but a few, for the land 
that belongs to those that have revolted to me 
is but little ; and on the other hand, I should 
allow a great quantity of land to be cultivated 
for you. Then at the time of gathering the 
crop, if the war continues, he that is superior 
in arms, in my opinion, must gather it. If 
there be peace, it is plain," said he, « that it 
must be you ; but if any of my people use 
arms against you, or any of yours against me, 
on these we will both of us return mutual hos- 
tilities, if we can." Having given the herald 
these orders, he sent him away. 

And when the Assyrians had heard these 
things, they did all that they were able to per- 
suade the king to yield to them, and to leave 
as little of the war remaining a& was possible. 
The Assyrian, either at the persuasion of those 
of his nation, or inclined to it himself, con- 
sented : and agreements were made, that there 
should be peace to those that were employed 
in labour, and war to those that bore arms. 
These things did Cyrus effect with respect to 
the labouring people. But the pastures of 
their cattle he ordered his own friends to set- 
tle, if they thought fit, within the extent of 
their own power, and to make prey on the ene- 
my wherever they were able, that the service 
might be more agreeable to his allies ; for the 
dangers were the same, even without their seiz- 
ing necessaries for their subsistence ; and the 
maintaining themselves on the enemy seemed 
to make the service the lighter. 

But when Cyrus was now preparing to be 
gone, Gadatas came to him, having collected 



86 



XENOPHON ON THE 



presents of all kinds, and in great abundance, 
as arising from a very great estate, and having 
taken a great many horses from his own horse- 
men that he mistrusted, on account of the late 
contrivance against him ; and when he accosted 
him, he spoke thus : " I bring you these things, 
Cyrus, at this time, that you, may make pre- 
sent use of them in case you want them. And 
count on it," said he, " that all things else that 
belong to me are yours ; for I am not likely to 
have one descended from myself to leave my 
estate to ; but my race and name," said he, 
" will be extinguished with myself when I die. 
And this I suffer, Cyrus," said he, " (I swear 
it to you, by the gods, who see all things, and 
hear all things,) without having been guilty of 
any thing unjust or base, either in word or 
deed." At the same time that he said this, he 
burst out into tears at his unhappy fate, and• it 
was not in his power to say more. 

Cyrus having heard this, pitied him for his 
misfortune, and spoke thus : " The horses," 
said he, " I accept ; for I shall do you service 
by giving them to men better affected to you, 
it seems, than they who had them before ; and 
shall fill up the Persian body of horse to ten 
thousand men, a thing that I have long desired ; 
the rest of your valuable effects do you take 
away, and keep till such time as you see me in 
a condition not to be outdone by you in pre- 
sents ; for if you part with me, and your pre- 
sents amount to more than you receive at my 
hands, I know not how it is possible for me not 
to be quite ashamed." 

To this Gadatas said ; " But I trust them 
to you, for I see your temper. As to the keep- 
ing of them myself, pray, see whether I am fit 
for it ; for, while we were friends with the 
Assyrian, my father's estate seemed to be the 
noblest that could be ; for, being near to our 
capital city, Babylon, we enjoyed ail the ad- 
vantages that we could possibly be supplied 
with from that great city ; and as often as we 
were disturbed with the crowd and hurry, by 
retiring hither to our home, we go out of the 
way of it. But now that we are become ene- 
mies, it is plain that when you are gone, both 
we ourselves, and our whole family and estate, 
shall have contrivances formed against us. 
We shall, in my opinion, live very miserably, 
both by having our enemies just by us, and by 
seeing them superior to ourselves. Perhaps 
you will presently therefore say, and why did 
I not consider this before I revolted ? Why, 



[book V. 

because, Cyrus, by means of the injuries I had 
received, and the anger I was in, my soul never 
dwelt on the consideration of what was safest 
for me ; but was always big with the thought, 
whether it would be ever in my power to take 
my revenge on this enemy both to the gods and 
men, who passes his days in hatred, and that 
not to the man that may have done tim any 
injury, but to any one that he suspects to be a 
better man than himself. And this wioked 
wretch therefore, in my opinion, will make use 
of such assistants as are all more wicked than 
himself; or if there be any that may appear to 
be better than he, take courage, Cyrus," said 
he, " you will not be under any necessity to 
engage against any such men of worth ; but he 
himself will be sufficient to carry on this work 
till he has taken off every better man than him- 
self; and yet, distressing me, I am of opinion 
that with his villains he will easily get the 
better." 

In all this Cyrus, who heard it, was of opin- 
ion that the man said what was worthy of his 
attention and care; and he presently said: 
" And have not you therefore strengthened 
your fortress with a garrison, that you may 
make use of it with safety when you get thither ? 
And as to yourself, you accompany us in the 
service, that if the gods please to be with us, 
as now they are, he may be in fear of you, and 
not you of him. Take of what belongs to you, 
whatever you like to see about you ; and of 
your people, take whoever you like to converse 
with, and march with me. You will be, in my 
opinion, extremely useful to me, and I will en- 
deavour to be as useful to you as I can." 

Gadatas hearing this, recovered himself, and 
said : " Shall I be able," said he, " to put up 
all, and be ready before you march away ? for," 
said he, « I would willingly carry my mother 
with me." "Yes, by Jove!" said he, " you 
will be ready time enough ; for I will wait till 
you say that all is well." So Gadatas, going 
his way, settled, in concert with Cyrus, garri- 
sons in the several fortresses he had made : he 
packed up all kinds of things, enough to fur- 
nish a very great house, in a handsome manner. 
He took with him from amongst those he con- 
fided in such whose company he was pleased 
with ; and many of those too that he distrusted, 
obliging some of them to take their wives, and 
some their sisters with them, that by their 
means he might keep them as it were in fetter* 
Cyrus himself marched, and amongst the 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



87 



rest of those that were about him, he kept 
Gadatas to inform him about the ways and the 
waters, about forage and provisions, that he 
might carry on the service with the greatest 
plenty of all things. But when, in the course 
of his march, he got sight of the city of Baby- 
lon, and fancied that the way he was going led 
him just under the walls of the place, he called 
Gobryas and Gadatas, and asked if there was 
any other way, that he might not lead the army 
near to the wall. 

Then Gobryas spoke : « My sovereign, there 
are many ways ; but I thought," said he," that 
you desired to lead on as near to the city as 
possible, that you might show them the army, 
and let them see that you have now a great and 
a noble one ; because, when you had a less you 
marched up to the Avails, and they saw us when 
we were not very numerous. And now, though 
the Assyrian be prepared, as he told you he 
would be prepared to give you battle, I know 
that when he sees your strength, his prepara- 
tions will not appear to him to be sufficient." 

Cyrus to this said : " You seem to me, Go- 
bryas, to wonder that when I came with a less 
army I led up to the very walls ; but that now, 
with a greater, I have no mind to march the 
army under them : but make no wonder of 
this," said he, " for to lead up to a place, and 
to march by it is not the same thing. All 
men lead up in such an order as they think is 
best for them to engage in. And people that are 
wise retreat so as to go off in the safest man- 
ner, and not in the quickest. But it is ne- 
cessary to march by with the carriages extend- 
ed in length, and with the beasts of burden, 
and those that are concerned in the baggage, all 
in loose order ; all this must be covered by the 
soldiers that bear arms : and the baggage-train 
must in no part appear to the enemy naked 
of arms : and, marching in this manner, the 
s-trength of the army must of necessity be 
extended into a thin and weak order. If then 
they have a mind from within the walls to 
make an attack, in a close, firm body, wherever 
they close in, they do it with a strength much 
superior to those that are on the march ; and 
to men that are marching in a train at length, 
the proper helps are at a great distance ; but to 
those that march out from within their walls, 
the distance is little that they have either to 
march up to the enemy that is at hand, or to 
retreat back again ; but if we pass by at no less 
a distance than so as that they may just see us, 



and if we march extended, as we now are, they 
will see the multitude that we are ; and every 
multitude, by means of arms interwoven 
amongst them, appears terrible. If they really 
do march up to us in any part, by our seeing 
them at a considerable distance, we shall not 
be taken unprepared : and then, my friends," 
said he, " they will the rather avoid attacking 
us, when they, are obliged to march a great dis- 
tance from the walls, unless they think them- 
selves, in the whole, superior to us, for they 
will have cause to be in fear for their retreat." 

When he had said this, the persons present 
were of opinion that he said right, and Go- 
bryas led the way as he had directed him. 
And while the army was moving on by the 
city, that part of it that was left behind he al- 
ways made the strongest, and in that manner 
retreated. 

When marching thus the following days, he 
reached the borders of the Assyrians and 
Medes, from whence he came before, and 
where they were three forts belonging to the 
Assyrians , the weakest of these he attacked 
and took by force, and two of them, Cyrus by 
terror, and Gadatas by persuasion, prevailed 
with the garrisons to give up» 

V. When he had done this he sent to Cy- 
axares, and by message desired him to come to 
the army, that they might consult what use to 
make of the forts they had taken ; and, after 
having taken a view of the army, he might, in 
the whole of their affairs, advise what he 
thought proper to be done for the future. 
" And if he orders it," said he, « tell him that 
I will come and encamp with him." The mes- 
senger in order to deliver this message went 
his way ; and on this Cyrus ordered Gadatas to 
furnish out the Assyrian's tent that the Medes 
had chosen for Cyaxares, and this in the hand- 
somest manner s and not only with all the 
other furniture that it was provided With, but 
he ordered him to introduce the two women in- 
to that apartment of the tent that belonged to 
the women, and together with them the women 
musicians that had been chosen out for Cyax- 
ares. These men did as they were ordered. 
But when he that was sent to Cyaxares had 
delivered his message, Cyaxares, having heard 
him, determined it to be best that the army 
should remain on the borders ; for the Per- 
sians that Cyrus had sent for were come, and 
they were forty-thousand archers and shield- 
men. Therefore, when he saw that these 



88 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



men did prejudice in many ways to the Me- 
dian territory, he thought it better to get rid of 
these, rather than admit another multitude. 
And that Persian who commanded the army, 
having inquired from Cyaxares, according to 
the orders of Cyrus, whether he had any ser- 
vice for the army, when he told him that he had 
none, and when he heard that Cyrus was at 
hand, on that very day marched, and conducted 
the army to him. The next day Cyaxares 
marched with the Median horse that remained 
with him ; and as soon as Cyrus perceived him 
approaching, then taking the Persian horse, who 
were now very numerous, all the Medes, Ar- 
menians, and Hyrcanians, and of all the other 
allies, such as were best horsed and armed, he 
met him, and showed Cyaxares his force. 
' Cyaxares, when he saw a great many brave 
men attending Cyrus, and but a small com- 
pany attending on himself, and those but of 
little value, thought it mean and dishonourable 
to him, and was seized with a violent concern. 
But when Cyrus, alighting from his horse, 
came up to him, as intending to embrace him 
in the customary manner, Cyaxares likewise 
alighted, but turned from him, refused to em- 
brace him, and burst openly into tears. On 
this Cyrus ordered all the rest that were there 
to retire and wait. He himself, taking Cya- 
xares by the right hand, and conducting him 
out of the road under certain palm-trees, or- 
dered some Median quilts to be iaid for him, 
and making him sit down, he sat himself down 
by him, and asked him thus : 

" Ο uncle !" said he, « tell me, I beg you by 
all the gods, what are you angry with me for ] 
And what bad thing have you discovered that 
you take thus amiss 1" Then Cyaxares an- 
swered in this manner : " It is, Cyrus," said 
he, " that I, who, as far as the memory of man 
can reach, am reckoned to be sprung from a 
long train of ancestors, and from a father who 
was a king, and who am myself accounted a 
king, should see myself marching thus meanly 
and contemptibly, and see you with my at- 
tendance, and with other forces, appear here 
great and conspicuous. I should think it hard 
to suffer this treatment at the hands of ene- 
mies, and much harder, Ο Jove ! to suffer it 
at the hands of those that I ought least to have 
it from ; for I think I could sink down under 
the earth ten times over with more satisfac- 
tion, than be seen in the mean condition, 
and see my own people thus contemning and 



laughing at me ; for I am not ignorant, not 
only that you are more considerable than my- 
self, but that my own slaves are above me in 
power, dare to oppose my pleasure, and are so 
set up as to be rather able to do me mischief, 
than liable to suffer it at my hands." And, in 
saying this, he was still more overwhelmed in 
tears, so that he drew down a flood of tears 
into the eyes of Cyrus. 

But Cyrus, pausing a little, spoke to this 
effect : " In all this," said he, « Cyaxares, you 
neither say true nor judge right. If you think 
that the Medes by my presence are set on such 
a footing as to be able to do you mischief, I 
do not wonder that you are enraged and ter- 
rified. But, whether it be justly or unjustly 
that you are offended at them, this I shall pass 
by : for I know you must take it ill to hear 
me making their apology. But for a ruler to 
take offence at all his people at once, this I 
take to be an error ; for by striking terror into 
a multitude, of necessity that multitude must 
be made one's enemies, and by taking offence 
at them all together, they are inspired with 
unity of sentiments. On this account be it 
known to you, it was that I would not send 
these men away to you without me, being 
afraid lest something might happen by means 
of your anger that might have afflicted us all. 
By the assistance of the gods, therefore, while 
I am present, these things may be safely com- 
posed. But that you should think yourself 
injured by me, at this I am very much con- 
cerned, that while I have been doing all that 
is in my power to do all possible service to my 
friends, I am then thought to have done quite 
the contrary ; but do not let us thus charge one 
another at random, but if possible, let us con- 
sider clearly what the injury is that I have 
done. I will state then an agreement for us to 
come to, and such as is the justest that can be 
between friends. If I shall appear to have 
done you mischief, I will confess that I have 
wronged you ; but if I neither appear to have 
done you any harm, nor to have intended it, 
will not you then confess that you have not 
been wronged by mel" «I must," said he, 
" of necessity." " If I plainly appear to have 
done you service, and to have been zealous to 
do you all the service that I was able, shall not 
I deserve your commendation, rather than your 
reproach 1 ?" " It is but just," said he. " Come 
on, then," said Cyrus, " let us consider all the 
things that I have done, one by one, for by aU 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



89 



this it will appear the most evidently which 
was good and which was bad. We will take 
it from the beginning of this affair, if this ap- 
pear to you to be sufficient. When you per- 
ceived that the enemy were assembling their 
forces and were about making an attempt on 
you and on your country, you then sent im- 
mediately to the public council of Persia, 
begging assistance, and to me in particular, de- 
siring me to endeavour, if any Persians came 
to you, to come as their commander. Was 
not I by you persuaded to this! Did I not 
come, and bring yOu as many and as brave men 
as I was able]" "You did come," said he. 
« First, therefore," said he, " in this particular, 
tell me whether you accounted it an injury or 
a benefit that I did you." " It is plain," said 
Cyaxares, " that in this you did what was a 
benefit to me." " Well then," said he, « when 
the enemies advanced, and we were to engage 
them, did you perceive that on this occasion I 
spared any pains, or that I shunned any dan- 
ger." " No, by Jove !" said he, " not at all." 
» And then, when, with the assistance of the 
gods, we gained our victory and the enemy re- 
treated, I exhorted you that we might jointly 
pursue them, take our joint vengeance on 
them, and if any thing good or ill should befall 
us, that we might jointly share it 1 And can 
you charge me with any thing of ambition, and 
desire of power, in any of these things]" To 
this Cyaxares was silent, and Cyrus again 
spoke in this manner : " Since' it is your plea- 
sure to be silent in this, rather than to give me 
a reply, tell me then," said he, " whether you 
think yourself injured, because that, when you 
were of opinion that it was not safe to pursue, 
I did not allow you to share in the danger, but 
only desired you to send some of your horse 1 
For if I wronged you in asking this, especially 
after giving myself up to you as an assistant 
and ally, let this," said he, « be demonstrated 
by yourself." When Cyaxares kept himself 
silent to this too — « But," said he, « if you 
will give me no answer here neither, then tell 
me this : whether I did you any wrong when 
you gave me for answer that, on your observing 
the Medes to be indulging themselves in plea- 
sure, you would not put a stop to it, and 
oblige them to march, and run themselves into 
danger Ί and whether you think that I put a 
hardship on you, when, avoiding all anger and 
resentment to you, I then again, on that, 
asked you a thing, than which I knew there 
*8 



was nothing that you could more easily grant, 
and that nothing more easy could possibly be 
enjoined the Medes ] for I asked you only to 
allow any of them that would to follow me : 
and when I had obtained this from you, there 
was nothing left but to persuade them. I 
went to them ; I persuaded them, and those 
that I prevailed with I took, and marched with 
them at your allowance. If you reckon this 
to be deserving of blame, then to take from 
you what you yourself grant, is not, it seems, a 
thing void of blame. Thus then we set for- 
ward. When we had marched, what was 
there that we did that was not apparent 1 Was 
not the camp of the enemy taken ] Were 
there not many of those that made war on you 
killed ] and of those that remained alive, were 
there not a great many stripped of their arms, 
and a great many of their horses 1 The for- 
tunes and effects of those that plundered and 
ravaged yours before, you see now taken and 
ravaged by your friends. Some of them be- 
long to you, and others of them to those that 
are under your dominion. But what is the 
greatest and noblest thing, and above all, is, 
that you see your own territory enlarged, and 
that of your enemies diminished ; and some 
forts' that were possessed by the enemy, and 
some of your own that had been taken and an- 
nexed to the Assyrian dominion, now, on the 
contrary, you see yielded to you. Whether 
any of these things be good or ill, I cannot 
say that I desire to learn. But nothing hin- 
ders me from hearing what your opinion is 
concerning them, and do you tell it me." 

Cyrus, having said this, was silent, and wait- 
ed the reply. 

And Cyaxares spoke thus in answer. " In- 
deed, Cyrus, I do not know How one can say 
those things you have performed are ill ; but 
be it known to you," said he, " that these good 
things are of such a kind, as the more they ap- 
pear to be in number, so much the more are 
they burdensome on me. I should rather chose 
to enlarge your territory by my forces, than see 
mine thus enlarged by yours. For these things, 
to you that do them, are glorious, but to me 
they are in some sort disgraceful. And I am 
of opinion that I should be better pleased to 
bestow of these rich effects on you, than to re- 
ceive from you these things that you now pre- 
sent me with ; for I perceive myself enriched 
by you with things that make me the poorer ; 
and Γ believe I should be less grieved to see my 
Μ 



90 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[BOOK V. 



subjects in some degree injured by you, than I 
am now, to see them receiving great advantages 
at your hands. If I appear to you to think 
unreasonably in this, do not consider these 
things as in my case, but turn the tables, and 
make the case your own. And then," said he, 
" consider that in the case of dogs, that you 
maintained as a guard and protection to you 
and yours ; supposing any other person should 
make his court to them, and should make them 
better acquainted with himself than with you, 
whether you should be pleased with this court- 
ship and service. But if this appear to you to 
be but an inconsiderable matter, then consider 
this : you have servants that you have acquired 
as guards to you, and for service ; if any one 
should manage these in such a manner, as that 
they should be more willing to serve him than 
to serve.you, should you think yourself obliged 
to this man, in return of this benefit 1 Then 
in another concern, that men's affections are 
greatly engaged in, and that they cultivate in 
the most intimate manner : if any one should 
make such court to your wife, as to make her 
love him better than she loved you, should you 
be delighted with this benefit 1 I believe, far 
from it," said he ; " nay, I know that in doing 
this, he would do you the greatest of injuries. 
But that I may mention what is most applicable 
to my concern : if any one should make such 
court to the Persians, that you have conducted 
hither, as should make it more agreeable to 
them to follow him than to follow you, should 
you think this man your friend 1 I believe you 
would not, but you would rather think him yet 
more your enemy than if he killed you a great 
many of them. Well, then, suppose any friend 
of yours, on your saying to him in a friendly 
way, Take as much of what belongs to me as 
you please, should, hearing this, go his way, 
take all that he was able, and enrich himself 
with what belonged to you, and that you, mean- 
while, should not have wherewithal to supply 
your own uses in a very moderate way ; could 
you possibly think such a one a blameless un- 
exceptionable friend 1 Now, Cyrus, I take 
myself to have had from you, if not the same 
usage, yet. such as is very like it. You say 
true, that when I bade you carry off those that 
were willing to go, you took my whole force, 
went off with them, and left me destitute ; and 
now you bring me things that you have taken 
with my own force, and with my own force you 
enlarge my territory. But I, as not having 



any hand in obtaining these advantages, look 
as if I gave up myself like a woman, to be 
served by others as well as by my own subjects ; 
for you appear to be the man, and I to be un- 
worthy of rule ; and do you take these things, 
Cyrus to be benefits 1 Be it known to you, if 
you had any concern for me, there is nothing 
you would be so careful not to rob me of as 
my dignity and honour. What advantage is it 
to me to have my land extended and myself 
contemned 1 I have dominion over the Medes, 
not by being really the best of them all, but 
by means of their thinking us to be, in all re- 
spects superior to themselves." , 

Here Cyrus took up the discourse, while 
Cyaxares was yet speaking, and said : " I beg 
you, uncle," said he, " by all the gods, if I ever 
before did any thing that was agreeable to you, 
gratify me now in the things that I shall ask 
of you. Give over- blaming me at this time ; 
and when you have had experience of us, how 
we are affected towards you, if the things that 
have been done appear done for your service, 
give me your embraces in return for the affec- 
tion I have for you, and think that I have been 
of service to you. If things appear otherwise, 
then blame me." 

" Perhaps, indeed," said Cyaxares, you say 
right." " Well, then," said Cyrus, « shall I 
kiss you 1" " If you please," said he. "And 
will you not turn from me, as you did just 
now t" " I will not," said he. Then he kiss- 
ed him. 

As soon as this was seen by the Medes and 
Persians, and many others, for they were all 
under concern about the issue of this affair, 
they all presently became cheerful and pleased. 
Then Cyaxares and Cyrus, mounting their 
horses, led the way : the Medes followed after 
Cyaxares ; for Cyrus made a sign to them to 
do so ; and the Persians followed Cyrus, and 
after these followed the rest. When they came 
to the camp, and had lodged Cyaxares in the 
tent that was furnished for him, they that were 
appointed to that service prepared all things 
fitting for him. And during the time that 
Cyaxares was at leisure, before supper, the 
Medes went to him, some of themselves, but 
most of them in consequence of directions 
from Cyrus, and they brought him presents ; 
one a beautiful cup-bearer, another an excellent 
cook, another a baker, another a musician, one 
brought him cups, and another ? fine habit. 
And almost every one presented him with 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



91 



something out of what they had taken ; so that 
Cyaxares changed his opinion, and no longer 
thought either that Cyrus had alienated these 
men from him, or that the Medes were less ob- 
servant of him than before. 

When the time of supper came, Cyaxares in- 
vited Cyrus, and desired that, since he had not 
seen him for some time, he would sup with 
him ; but Cyrus said : « I beg, Cyaxares. that 
you would not bid me do this. Do you not 
observe that all those that are here with us at- 
tend here at our instigation ? It would not 
therefore be well in me to appear negligent of 
them, and mindful of my own pleasure. When 
soldiers think themselves neglected, the best of 
them become much more dejected, and the 
worst of them much more insolent. But do 
you, especially now after you have had a long 
journey, take your supper ; and if people come 
to pay you respect, receive them kindly, and 
entertain them well, that they likewise may 
encourage you. I will go my ways, and apply 
myself to what I tell you. To-morrow," said 
he, " in the morning, all the proper persons 
shall attend here, at your doors, that we may 
consult together what we are to do hencefor- 
ward. And you being yourself present, will 
propose to us, whether it be thought fit to go 
on with the war, or whether it be now the pro- 
per time to separate the army." On this Cyax- 
ares went to supper. 

And Cyrus, assembling such of his friends 



as were most able to judge what was fit to be 
done on any occasion, and to assist him in the 
execution of it, spoke to this effect : " The 
things that we at first wished for, my friends, 
we now, with the assistance of the gods, have 
obtained, for wherever we march, we are 
masters of the country: we see our enemies 
weakened, and ourselves increased in numbers 
and strength. And if they who are now our 
allies will still continue with us, we shall be 
much more able to succeed in oiir affairs, 
whether we have occasion to act by force, or 
whether it be proper to proceed by persuasion ; 
therefore, that as many of our allies as is pos- 
sible may be inclined to stay, is not more my 
business to effect than it is yours. But as, 
when fighting is necessary, he that subdues the 
greatest numbers will be accounted the most 
vigorous; so where counsel is necessary, he 
that makes the greatest numbers to be of his 
opinion ought justly to be esteemed the most 
eloquent and best skilled in affairs. However, 
do not be at pains, as if you were to show us 
what sort of discourse you made use of to 
every one, but that the people you prevail with 
may show it in their actions, let this be your 
business to effect. And that the soldiers, 
while they consult about the carrying on of the 
war, shall be supplied with all things necessary 
and fit, in as great plenty as I am able, this I 
will endeavour to take care of." 



XENOPHON 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



BOOK VI 









CONTENTS of BOOK VI 



The allies are anxious to carry on the war — Raillery between Cyrus and Hystaspes — Preparations made accord- 
ing to the opinion of Cyrus — He prepares to follow the array to Lydia — Story of Araspes and Panthea — Arrival 
and reception of Abradatas with two thousand horse. — III. Embassy from the Indian with treasures— Cyrua sends 
out some of the Indians as spies — Their report greatly alarms the army of Cyrus, who appeases their terror, and 
proposes to march directly on the enemy — His care of his army's diet, necessaries, &c. — III. IV. Manner and 
order of the March — Approach and condition of the enemy, his stratagem to surprise a part of them — Honour- 
able reception of Araspes — Account of the number, designs, and order of the enemy — Orders of Cyrus to hi» 
army. 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



BOOK VI. 



I. Having passed the day in this manner, and 
having taken their suppers, they went to rest. 
The next day, in the morning, all the allies 
came to the doors of Cyaxares ; and while 
Cyaxares (who had heard that there was a 
great multitude of people at his doors) was 
setting himself out, Cyrus' friends presented 
to him several people, who begged him to 
stay ; some presented the Cadusians, some the 
Hyrcanians ; one presented Gobryas, and 
another the Sacian ; and Hystaspes presented 
Gadatas, who begged Cyrus to stay. Here 
Cyrus who knew before that Gadatas had 
been almost killed with fear lest the army 
should be separated, laughed, and spoke thus : 
" Ο Gadatas !" said he, " ft is plain that you 
have been persuaded by Hystaspes here to be 
of the opinion you express." Then Gadatas, 
lifting up his hands to heaven, swore, that 
« indeed he was not persuaded by Hys- 
taspes to be of this opinion ; but I k,now," 
said he, " that if you depart, my affairs fall 
entirely to ruin. On this account," said he, 
« I came myself to this man, and asked him 
whether he knew what your opinion Was con- 
cerning the separation of the army." Then 
Cyrus said : « It seems then that I accuse 
Hystaspes unjustly V Then Hystaspes spoke : 
"By Jove, Cyrus!" said he, «unjustly in- 
deed ; because I gave Gadatas for answer, that 
it was impossible for you to stay, and told him 
that your father had sent for you." " What 1" 
said Cyrus, " durst you assert this, whether I 
would or no ?" « Yes, indeed," said he ; " for 
I see you are exceedingly desirous to be making 
a progress about among the Persians, to be seen 
and to show your father how you performed 
every thing." Then Cyrus said, « And are 
you not desirous to go home V " No, by 
Jove !" said Hystaspes, " nor will I go, but stay 
and discharge my duty as a commauder till I 



make Gadatas here master of the Assyrian." 
Thus did these men with a mixture of serious- 
ness, jest with each other. 

Then Cyaxares, dressed in a magnificent 
manner, came out, and sat himself on a Median 
throne ; and when all the proper persons were 
met, and silence made, Cyaxares spoke thus • 
" Friends and allies ! since I am here present, 
and am an older man than Cyrus, it is proper 
for me perhaps to begin the discourse. It 
appears therefore to me, that now is the time 
to debate whether it be thought proper to go 
on with the war, or to separate the army 
Therefore," said he, "let somebody speak 
what his opinion is concerning this affair." On 
this the Hyrcanian first spoke : " Friends and 
allies ! I do not at all know whether words be 
necessary where facts themselves declare what 
is best to be done ; for we all know that by 
keeping together we do more mischief to our 
enemies than we suffer from them ; and, when 
we are asunder, they deal by us as is most 
agreeable to them, and most grievous to us." 
After him spoke the Cadusian : " What can 
we say," said he, " concerning a general de- 
parture and separation, when it is not for our 
interest to separate, even while we are engaged 
in the service 1 accordingly, we not long ago 
undertook a piece of service separate from 
the rest of our body, and paid for it as you all 
know.!' 

After him Artabazus, he who had said that 
he was related to Cyrus, spoke thus : " Cya- 
xares," said he, " thus much I differ in my 
opinion from those who spoke before. They 
say that we ought to proceed in the war, 
remaining here together ; and I say that we 
were in war when we were at home, for I was 
frequently forced to run to the relief of our 
own country when the enemies were plunder- 
ing what belonged to us frequently I had 

95 * 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



business on my hands, with respect to our 
fortresses, that the enemies were said to have 
formed designs on, and I was continually in 
fear, and kept myself on my guard. All this I 
did, and was all this while on expense out of 
my own stock; but now I am in possession of 
the fortresses of the enemy, I am not in fear 
of them : I feast on what belongs to them, and 
I drink at the enemy's expense ; therefore as 
being in one case at war, and in the other 
case as at a festival, I am not of opinion to dis- 
solve this public assembly." After him spoke 
Gobryas : " Friends and allies ! thus far I ap- 
plaud the faith of Cyrus, for he has been false 
in nothing that he has promised. But, if he 
quit the country, it is plain that the Assyrian 
will be at rest, and escape the punishment due 
to him for the injuries that he endeavoured to 
do you, and that he has in fact done me ; and 
I, on my side, shall again suffer punishment at 
his hands, and now it will be for having been a 
friend to you." 

After all these Cyrus spoke. " Nor am I 
ignorant, friends, that if we separate the army 
our own affairs will sink, and the affairs of the 
enemy will rise again ; for as many of them as 
have had their arms taken from them will make 
others out of hand ; they that have lost their 
horses will immediately get others ; in the 
room of those men that are killed others will 
grow up and succeed them ; so that it will not 
be to be wondered at if they become able to 
give us disturbance again very soon. Why 
then did I desire Cyaxares to propose the de- 
bate on the separation of the army ? Be it 
known to you," said he, " it was because I was 
in fear for the future ; for I perceive certain 
adversaries advancing on us, that, if we go on 
with the war on the footing we now stand, we 
shall not be able to struggle with : for the 
winter is coming on ; and if we have roofs to 
cover our own heads, we have them not, by 
Jove ! for our horses, nor for our servants, nor 
for the common soldiers ; and without these 
we cannot proceed in the service* The pro- 
visions, wherever we have come, have been 
consumed by ourselves, and where we have not 
been, there, for fear of us, they have been car- 
ried off and secured in fortresses ; so that the 
enemies have them, and we are not able to pro- 
cure them. And who is there that has bravery 
and vigour enough to go on with the service, 
and struggle at the same time with hunger and 
cold ? Therefore, if we are to continue the war 



on these terms, I say that we ought rather to 
separate the army of our own accord than be 
driven away against our wills by distress, and 
by not knowing what to do. But, if we have 
a mind to go on still with the war, I say we 
ought to do this: we should endeavour, as 
soon as possible, to take from the enemy as 
many of their strong places as we are able, and 
to erect as many places of strength as we can 
for ourselves. For if this be done, then they 
will have provisions in the greatest plenty who 
can take and secure the most of them, and they 
that are inferior in strength will be besieged. 
But now we are just in the same case with 
those that are on a voyage at sea ; for the part 
that they have sailed over they do not leave so 
as to make it safer for them than the other par 
that they have not sailed ; but if we have for- 
tresses, these will alienate the territory from the 
enemy, and all things will be with us serene 
and quiet. As for what some of you may be 
apprehensive of, in case you are obliged to keep 
garrison at a distance from your own territory, 
do not let this be any concern to you ; for we 
will take on us to guard those parts that are 
the nearest to the enemy, since we are at a 
great distance from home. And do you take 
possession of the borders between you and the 
Assyrian territory,* and cultivate them. And 
if we are able to guard and preserve those parts 
that are in the enemy's neighbourhood, you 
who keep those other parts that are at a greater 
distance from them will certainly live in great 
peace and quiet ; for I do not believe that they 
can think of forming designs on you that are 
at a distance, and neglect dangers that are at 
hand." 

Aftei this had been said, all the rest of them 
rising up, declared that they would join heartily 
in putting these things in execution. And 
Cyaxares, Gadatas, and Gobryas said that if 
the allies would give them leave they would 
each of them build a fort, that the allies might 
have those places in their interest. Cyrus 
therefore, when he saw them all so zealous in 
the execution of the things he had mentioned, 
concluded thus : " If we intend therefore to 
effect what we agree ought to be done, we 
ought, as soon as possible, to be supplied with 
engines to demolish the forts of the enemy, 
and with builders to erect bulwarks of our own." 
On this Cyaxares promised to make and sup- 
ply them with one engine ; Gadatas and Go- 
bryas promised another ; Tigranes another 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



07 



and another Cyrus said that he would endea- 
vour to make. When they were determined 
on these things, they procured artificers for the 
making of these engines, and every one provi- 
ded the materials necessary for their fabric ; 
and they established, as presidents and over- 
seers of the works, certain persons that seemed 
the most proper for the employment. 

Cyrus, when he found that there would be 
some time taken up in these affairs encamped 
the army in a situation that he judged to be 
the most healthy and most easily accessible, 
with respect to all things that were necessary to 
be brought thither. And he did whatever was 
necessary to the making it strong, that they 
who always remained there might be in safety, 
though the main strength of the army should, 
at any time, march at a distance from the 
camp. And, besides, he inquired of those he 
thought knew the country best, from what 
parts of it the army might be supplied with all 
things that were of use to them in the greatest 
plenty. He led them always abroad to get 
provision and forage, both that he might pro- 
cure the greatest plenty of necessaries for the 
army, that his men, inured to labour by these 
marches, might gain health and vigour ; and 
that in marching they might preserve in their 
memories the order they were to keep. 

Cyrus was employed in these affairs when 
deserters from Babylon, and prisoners taken, 
gave an account that the Assyrian was gone 
to Lytlia, carrying with him many talents of 
gold and silver, and other treasures, and rich 
ornaments of all kinds. The body of the sol- 
diery supposed that he. was already putting his 
treasures out of the way for fear ; but Cyrus, 
iudging that, he went in order to collect a force 
against him, if he were able to effect it, pre- 
pared himself, on the other hand, with a great 
deal of vigour, as thinking that he should be 
again forced to come to an engagement. Ac- 
cordingly he completed the Persian body of 
horse ; some horses he got from the prisoners, 
and some from his friends ; for these things he 
accepted from all, rejected nothing, neither a 
fine weapon nor a horse, if any one presented 
him with it. Chariots, likewise, he fitted up, 
both out of those» that were taken, and from 
whencesoever else he was able to get supplied 
with what was necessary towards it. 

The Trojan method of using chariots, that 
was practised of old, and that way of managing 
them that is yet in use amongst the Cyreneans, 



he abolished. For formerly the Meo.es, Sy 
rians, and Arabians, and all the people of 
Asia, used the same method, with respect to 
their chariots, that the Cyreneans do at this 
time ; and he was of opinion, that the very 
best of the men being mounted on chariots, 
they that probably constituted the chief 
strength^ of the army had the part only of skir- 
mishers at a distance, and had no great share 
in the gaining of a victory. For three hun- 
dred chariots afford three hundred combatants, 
and these take up twelve hundred horses ; then 
their drivers probably are such as these men, 
that are the best of the army, chiefly confide 
♦n ; and here again are three hundred others, 
and they such as do the enemy no manner of 
mischief. Therefore this sort of management, 
with respect to their chariots, he abolished ; 
and instead of this, he provided a sort of war- 
like chariots, with wheels of great strength, so 
as not to' be easily broken, and with axletrees 
that were long, because things that^ carry 
breadth are less liable to be overturned. The 
box for the drivers he made like a turret, and 
with strong pieces of timber ; and the highest 
of these boxes reached up to the elbows of the 
drivers, that reaching over these boxes they 
might drive the horses. The drivers he cover- 
ed, all but their eyes, with armour. To the 
axletrees, on each side of the wheels, he added 
steel scythes of about two cubits in length ; and 
below, under the axletree, he fixed others 
pointing to the ground, as intending with these 
chariots to break in on the enemy. As Cyrus 
at that time contrived these chariots, so, to 
this day, they use them in the king's territory. 
He had likewise camels in great number, such 
as were collected from amongst his friends, 
and those that were taken from the enemy, 
being all brought together. 

Thus were these things performed. But 
he, being desirous to send some spy into Lydia, 
and to learn what the Assyrian did, was of 
opinion that Araspes, the guardian of the beau- 
tiful woman, was a proper person to go on that 
errand ; for with Araspes things had fallen out 
in this manner : 

Having fallen in love with the woman, he 
was forced to make proposals to her. But she 
denied him, and was faithful to her husband, 
though he was absent ; for she loved him very 
much. Yet she did not accuse Araspes to 
Cyrus, being unwilling to make a quarrel be- 
tween men that were friends. Then Araspes, 
Ν 



98 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



thinking to forward the success of his inclina- 
tions, threatened the woman that if she would 
not yield to his wishes, she would be forced 
to submit against her will. On this the wo- 
man, being in fear, concealed the matter no 
longer, but sent a messenger to Cyrus with 
orders to tell him the whole affair. He, when 
he heard it, laughed at this man, that had said 
he was above the power of love. He sent Ar- 
tabazus with the messenger, and commanded 
him to tell Araspes that he should respect the 
conduct of such a woman. But Artabazus, 
coming to Araspes, reproached him, calling the 
woman a deposit that had been trusted in his 
hands ; and telling him of his passion, so th A 
Araspes shed many tears for grief, was over- 
whelmed with shame, and almost dead with 
fear lest he should suffer some severity at the 
hands of Cyrus. Cyrus, being informed of 
this, sent for him, and spoke to him by him- 
self alone. 

" I ,see, Araspes," said he, " that you are 
very much in fear of me, and very much asham- 
ed. But give them both over, for I have heard 
that gods have been conquered by love ; I know 
how much men that have been accounted very 
wise have suffered by love ; and I pronounced 
on myself, that if I conversed with beautiful 
people, I was not enough master of myself to 
disregard them. And I am the cause that this 
has befallen you, for I shut you up with this 
irresistible creature." Araspes then said in 
reply : " You are in this too, Cyrus, as you 
are in other things, mild, and disposed to for- 
give the errors of men ; but other men," said 
he, " overwhelm me with grief and concern ; 
for the rumour of my misfortune is got abroad, 
my enemies are pleased with it, and my friends 
come to me and advise me to get out of the way, 
lest I suffer some severity at your hands, as 
having been guilty of a very great injustice." 

Then Cyrus said : " Be it known to you 
therefore, Araspes, that, by means of this very 
opinion that people have taken up. it is in your 
power to gratify me in a very high degree, and 
to do very great service to our allies." « I 
wish," said Araspes, " that I had an opportu- 
nity of being again of use to you." " There- 
fore," said he, " if you would make as if you 
fled from me, and would go over to the enemy, I 
believe that the enemy would trust you." 
« And I know, by Jove !" said Araspes, " that 
Τ should give occasion to have it said by my 
friends that I fled from you." « Then you 



might return to us," said he, « apprised of all 
the enemy's affairs. I believe that on tbeii 
giving credit to you, they would make you a 
sharer in their debates and counsels, so that 
nothing would be concealed from you that I 
desire you should know." " I will go then," 
said he, « now, out of hand ; for be assured 
that my being thought to have made my escape 
as one that was just about to receive punishment 
at your hands, will be one of the things that 
will give me credit." 

" And can you," said he, " leave the beauti- 
ful Panthea?" "Yes, Cyrus; for I have 
plainly two souls. I have now philosophized 
this point out by the help of that wicked so- 
phister Love : for a single soul cannot be a good 
one and a bad one at the same time, nor can 
it, at the same time, affect both noble actions 
and vile ones. It cannot incline and be averse 
to the same things at the same time ; but it is 
plain there are two souls, and when the good 
one prevails, it does noble things ; when the 
bad one prevails, it attempts vile things. But 
now that it has got you for a support, the good 
one prevails, and that very much." « If you 
think it proper therefore to be gone," said 
Cyrus, " thus you must do in order to gain the 
greater credit with them. Relate to them the 
state of our affairs, and relate it s'o as that what 
you say may be as great a hinderance as possi- 
ble to what they intend to do : and it would be 
some hinderance to them, if you say that 
we are preparing to make an incursion into 
some part of their territory ; for when they 
hear this, they will be less able to assemble 
their whole force together, every one being in 
fear for something at home. Then stay with 
them," said he, « as long as you can ; for what 
they do when they are the nearest us, will be the 
most for our purpose to know. Advise them 
likewise to form themselves into such an order 
as may be thought the strongest ; for when 
you come away, and are supposed to be appris- 
ed of their order, they will be under a necessity 
to keep to it, for they will be afraid of making 
a change in it ; and if they do make a change 
by their being so near at hand, it will create 
confusion amongst them." 

Araspes, setting out in this manner, and 
taking with him such of his servants as he 
chiefly confided in, and telling some certain 
persons such things as he thought might be of 
service to his undertaking, went his way. 
Panthea, as soon as she perceived that Aras» 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



99 



pes was gone, sending to Cyrus, told him thus : 
« Do not be afflicted, Cyrus, that Araspes is 
gone off to the enemy ; for if you will allow 
me to send to my husband, I engage that there 
will come to you one who will be a much more 
faithful friend to you than Araspes. I know 
that he will attend you with all the force that 
he is able ; for the father of the prince that 
now reigns was his friend, but he who at pre- 
sent reigns, attempted once to part us from 
each other ; and reckoning him therefore an 
unjust man, I know that he would joyfully 
revolt from him to such a man as you are." 

Cyrus, hearing this, ordered her to send to 
her husband. She sent ; and wb^n Abradatas 
discovered the signs from his wife, and perceiv- 
ed how matters stood as to the other particu- 
lars, he marched joyfully away to Cyrus, hav- 
ing about two thousand horse with him. When 
he came up with the Persian scouts, he sent 
to Cyrus, to tell him who he was : Cyrus 
immediately ordered them to conduct him to 
his wife. 

When Abradatas and his wife saw each 
other they mutually embraced, as was natural 
to do, on an occasion so unexpected. On this 
Panthea told him of the sanctity and virtue of 
Cyrus, and of his pity and compassion towards 
her. Abradatas having heard of it, said : 
« What can I do, Panthea, to pay my gratitude 
to Cyrus for you and for myself!" " What 
else said Panthea, " but endeavour to behave 
towards him as he had done towards you V 
On this Abradatas came to Cyrus, and as soon 
as he saw him, taking him by the right hand, 
he said : " In return for the benefits you have 
bestowed on us, Cyrus, I have nothing of more 
consequence to say, than that I give myself to 
you as a friend, a servant, and an ally ; and 
whatever designs I observe you to be engaged 
in, I will endeavour to be the best assistant to 
you in them that I am able." Then Cyrus 
said : " I accept your offer, and dismiss you at 
this time, to take your supper with your wife ; 
but, at some other time, you must take a meal 
| with me in my tent, together with your friends 
and mine." 

After this Abradatas, observing Cyrus to be 
employed about the chariots armed with scythes, 
and about those horses and horsemen that were 
clothed in armour, endeavoured out of his own 
body of horse, to fit him up a hundred such 
chariots as his were ; and he prepared himself, 
as being to lead them, mounted on a chariot 



himself. His own chariot he framed with four 
perches, and for eight horses. His wife Pan- 
thea, out of her own treasures, made him a 
corslet of gold, and a golden head piece, and 
armpieces of the same ; and the horses of his 
chariot she provided with brass defences. These 
things Abradatas performed. And Cyrus, ob- 
serving his chariot with four perches, consider- 
ed that it might be possible to make one with 
eight, so as to draw the lower frame of this 
machine with eight yoke of oxen. This en- 
gine, together with its wheels, was upwards of 
fifteen feet from the ground. And he believed 
that'turrets of this kind, following in the line, 
might be of great help to his own phalanx, and 
do great injury to the line of the enemy. On 
these frames he made open places to move about 
in, and strong defences, and on each of these 
turrets he mounted twenty men. When all 
things with respect to these turrets were com- 
pleted to his hand, he made an experiment of 
their draught, and eight yoke of oxen drew a 
turret, and the men on it, with more ease than 
each yoke drew the common baggage weight ; 
for the weight of baggage was about five-and- 
twenty talents to each yoke ; but the draught 
of a turret, whose wooden frame was as broad 
as a tragic stage, together with twenty men and 
their arms, amounted but to fifteen talents to 
each yoke. When he found that the draught 
was easy, he prepared for the marching these 
turrets with the army, reckoning that to take 
all advantages was both safe and just, and of 
happy consequence in war. 

II. At this time there came from the Indian 
certain persons, who brought treasure, and 
gave him an account that the Indian sent him 
word thus : "lam pleased, Cyrus that you 
gave me an account of what you wanted ; I 
have a mind to engage in friendship with you, 
and I send you treasure , if you want any thing 
else send me word. They that come from me 
have it in charge to do whatever you order 
them." 

Cyrus hearing this, said ; « I order then 
that some of you remaining here, where you 
have pitched your tents, may guard the trea- 
sure, and live as is most agreeable to you. But 
let three of you go on to the enemy, as coming 
from the Indian, to treat of an alliance, and get- 
ting yourselves informed of what is said and 
done there give me and the Indian an account 
of it as soon as possible. And, if you serve 
me well in this, I shall be yet more obliged to 



100 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI- 



you, than for your coming hither, and bringing 
me treasure ; for such spies, as appear men of 
servile condition, are not able to know or give 
an account of any thing more than what all 
people know. But such men as you are often 
led into the knowledge of designs and counsels." 
The Indians, hearing this with pleasure, and 
being on that occasion entertained by Cyrus, 
made all things ready : and the next day went 
away, promising faithfully to get informed of 
as many of the enemy's concerns, as they were 
able, and to come away as soon as possible. 

Cyrus made all other preparations for the 
war, in the most magnificent manner, as being 
a man who projected to perform no inconsider- 
able things, and withal, did not only take care 
of such things as he thought proper for his 
allies, but raised amongst his friends an emula- 
tion to appear armed in the handsomest man- 
ner, to appear the most skilled in horseman- 
ship, at throwing the javelin, and in the use 
of the bow, and the most ready to undergo 
any fatigue. This he effected by leading them 
out to hunt, and rewarding those that were the 
ablest in the several performances. And those 
commanders that he observed to be most care- 
ful to make their soldiers excel, those he ani- 
mated by praising them, and by gratifying them 
in all that he was able. If at any time he made 
a sacrifice, or solemnized a festival, he appoint- 
ed games on the occasion, in all the several 
things that men practise on account of war, and 
gave magnificent rewards to the conquerors ; 
and there was a mighty cheerfulness in the army. 

All things that Cyrus had a mind to have 
with him for the service were now almost com- 
pleted to his hands, except the engines ; for the 
Persian horsemen were filled up to ten thou- 
sand. The chariots, armed with scythes that 
he himself provided, were now a hundred com- 
plete. Those that Abradatas the Susian un- 
dertook to provitie, like those of Cyrus, were 
likewise a hundred complete. And the Medi- 
an chariots, that Cyrus had persuaded Cyax- 
ares to change from the Trojan and Libyan 
form and method, were likewise made up to 
another hundred. The camels were mounted 
by two archers on each ; and most of the army 
stood so disposed, as if they had already con- 
quered, and the affairs of the enemy were re- 
duced to nothing. 

While they were in this disposition the 
Indians that Cyrus had sent to get intelligence 
came back from the enemy, and said that Croe- 



sus was chosen general and leader of all the 
enemy's forces : that all the princes in their 
alliance had determined to attend each with 
his whole force, to contribute mighty sums of 
money, and to lay them out in stipends to all 
those that they could hire, and in presents, 
where it was proper : that they had already 
hired a great number of Thracians, armed 
with large swords : that the Egyptians were 
under sail to come to them, and the number of 
these they said amounted to a hundred and 
twenty thousand, armed with large shields that 
reached down to their feet, with mighty spears, 
such as they use at this day, and with swords. 
They said that a body of Cyprians was under 
sail to join them, and that all the Cilicians, 
the men of both the Phrygias, the Lycaonians, 
Paphlagonians, Cappadocians, Arabians, Phoe- 
nicians, and Assyrians, with the prince of 
Babylon, were already joined : that the Ionians, 
the ^Eolians, and all the Greek colonies in 
Asia, were obliged to attend Croesus: and 
that Croesus had sent to Lacedsemon, to treat 
of an alliance with them : that this army as- 
sembled about the river Pactolus, and was 
about to advance to Thybarra, where all the 
barbarians of the Lower Syria, that are subject 
to the king, assemble at this day : that order? 
were given out to all, to convey provisions and 
all things thither, as to the general market. 
The prisoners likewise related almost the same 
things; for Cyrus took care that prisoners 
should be taken, in order to get information ; 
and he sent out spies, that seemed to be of 
servile condition, as deserters. 

When the army of Cyrus came to hear all 
this, every body was under concern, as it was 
natural for them to be. They went up and 
down in a sedater way than they used to do, 
and the multitude did not appear cheerful. But 
they got together in circles : and all places 
were full of people, asking each other ques- 
tions concerning these matters, and discours- 
ing together. When Cyrus perceived that 
terror was spreading apace through the army 
he called together the commanders of the 
several bodies, together with all such whose 
dejection might prove to be any wise prejudi 
cial, or their alacrity of use ; and told his ser 
vants beforehand, that if any other of the 
soldiers attended to hear his discourse, they 
should not hinder them. When they were 
assembled he said : 

« Friends and allies ! I have called you 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



101 



together, because I observed that since these 
accounts are come from the enemy, some of 
you appear like men that are terrified : for to 
me it appears strange that any of you should 
be really terrified at the enemies' being said to 
assemble their forces, because we are at this 
time met in much greater numbers than we 
were when we beat them ; and, with the help 
of the gods, are now better prepared than 
before : and when you see this, does it not 
give you courage 1 In the name of the gods !" 
said he, " if you are afraid now, what had you 
done if people had given you an account that 
the enemies were advancing on you with all 
the advantages on their side which we have on 
ours 1 and, in the first place," said he, " had 
you heard that they who had beaten us before 
were coming on us again, with minds full of 
the victory they had obtained'? That they, 
who at that time slighted the distant discharge 
of arrows and javelins, were now coming with 
multitudes more armed like themselves Ί And 
then, that as these heavy-armed men at that 
time conquered our foot; so now, their horse 
men, provided in the same manner, advanced 
against our horse ί And that, rejecting bows 
and javelins, each of them, armed with one 
strong lance, had it in their intention to push 
up to us and engage hand to hand } That 
there are chariots coming, that are not to be 
planted as heretofore, and turned away as for 
flight, but that the horses of these chariots are 
covered with armour, the drivers stand in 
wooden turrets, and all upwards are covered 
with their corslets and helms, and steel scythes 
are fixed to the axle-trees ; and that these are 
ready to drive in immediately on the ranks of 
those that stand in opposition to them 1 
Besides, that they have camels on. which they 
ride up to us, and one of which a hundred 
horses will not bear the sight of ] And yet, 
farther, that they advance with certain towers, 
from whence they can support their own 
people ; and, by discharging their weapons on 
you, hinder you from fighting on even ground 
with them 1 — Had any one told you that the 
enemies were possessed of all these things, if 
you are afraid now, what had you done then 1 
But when you have an account that Crcesus is 
chosen the enemies' general, he who behavejd 
himself so much worse than the Syrians ; that 
the Syrians were beaten before they fled, but 
Croesus, when he^saw them beaten, instead of 
supporting his allies, fled and made his escape ! 



And, when it is told you that the same enemies 
are not thought sufficient to engage us, but 
that they hire others that they think will fight 
their battles for them better than they do for 
themselves ! — If these are such things as appear 
terrible to any, and that the state of our own 
affairs appears mean and contemptible to them, 
— these men, my friends, I say ought to go 
their ways to the enemy ; for by being there 
they will do us more service than they will 
by being amongst us." 

When Cyrus had said this, Chrysantas the 
Persian spoke thus : « Ο Cyrus ! do not 
wonder that some people carry sad countenances 
on having heard these accounts ; for it is not 
fear that affects them thus, but it is grief. 
For," said he, " if people that had a mind 
to get their dinners, and were just in expecta- 
tion of it, were told of some work that was 
necessary to be done before they dined, nobody, 
I believe, would be pleased with hearing it. 
Just so therefore, while we are in present ex- 
pectation of enriching ourselves, and then hear 
that there is still some work left that of neces- 
sity must be done, we look sad, not out of fear 
but because we want to have that work already 
over. But since we are not only contending 
for Syria, where there is corn in abundance, 
flocks, and fruitful palms ; but for Lydia too, 
where wine, and figs, and oil abound, and a 
land whose shores the sea washes ; by which 
means such numbers of valuable things are 
brought hither as no one ever saw. Consider- 
ing these things, we are no longer dejected, 
but have full confidence that we shall soon 
enjoy these valuable productions of Lydia." 
Thus he spoke ; and all* the allies were pleased 
with his discourse, and applauded it. 

" And, indeed, my friends," said Cyrus, 
" my opinion is, to march up to them as soon 
as possible, that if we can we may* prevent 
them, and first reach those places where all 
their conveniences are got together for them ; 
and then, the sooner we march to them, the 
fewer things we shall find them provided with, 
and the more things we shall find them in want 
of. This I give as my opinion ; if any one 
think any other course safer and easier to us, 
let him inform us." 

After a great many had expressed ther con- 
currence in its being proper to march as soon 
as possible to the enemy, and that nobody said 
to the contrary : on this Cyrus began a dis- 
course to this effect : 



102 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[BOOK VI. 



« Friends and allies ! our minds, our bodies, 
and the arms that we are to U3e, have been, 
with the help of the gods, long since provided 
to our hands : it is now our business to pro- 
vide necessaries on our march for not less than 
twenty days, both for ourselves and as many 
beasts as we make use of: for on calculation 
I find that the way we are to go will take us 
more than fifteen days, and on the road we 
shall find no sort of necessaries ; for every 
thing that was possible have been taken and 
carried off, partly by ourselves, and partly by 
the enemy. We must therefore put up a suf- 
ficient quantity of food, for without this, we 
can neither fight nor can we live ; but of wine 
as much as is enough to accustom us to drink 
water ; for great part of the way that we are to 
take is entirely unprovided with wine, and were 
we to put up a very great quantity of it, it would 
not suffice us. Therefore, that we may not 
fall into distempers by being deprived of wine 
all on a sudden, we must do thus ; we must 
begin now immediately to drink water with 
our food ; for by doing thus now we shall make 
no very great change : for whoever feeds on 
things made of flour, eats the mass mixed up 
with water ; and he that feeds on bread, eats 
the loaf that is first moistened and worked up 
with water ; and all boiled meats are made 
ready with a great quantity of water. But if 
after our meal we drink a little wine on it, our 
stomach, not having less than usual, rests satis- 
fied. Then, afterwards, we must cut off even 
this allowance after supper, till at last we be- 
come insensibly water-drinkers : for an altera- 
tion, little by little, brings any nature to bear 
a total change. The gods themselves teach us 
this, by bringing us, little by little, from the 
midst of winter, to bear very great heat ; and 
from the heat, to bear very great cold ; and we, 
in imitation of them, ought by custom and 
practice to reach the end we should attain to. 
Spare the weight of fine quilts and carpets, and 
make it up in necessaries ; for a superfluity of 
things necessary will not be useless. But if 
you happen to be without these carpets, you 
need not be afraid that you shall not lie and 
sleep with pleasure. If it prove otherwise than 
I say, then bl ame me ; but to have plenty of 
clothes with a man is a great help to one both 
in health and sickness. And of meats we ought 
to put up those that are a good deal sharp, 
acid, and salt ; for they create appetite, and 
are a lasting nourishment. And when we 



come into those parts of the country that are 
untouched, where probably we shall find corn, 
we ought to be provided with hand-mills, by 
taking them with us from hence, that we may 
use them in making our bread ; for of all the 
instruments that are used in making bread these 
are the lightest. We ought likewise to put up 
quantities of such things as are wanted by sick 
people ; for their bulk is but very little, and if 
such a chance befall us, we shall want them 
very much. We must likewise have store of 
straps ; for most things, both about men and 
horses, are fastened by straps, and when they 
wear out or break there is a necessity of stand- 
ing still, unless one can get supplied with them. 
Whoever has learned the skill of polishing a 
lance, it will be well for him not to forget a 
polisher, and he will do well to carry a file : 
for he that sharpens his spear sharpens his soul 
at the same time ; for there is a sort of shame 
in it, that one who sharpens his lance should 
himself be cowardly and dull. We ought 
likewise to have plenty of timber with us for 
the chariots and carriages ; for, in many affairs, 
many things will of necessity be defective. 
And we ought to be provided with the tools 
and instruments that are the most necessary 
for all these things, for artificers are not every 
where to be met with, nor will a few of them 
be sufficient for our daily work. To every 
carriage we should have a cutting-hook and a 
spade ; and to each beast of burden a pick-axe 
and a scythe ; for these things are useful to 
every one in particular, and are often service- 
able to the public. Therefore, with respect 
to the things that are necessary for food, do 
you, that are the commanders of the soldiery, 
examine those that are under you ; for in what- 
ever of these things any one is defective, it 
must not be passed by ; for we shall be in 
want of these. And as to those things that I 
order to be carried by the beasts of burden, do 
you that are commanders of those that belong 
to the baggage-train examine into them, and 
the man that has them not do you oblige to 
provide them. And do you that are the com- 
manders of those that clear the ways take 
down, in a list from me, such as are turned out 
from among the throwers of the javelin, the 
archers and the slingers. And those that are 
taken from amongst the throwers of the jave- 
lin you must oblige to serve with an axe for 
cutting wood ; those that are taken from the 
archers with a spade ; and those from the 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



li>3 



slingers with a cutting-hook. These must 
march in troops before the carriages, that in 
case the way wants to be mended, you may 
presently set to work, and that, if I want any 
thing to be done, I may know from whence to 
take them for my use. And I will take with 
me smiths, carpenters, and leather-cutters, with 
all their proper tools, and who shall be men of 
an age fit to attend the service, that nothing of 
what is necessary to be done in the army, in 
the way of those arts, may be wanting. And 
these shall all be exempt and disengaged from 
the military ranks, but shall be placed in their 
proper order, ready to do service for any one 
that will hire them, in the ways that they are 
severally skilled in. And if any tradesman has 
a mind to attend with intention to sell any 
thing, he must have necessaries for the days 
before-mentioned ; and if he be found to sell 
any thing during those days, all that he has 
shall be taken from him ; but when these days 
are past, he may sell as he pleases. And who- 
ever of these traders shall be found to furnish 
the greatest plenty of the things that he deals 
in, he shall meet with reward and honour from 
our allies and from me. If any one thinks 
that he wants money to purchase things, let 
him bring people that know him, and will be 
responsible for him, that he will certainly at- 
tend the army, and then let him take of what 
belongs to us. 

" These are the things that I order. If any 
one knows of any other thing that is proper, 
let him signify it to me. Do you go your ways, 
and put up every thing. I intend to make a 
sacrifice on our setting forward ; and when 
our divine affairs stand right we will give the 
signal. All must attend with the things be- 
fore ordered, in their proper posts, under their 
several commanders. And do you, comman- 
ders, each of you, putting his division into 
good order, all come and confer with me, that 
you may learn your several posts." They, 
hearing this, made their preparations, and he 
made a sacrifice. 

III. When the sacred rites were performed 
in a happy manner, Cyrus set forward with the 
army, and the first day encamped at as small a 
distance as he could, that in case any one had 
forgot any thing, he might fetch it ; and that 
if any one found himself in want of any thing, 
he might provide it. Cyaxares, therefore with 
the third part of the Medes, stayed behind, 
that affairs at home might not be left destitute. 



And Cyrus marched with the utmost des- 
patch, having the horse at the head of the 
whole, but always making the discoverers and 
scouts mount up before, to such places as were 
most proper to take their views from. After 
the horse he led the baggage-train, and where 
the country was open and plain, he marched 
the carriages and beasts of burden in several 
lines. The phalanx marched after; and if 
any of the baggage-train was left behind, those 
of the commanders that were at hand took care 
of it, that they might not be hindered in their 
march. But when the road was more con- 
tracted, he ranged the train in the middle, and 
the soldiers marched on each side, and if they 
met with a hindrance, those of the soldiers 
that were at hand took care about it. The 
, several regiments marched for the most part 
with their own baggage near them, for it was 
given in charge to those of the train, to march 
each part of them by the regiment they be- 
longed to, unless some necessity kept them 
from doing it ; and every officer of the train led 
on with the colonel's ensign, or mark that was 
known to the men of their several regiments ; 
so that they marched in close order, and every 
one took very great care of their own, that it 
might not be left behind ; and by doing thus* 
they were in no need of seeking for each other, 
all things were at hand and in more safety, and 
the soldiers were the more readily supplied with 
what they wanted. 

But as soon as the advanced scouts thought 
that they saw men in the plain getting forage 
and wood, and saw beasts of burden laden with 
such kind of things, and feeding, and then again 
taking a view at a greater distance, they thought 
that they observed smoke or dust rising up in- 
to the air. From all these things they con- 
cluded that the enemy's army was somewhere 
near at hand. The commander of the scouts 
therefore immediately sent one to Cyrus to tell 
him these things. 

He having heard these things, commanded 
them to remain in the same viewing places, and 
whatever new thing they saw, to give him an 
account of it. He sent a regiment of horse 
forward, and commanded them to endeavour to 
take some of the men that were in the plain, 
that they might get a clearer insight into the 
matter. They that were thus ordered did accord- 
ingly. He made a disposition of the rest of his 
army in such a manner, that they might be pro- 
vided with whatever he thought fitting before 



104 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



they came up close to the enemy ; and first, he 
made it be proclaimed, that they should take 
their dinners, and then wait in their ranks, at- 
tentive to their farther orders. When they 
had dined he called together the several com- 
manders of the horse, foot, and chariots of the 
engines, baggage-train, and carriages, and they 
met accordingly. They that made an excur- 
sion into the plain, taking certain people pri- 
soners brought them off. 

These that were taken, being asked by Cy- 
rus, told him, that they came off from their 
army, and passing their advanced guard, came 
out, some for forage anjd some for wood ; for 
by means of the multitude that their army con- 
sisted of, all things were very scarce. Cyrus, 
hearing this, said : " And how far is the army 
from hence V They told him about two para- 
sangs. On this Cyrus asked, " And is there 
any discourse amongst them concerning us !*•' 
" Yes, by Jove !" said they, " a great deal, par- 
ticularly that you are already near at hand ad- 
vancing on them." " Well, then," said Cyrus, 
« did they rejoice at the hearing it !" And this 
he asked for the sake of those that were by. 
« No, by Jove !" said they, « they did not re- 
joice, but were very much concerned." " And at 
this time," said Cyrus, " what are they doing ?" 
" They are forming into order" said they, " and 
both yesterday and the day before ihey were 
employed in the same work." " And he that 
makes their disposition," said Cyrus, " who is 
he ?" " Croesus himself," said they, " and with 
him a certain Greek ; and another besides, who 
is a Mede ; and this man was said to be a desert- 
er from you." Then Cyrus said : " Ο greatest 
Jove, may I be able to take this man as I desire." 

On this he ordered them to carry off the 
prisoners, and turned to the people that were 
present, as if he were going to say something. 
At that instant there came another man from 
the commander of the scouts, who told him 
that there appeared a great body of horse in the 
plain : " And we guess," said he, " that they 
are marching with intention to take a view of 
the army ; for before this body there is another 
party of about thirty horse, that march with 
great diligence, and directly against us, per- 
haps with intention to seize our station for 
viewing, if they can, and we are but a single 
decade on that station." Then Cyrus or- 
dered a party of those horse that always at- 
tended him to march and put themselves in a 
place under the viewing station, and keeping 



themselves concealed from the enemy, to be 
quiet. " And when our decade," said be, 
" quits the station, then do you rush out and 
attack those that mount it; and that the ene- 
my's greater body may not do you mischief, do 
you, Hystaspes," said he, " march with a thou- 
sand horse, and appear in opposition to the 
enemy's body ; and do not pursue up to any 
undiscovered place ; but when you have taken 
care to maintain the possession of your view- 
ing stations, then come back to me. And if 
any men ride up to you with their right hands 
extended, receive them as friends." Hystas- 
pes went away and armed himself. Those 
that attended Cyrus marched immediately, and 
on this side the viewing places Araspes, with 
his servants, met them ; he that had been some 
time since sent away as a spy, and was the 
guardian of the Susian woman. 

Cyrus therefore, as soon as he saw him, 
leaped from his seat, met him, and received 
him with his right hand. The rest, as was 
natural, knowing nothing of the matter, were 
struck with the thing, till Cyrus said: " My 
friends, he comes to us a brave man ; for now 
it is fit, that all men should know what he has 
done. This man went away, not for any base 
thing that he was loaded with, or for any fear 
of me, but he was sent by me, that learning 
the state of the enemy's affairs for us, he might 
make us a clear report of them. What I pro- 
mised you therefore, Araspes, I remember, 
and, with the assistance of all these that are 
here, I will perform it. And it is just that 
all you, my friends, should pay him honour as 
a brave man ; for, to do us service, he has 
thrown himself into dangers, and has borne 
that load of reproach that fell so heavy on 
him. On this they all embraced Araspes, 
and gave him their right hands. 

Then Cyrus, telling them that there was 
enough of this said : " Give us an account, 
Araspes, of these things, and do not abate any 
thing of the truth, with respect to the enemy's 
affairs ; for it is better that we should think 
them greater, and see them less, than hear them 
to be less, and find them greater." " I acted," 
said Araspes, " in such a manner as to get the 
clearest insight into them; for I assisted in 
person at their making their disposition." «You 
therefore," said Cyrus, " know not only their 
numbers, but their order too." " Yes, by Jove!" 
said Araspes, " and I know the manner that they 
intend to engage in." " But, in the first place, tell 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



105 



us, however," said Cyrus, " in general, what 
their numbers are?" "Well then," said he, 
μ they are all ranged thirty in depth, both foot 
and horse, except the Egyptians, and they ex- 
tended in front forty stadia, for I took very 
great care to know what ground they took up." 
" And then, as the Egyptians," said Cyrus, 
« tell us how they are ranged ; for you said — 
except the Egyptians." " The commanders of 
ten thousand formed each of their bodies into a 
hundred every way ; for this they say is their 
order, according to their custom at home ; but 
Croesus allowed them to form in this manner 
very much against his will, for he was desirous 
to over-front your army as much as possible." 
" And why," said Cyrus, * does he desire 
this V* " Why, by Jove !" said he, " in order 
to encompass you with that part that exeeeds 
you in front." Then Cyrus said : " But let 
them look to it, that the encompassers be not 
themselves encompassed. But we have heard 
what is proper for us to be informed of by you, 
and you, my friends, must act in this manner : 

" As soon as you go from hence, examine 
the arms that belong both to the horses and to 
yourselves ; for, frequently, by the want of a 
little thing, both man, and horse, and chariot 
become useless. To-morrow, in the morning, 
whilst I sacrifice you must first get your din- 
ners, both men and horse, that whatever op- 
portunity of action offers itself we may not 
balk it. Then do you, Araspes, keep the right 
wing as you do now, and let the other com- 
manders of ten thousand keep the stations 
they now are in ; for when a race is just ready 
to be entered on, there is no longer opportu- 
nity for any chariot to shift horses. Give 
orders to the several colonels and captains to 
form into a phalanx, with each company 
drawn up two in front." And each company 
consisted of four-and-twenty men. Then one of 
the commanders often thousand said : « And do 
we think, Cyrus," said he, " that when we are 
ranged but so many deep we shall be strong 
enough against phalanxes of that great depth V 

And Cyrus replied : « Phalanxes that are 
deeper than to be able to reach the enemy with 
their weapons, what injury," said he, " do you 
think they will do to the enemy, or what ser- 
vice to their fellow-combatants? For my 
part," said he, " those soldiers that are ranged 
a hundred in depth, I would rather choose to 
have ranged ten thousand in depth, for by that 
means we should have the fewer to engage ; 



but by the number of men that form our pha 
lanx in depth, I reckon to make the whole act 
and support itself. The throwers of the jave- 
lin I will range behind the corslet-men, and 
behind the throwers of the javelin the archers : 
for who would place those in front who, 
themselves, can confess that they cannot bear 
any engagement hand to hand 1 But when 
the corslet-men are interposed before them, 
then they stand. And the one casting their 
javelins, and the other discharging their arrows 
over the heads of those that are ranged before 
them, do execution on the enemy. And as 
much mischief as any one does the enemy, it 
is plain that so far he gives relief to his fellow- 
combatants. Last of all, I will place those 
that are called the rear ; for as a house with- 
out a strong stone work, and without men 
that have the skill to form the roof, is of no 
value, so neither is a phalanx of any value 
without such as are serviceable both in front 
and rear. Do you, then," said he, " form as I 
order you. And do you, commanders of the 
javelin-men, form your several companies in 
thefcame manner behind these. Do you, com- 
manders of the archers, form in the same man- 
ner behind the javelin-men ; and you, who com- 
mand the rear, with your men placed last, give 
orders to those under you, each of them to 
keep his eye to those before him, to encourage 
those that do their duty, to threaten severely 
such as behave cowardly ; and, if any one turn 
away with intention to desert his station, to 
punish him with death ; for it is the business 
of those that are placed before, both by words 
and actions, to encourage those that follow ; 
and you that are placed in the rear of all must 
inspire the cowardly with greater terror than 
the enemies themselves give them. These 
things do you do; and do you, Abradatas, 
who command those that belong to the en- 
gines, take care that the oxen that draw the 
turrets and men belonging to them follow up 
as close to the phalanx as possible. And do 
you, Daouchas, who command the baggage- 
train, lead up all that kind of people behind 
the turrets and engines, and let your attendants 
severely punish those that are either more ad- 
vanced or more behind than they ought to be. 
And do you, Cardouchus, who command the 
wagons that carry the women, place these 
last behind the baggage-train ; for all these fol- 
lowing each other will make the appearance of 
a great multitude, and will give us an oppor- 
O 



106 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



tunity of forming an ambuscade ; and, in case 
the enemy have a mind to encompass us, will 
oblige them to a greater circuit ; and the more 
ground they encompass, so much the weaker 
must they of necessity be. And thus do you. 
But you, Artabazus, and Artagersas, each of 
you, with the thousand foot that attend you, 
keep behind these. And you Pharnouchus 
and Asiadatas, each with your thousand horse, 
do not you form in the phalanx, but arm by 
yourselves, behind the wagons, and then come 
to us, together with the rest of the com- 
manders ; but you ought to prepare yourselves, 
as being the first to engage. And do you, 
who are the commanders of the men mounted 
on the camels, form behind the wagons, and 
act as Artagersas shall order you. And of 
you, leaders of the chariots, let that man range 
his hundred chariots in front, before the pha- 
lanx, who obtains that station by lot, and 
let the other hundreds attend the phalanx 
ranged on the wings, one on the right side 
and the other on the left." 

Thus Cyrus ordered. But Abradatas, king 
of the Susians, said: " I take it voluntarily on 
myself, Cyrus, to hold that station in front 
against the opposite phalanx, unless you think 
otherwise." Then Cyrus, being struck with 
admiration of the man, and taking him by the 
right hand, asked the Persians that belonged 
to others of the chariots. " Do you," said he, 
« yield to this?" When they replied, that it 
would not be handsome in them to give it up, 
he brought them all to the lot ; and by the lot 
Abradatas obtained what he had taken on 
himself, and he stood opposite to the Egyp- 
tians. Then going their way, and taking care 
of the things that were before mentioned, they 
took their suppers, and, having placed their 
guards, they went to rest. 

IV. The next day in the morning, Cyax- 
ares sacrificed : but the rest of the army, after 
having taken their dinners and made their liba- 
tions, equipped themselves with fine coats, in 
great number, and with many fine corslets and 
helmets. The horses, likewise, they armed 
with forehead-pieces and breast-plates, the 
single horses with thigh-pieces, and those in 
the chariots with plates on their sides ; so that 
the whole army glittered with the brass, and ap- 
peared beautifully decked with scarlet habits. 

The chariot of Abradatas, that had four 
perches and eight horses, was completely 
adorned for him ; and when he was going to 



put on his linen corslet, which was a sort of 
armour used by those of his country, Panthea 
brought him a golden helmet, and arm-pieces, 
broad bracelets for his wrists, a purple habit, 
that reached down to his feet, and hung in folds 
at the bottom, and a crest dyed of a violet co- 
lour. These things she had made unknown to 
her husband, and by taking the measure of his 
armour. He wondered when he saw them, and 
inquired thus of Panthea, "And have you 
made me these arms, woman, by destroying 
your own ornaments !" " No, by Jove !" said 
Panthea, " not what is the most valuable of 
them ; for it is you, if you appear to others to 
be what I think you, that will be my greatest 
ornament." And saying this she put on him 
the armour ; and, though she endeavoured to 
conceal it, the tears poured down her cheeks. 
When Abradatas, who was before a man of 
fine appearance, was set out in these arms, he 
appeared the most beautiful and noble of all, 
especially being likewise so by nature. Then 
taking the reins from the driver, he was just 
preparing to mount the chariot ; on this Pan- 
thea, after she had desired all that were there 
present to retire, said : 

" Ο Abradatas ! if ever there was another 
woman who had greater regard to her husband 
than to her own soul, I believe you know that 
I am such a one ; what need I therefore speak 
of things in particular ? for I reckon that my 
actions have convinced you more than any 
words I can now use. And yet though I stand 
thus affected towards you, as you know I do, I 
swear by this friendship of mine and yours, that 
I certainly would rather choose to be put un- 
der ground jointly with you, approving your- 
self a brave man. than to live with you in dis- 
grace and shame ; so much do I think you and 
myself worthy of the noblest things. Then I 
reckon we both lie under a great obligation to 
Cyrus, that when I was a captive, and chosen 
out for himself, he thought fit to take me 
neither as a slave, nor, indeed, as a free-woman 
of mean account ; but he took and kept me for 
you, as if I were his brother's wife. Besides, 
when Araspes, who was my guard, went away 
from him, I promised him, that if he would al- 
low me to send for you, you would come to 
him, and approve yourself a much better and 
more faithful friend than Araspes." 

Thus she spoke ; and Abradatas, being struck 
with admiration at her discourse, laying his 
hand gently on her head, and lifting up his eyes 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



107 



to heaven, made this prayer : "Do thou, Ο 
greatest Jove ! grant me to appear a husband 
worthy of Panthea, and a friend worthy of Cy- 
rus, who has done us so much honour !" 

Having said this, he mounted the chariot by 
the door of the driver's seat ; and after he got 
up, when the driver shut the door of the seat, 
Panthea, who had now no other way to salute 
him, kissed the seat of the chariot. The 
Chariot then moved, and she, unknown to 
him, followed, till Abradatas turning about, 
and seeing her, said : " Take courage, Pan- 
thea ! Fare you happily and well ; and now go 
your ways." On this her women and servants 
took and conducted her to her conveyance, and 
laying her down, concealed her by throwing the 
covering of a tent over her. The people, 
though Abradatas and his chariot made a noble 
spectacle, were , not able to look at him till 
Panthea was gone. 

But when Cyrus had happily sacrificed, the 
army was formed for him according to his or- 
ders, and taking possession of the viewing sta- 
tions, one before another, he called the leaders 
together and spoke thus : 

" Friends and fellow-soldiers ! the gods, in 
our sacred rites, have exposed to us the same 
happy signs they did before, when they gave us 
victory ; and I am desirous to put you in mind 
of some such things as, by your recollecting 
them, will, in my opinion, make you march 
with more courage to the enemy : for you are 
better practised in the affairs of war than our 
enemies are, and you have been bred up to- 
gether in this, and formed to it a much longer 
time than our enemies have been. You have 
been fellow-conquerors together, whereas many 
of our enemies have been fellow-sharers in a 
defeat : and of those on both sides that have 
not yet been engaged in action, they that are 
of our enemy's side know that they have for 
their supports men that have been deserters of 
their station and runawa3*s ; but you that are 



with us know that you act with men zealous 
to assist their friends. It is probable then tha* 
they who have confidence in each other will 
unanimously stand and fight ; but they who 
distrust each other will necessarily be every 
one contriving how they shall the soonest 
get out of the way. Let us march then, my 
friends, to the enemy with ftir armed cha- 
riots against those of the enemy unarmed; 
with our cavalry in like manner, both men and 
horse armed, against those of the enemy un- 
armed, in order to a close engagement. The 
res.t of «the foot are such as you have engaged 
already. But as for the Egyptians, they are 
both armed and formed in the same mannei 
both equally bad ; for they have shields larger, 
than they can act or see with, and being formed 
a hundred in depth, it is evident they will 
hinder one another from fighting, except only 
a very few. If they think by their might in 
rushing on, to make us give way, they must 
first sustain our horse, and such weapons as 
are driven on them by the force of horses ; and 
if any of them make shift to stand this, how 
will they be able to engage our horse, our pha- 
lanx, and our turrets at the same time Ί For 
those mounted on the turrets will come up to 
our assistance, and by doing execution on the 
enemy, will make them, instead of fighting, be 
confounded, and not know what to do. If you 
think that you are still in want of anything, 
tell it me ; for, with the help of the gods, we 
will be in want of nothing. And if any one 
have a mind to say any thing, let him speak ; 
if not, go your ways to sacred affairs ; and 
having made your prayers to the gods, to whom 
we have sacrificed, then goto your ranks; and 
let every one of you remind those that belong 
to him of the things which I have put you in 
mind of. And let every one make it appear to 
those whom he commands that he is worthy 
of command, by showing himself fearless in his 
manner, his countenance, and his words !" 



XENOPHON 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



BOOK VII. 



CONTENTS ofBOOK VII 



Cyrus' confidence of success — He and the whole ai-my sing a hymn — The engagement — Cyrus relieves the Per 
sians — Is dismounted in the field — Defeat of the enemy — Braveiy of the Egyptians— Offers tbem honourable 
terms and gives them cities — II. Cyrus pursues Crcesus to Sardis, and takes the city — Orders Croesus to be 
brought before him — Their interview — Cyrus takes compassion on him, and restores him his wife, daughters, 
&c — Takes Crcesus into his friendship.— III. Cyrus gives orders concerning the treasures of Crcesus — Death 
of Abradatas — Affliction of Panthea, and her death — Cyrus erects stately monuments to their memory — Sends 
Adusius to the Carians with an army — IV. The Cilicians and Cyprians join Cyrus — He sends an army to con- 
quer Phrygia — Garrisons left there for him — The Greeks pay him tribute — Overthrows the Phrygians, Cappa- 
docians, and Arabians. — V. Cyrus arrives with a vast army at Babylon— Disposition of tbem in surrounding the 
walls — Consultation respecting the attack on the city — Celebration of a festival in Babylon, during which Cy- 
rus attacks and captures the city — Death of the king — Castles surrendered to Cyrus, who issues a proclamation 
to the Babylonians, requiring them to bring in their arms — Makes them labourers and tributaries — Cyrus takes 
on him the state of a king — Addresses the people — Is weary of the homage paid to him, and applies himself to 
the affairs of government— Appoints guards about his person, and establishes a garrison in Babylon — Distresses 
the Babylonians — Vindicates the war, and right of conquest — Admonishes his friends and allies to a life of 
nrtue. 



110 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



BOOK VII. 



I. These men, having made their prayers to 
the gods, went away to their ranks. And the 
servants brought meat and drink to Cyrus, and 
to those that were with him, while they were 
yet taken up in their holy rites. Cyrus, 
standing as he was, and beginning with an 
offering to the gods, took his dinner, and dis- 
tributed around always to the man that most 
wanted. Then, having made his libations, and 
prayed, he drank, and the rest that were with 
him did the same. After this was done, and 
he had made supplication to Jove Paternal, to 
be their leader and support, he mounted his 
horse, and ordered those about him to do the 
same. All they that were with Cyrus were 
armed with the same arms that he was ; in 
scarlet habits brass corslets, brass helmets, 
white crests, swords, and every one with a 
single spear, made of the cornel-tree. Their 
horses were armed with forehead-pieces, breast• 
plates, and side-pieces, and these served as 
thigh-pieces to the rider. Thus much only did 
the arms of Cyrus differ from the others, that 
these were done over with a gold colour, 
but those of Cyrus cast a brightness like a 
mirror. When he was mounted, and stood 
looking which way he was to go, it thundered 
to the right : he then said ; " We will follow 
thee, Ο greatest Jove !" And he set forward 
with Chrysantas, a commander of horse, and 
his body of horse on his right hand, and Ara- 
sambas, with his body of foot on his left. He 
gave orders that all should have their eyes to 
his ensign, and follow on in an even pace. 
His ensign was a golden eagle held up on the 
top of a kmg lance. And this remains the 
ensign of me Persian king to this day. Before 
they got sight of the enemy he made the army 
halt three times. When they had marched on 
about twenty stadia, they began then to observe 
the enemies' army advancing ; and when they 



were all in view of each other, and the enemies 
found that they exceeded very much in front on 
both sides, then making their own phalanx 
halt, for otherwise there was no fetching a 
compass to enclose the opposite army, they 
bent themselves in order to take that compass, 
that by having disposed themselves into the 
form of the letter Γ, on each side, they might 
engage on every side at once. 

Cyrus seeing this, did not slacken his pace 
for it, but led on just as before : and taking 
notice at how great a distance on each side they 
took their compass, and extended their wings 
around — « Do you observe," said he, " Chry- 
santas, where they take their compass 1" 
" Yes," said Chrysantas, "and I wonder at 
it, for to me they seem to draw off their wings 
very far from their own phalanx." " Yes, by 
Jove !"said Cyrus, " and from ours too ; and 
what is the meaning of this ? — It is plainly," 
said he, " because they are afraid, in case their 
wings get near to us, while their phalanx is 
yet at a distance, that we shall charge them." 
Then said Chrysantas, "How will they be 
able to be serviceable to one another, when 
they are at such a distance from each other?" 
" It is plain," said Cyrus, " that when their 
wings have gained so much ground as to be 
over against the sides of our army, then turn- 
ing themselves, and forming in front, they will 
march on us on every side, that they may en- 
gage on every side at once." " And do you 
not think then," said Chrysantas, » that they 
contrive well ?" " Yes, with respect to what 
they see ; but with respect to what they do not 
see, they contrive worse than if they adyanced 
on us with their wings. But do you, Arasam- 
bas, lead on quietly with your foot, as you ob 
serve that I do. And do you, Chrysantas, 
follow on with your horse, in the same even- 
pace. I will march away to the place where I 

lil 



112 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



think it proper to begin the engagement, and 
as I pass on I will view how we stand disposed 
in every part. After I get to the place, and 
when we are marching up against each other I 
will begin the hymn, and do you follow me. 
When we are engaged with the enemy, you 
will perceive it, for I reckon there will be no 
small noise and rout. Then will Abradatas set 
forward to charge the enemy with his chariots, 
for so it shall be told him to do. You must 
follow up immediately after the chariots, for 
by this means we shall fall on the enemy while 
they are the most in disorder. I will be my- 
self at hand, as soon as I can, to pursue them, 
if the gods so please." 

Having said this, and transmitted the word, 
which was this, " Jove our Saviour and Lead- 
er!" he then marched: and taking his way 
between the chariots and corslet-men, and 
looking on some of the men that were in their 
ranks, he then said ; " My friends, how pleas- 
ing it is to see your countenances !" Then to 
others he said ; " Consider, my friends, that our 
present contest is not only for victory to day, 
but to maintain the victory we gained before, 
and for all manner of happy success hereafter." 
Then coming up with others, he said : " From 
henceforward, my friends, we shall have no 
cause to blame the gods, for they have put it 
m our power to acquire many great advantages 
to ourselves. But then my friends, let us be 
brave." To others he spoke thus : " My 
friends, to what nobler society of friendship 
can we ever invite one another than to the 
present 1 for it is now in our power, by being 
brave men, to confer on each other benefits in 
great number." And to others again thus : " I 
believe you know, my friends, that the prizes 
now lie before you. And to the victors they 
are these : to pursue, to deal their blows, to 
kill, to reap great advantage, to gain praise, to 
be free, and to rule. But the reverse of these, 
it is plain, will be the lot of the cowardly. 
Whoever therefore has a kindness for himself, 
let him fight after my example, for I will not 
willingly admit of any thing mean or base in 
my behaviour." When he came up with 
others that had been in the engagement with 
him before, he said : " And to you, my friends, 
what should I say 1 for you know how those 
that are brave in action, pass the day, and how 
those do it that are cowardly." 

When he had got over against Ab^datas, as 
he passed along he stopped. And Abradatas 



delivering the reins to the driver, came to him, 
and several others that were posted near, and 
belonged both to the foot and to the chariots, 
ran to him; and when they were come, he 
spoke to them in this manner : " As you de- 
sired, Abradatas, the gods have vouchsafed to 
grant the principal rank amongst all us allies 
to those that are with you. And when it 
comes to be your part to engage, remember 
that the Persians are to see you, and to follow 
you, and not suffer you to engage alone." 
Then Abradatas said : « Affairs here with us, 
Cyrus, seem to stand on a good footing, but 
our flanks disturb me ; for along our flanks I 
observe are extended the enemies' wings that 
are very strong, and consist of chariots and all 
other military strength : but of ours there is 
nothing opposed to them but chariots ; so that," 
said he, " had I not obtained this post by the 
lot, I should be ashamed to be here ; so much 
do I think myself in the safest station." Then 
Cyrus said : " If things are on a good footing 
with you, be at ease as to them ; for, with the 
help of the gods, I will show you our flanks 
entirely clear of the enemy. And do not you 
attack the enemy, I charge you, before you see 
those people flying that you are now afraid of. 
(Thus presumptuously did he talk of the ap- 
proaching engagement, though at other times 
he was not presumptuous in his discourse.) 
But when you see these men flying, then count 
on it that I am at hand, and begin your attack, 
for you will then deal with the enemy while 
they are in the greatest consternation, and your 
own men in the most heart. But, while you 
have leisure, Abradatas, drive along by your 
own chariots, and exhort your people to the 
attack. Give them courage by your counte- 
nance, raise them with hopes, and inspire them 
with emulation to appear the bravest amongst 
all that belong to the chariots : for be assured 
that if things fall out thus, they will all say, 
for the future, that nothing is more profitable 
than virtue and bravery." Abradatas, mount- 
ing his chariot drove along, and put these 
things in execution. 

But Cyrus, moving on again, when he came 
to the left, where Hystaspes was with half the 
Persian horse, calling him by his name, said ; 
" Hystaspes, you now see a work for your 
quickness in the execution of business ; for, if 
we are beforehand with the enemy in charging 
and doing execution on them, we shall not lose 
a man." Hystaspes laughing at this, said : 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



113 



« We will take care of those that are over 
against us; do you give some others the 
charge of those that are on our flanks, that 
they likewise may not be idle." Then 
Cyrus said : " I am going to those myself. 
But remember this, Hystaspes, whichever of 
us it is that the gods favour with victory, 
if the enemy make a stand any where, let 
us always join in with our forces, and charge 
where the fight continues." Having said this 
he moved on, and, when in his passage he got 
to the flank, and to the commander of the 
chariots that were there posted, he said to 
him : " I am come to your assistance ; but 
when you perceive us to have made our attack 
at the extremities, then Jo you endeavour at 
the same time, to make your way through the 
enemy, for you will be much safer when you 
are at large than while you are enclosed within 
them." Then passing on, when he got behind 
the wagons he ordered Artagersas and Phar- 
nouchus, each with his thousand men, one of 
foot, and the other of horse, there to remain. 
" And when you perceive," said he, " that I 
have made my attack on those that are posted 
over against our right wing, then do you charge 
those that are over against you. You will en- 
gage them by their wing and in flank, where an 
army is the weakest, and with your own men 
formed into a phalanx, that you yourselves may 
be in that form and disposition which is the 
strongest. Then the enemy's horse, as you 
see, are the hindmost. By all means therefore 
advance the body of camels on them, and be 
assured that before you come to engage you 
will see the enemy in a ridiculous condition." 
Cyrus, having finished these affairs, went on to 
the right wing. 

And Croesus, judging that his phalanx that 
he marched with was now nearer to the enemy 
than his extended wings, gave the signal to the 
wings to march no farther on, but to turn about 
in the station they were in. And as they all 
stood facing the army of Cyrus, he gave them 
the signal to march to the enemy. And thus 
three phalanxes advanced on the army of Cyrus ; 
one in front, and, of the other two, one on the 
right side and the other on the left ; so that a 
very great terror seized the whole army of 
Cyrus. For, just like a little brick placed 
within a large one, so was the army of Cyrus 
surrounded by the enemy, with their horse, 
their heavy-armed men, their shield-men, 
archers, and chariots, on every side, except on 
10* 



the rear. However, when Cyrus gave the sig- 
nal they all turned and faced the enemy ; and 
there was a deep silence on every side, in ex- 
pectation and concern for the event. As soon 
as Cyrus thought it the proper time he began 
the hymn, and the whole army sung it with him. 
After this they all of them together made a 
shout to the god of battle. 

Then Cyrus broke out, and instantly with his 
horse, taking the enemy in flank, fell on them 
as soon as possible. The foot that were with 
him, in order of battle, followed immediately, 
and they enclosed the enemy on each side ; so 
that they had very much the advantage : for 
with a phalanx of their own they charged the 
enemy on their wing, so that the enemy pre- 
sently fled with the utmost speed. As soon 
as Artagersas perceived that Cyrus was engag- 
ed, he attacked on the left, making the camels 
advance as Cyrus had ordered ; and the enemy's 
horses, even at a great distance, were not able 
to stand them, but some of them run madly 
away, some started from their ranks, and others 
fell foul of one another, for thus are horses 
always served by camels. Artagersas, with 
his men formed, charged in good order the 
enemy that were in confusion. And the 
chariots, both to the right and left, fell on at 
the same time. Many of the enemy that fled 
from the chariots were killed by those who 
pursued the wing, and many of them in their 
flight from these, were met by the chariots. 

Abradatas then delayed no longer, but cry- 
ing out with his vehemence, " Follow me, my 
friends !" rushed on, without sparing his 
horses in any sort, but with the spur fetched a 
great deal of blood from them. His other 
charioteers broke out with him. The chariots 
of the enemy immediately fled before them, 
some of them taking up their men that mounted 
them, and some leaving them behind. Then 
Abradatas, making his way directly through 
these, fell on the Egyptian phalanx, and they 
that were placed in order near him fell on with 
him. On many other occasions it has been 
made evident, that no phalanx can be of greater 
strength than when it is made up of joint com- 
batants that are friends : and it was made 
evident on this ; for the companions and table 
acquaintance of Abradatas attacked jointly with 
him; but the other drivers, when they saw the 
Egyptians in a compact body stand their 
ground, turned off to the chariots that were 
flying and pursued them; the Egyptians 
Ρ 



114 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII• 



not being able to make way, because they who 
were on every side of them stood their ground. 
They that were with Abradatas therefore in 
that part where they fell on, running on those 
that stood against them, overturned them by 
the rapid course of the horses ; and those that 
fell they tore to pieces, both men and arms, 
horses and wheels, and whatever the scythes 
caught hold of they cut their way through by 
force, whether arms or bodies of men. In this 
inexpressible confusion, the wheels making 
their way by jolts over heaps of all kinds, 
Abradatas fell, as did likewise the rest that 
broke in with him. And here were these brave 
men cut down and killed. 

The Persians who followed up after them, 
following on those that were in disorder, where 
Abradatas and his men had broken in, did 
execution on them. But where the Egyp- 
tians were undisturbed, (and of these there 
were great numbers,) they marched up against 
the Persians. Here began a terrible combat 
of lances, javelins, and swords ; and the 
Egyptians had the advantage, both by their 
multitude and by their arms, for their lances 
were very strong and of great length, (such as 
they yet use at this day,) and their large shields 
were a better defence to them than corslets and 
the smaller sort of shield ; and being fastened 
to their shoulders, were of service to them to 
make the strongest push. Therefore, closing 
their large shields together, they moved and 
pushed on. The Persians holding their 
smaller sort of shields in their hands at arm's 
length, were not able to sustain them, but 
retreated gradually, dealing and receiving 
blows, till they came to the engines. When 
they got thither, the Egyptians were again 
galled from the turrets. And they that were 
in the rear of all would not suffer either the 
archers or javelin-men to fly ; but, holding their 
swords at them, forced them to shoot and to 
throw. And great havoc and destruction there 
was of men, great clashing of arms and weapons 
of all kinds, and great noise of people, some 
calling to each other, some making exhorta- 
tions, and some calling on the gods. 

On this Cyrus, pursuing those that were op- 
posite him, came up ; and when he saw the 
Persians forced from their station, he was 
grieved, and knowing that he could by no other 
means sooner stop the progress of the enemy 
forward, than by riding round, and getting to 
their rear, he commanded those that were with 



him to follow. He rode round, and came up 
with their rear, where his men, charging them, 
fell on them as their backs were turned, and 
killed a great many. The Egyptians, as soon 
as they perceived this, cried out that the enemy 
was behind them, and, in this distress, faced 
about. Here foot and horse fought promiscu- 
ously, and a man falling under Cyrus' horse, 
and being trampled on, struck his sword into 
the horse's belly : the horse, thus wounded, 
tossed and staggered, and threw Cyrus off. 
On this occasion, one might see of what advan- 
tage it was for a ruler to have the love of those 
that are under his command ; for all immedi- 
ately cried out, fell on, and fought ; they pushed, 
and were themselves pushed in their turn ; they 
gave blows, and received them ; and one of the 
attendants of Cyrus, leaping from his horse, 
mounted Cyrus on him'. When Cyrus was 
mounted he perceived that the Egyptians were 
now hard pressed on every side, for Hystaspes 
was come up with the Persian horse, ana 
Chrysantas in like manner. But he would not 
now suffer them to fall on the Egyptian pha- 
lanx, but to gall them with arrows and javelins 
at a distance ; this he gave them orders to do. 
Then, in riding round, as he came up to the 
engines, he thought it proper to mount a turret 
to view whether any body of the enemy made 
a stand and fought. When he had got up he 
saw the whole plain full of horses, men, and 
chariots, some flying, some pursuing, some vic- 
torious, some defeated, the enemy flying, and 
his own men conquering. But he was no 
longer able to discover, in any part, any that 
stood but the Egyptians ; and these, when they 
were at a loss what to do, forming themselves 
into a circle, with their arms turned to the view 
of their enemy, sat quietly under the shelter of 
their shields, no longer acted, but suffered 
in a cruel manner. 

Cyrus being struck with admiration of these 
men, and touched with pity that such brave 
men should perish, made all those retreat that 
engaged against them, and suffered none to con- 
tinue fighting. He then sent to them a herald 
to ask, " whether they intended to be all de- 
stroyed for men that had deserted and betrayed 
them, or whether they choose to be saved with 
the reputation of being brave men]" Their 
reply was this : "How can we obtain safety 
and be reputed brave?" Then Cyrus again 
said : « Because we see that you are the only 
men that stand your ground and dare fight ! ' 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



115 



" But then," said the Egyptians, " what is that 
we can handsomely do and obtain safety 1" 
Cyrus to this said : " If you can obtain it with- 
out betraying any of your allies and friends ; if 
you deliver up your arms to us, and become 
friends to those who choose to save you, when 
it is in their power to destroy you." Having 
heard this, they asked this question : " If we 
become your friends, Cyrus, how will you think 
fit to deal with us?" Cyrus replied : "Both 
to do you good offices, and to receive them 
from you." Then the Egyptians again asked : 
" What good offices 1 " And to this Cyrus 
said : " As long as the war continues I will 
give you larger pay than you now receive ; 
when we have peace, to every one of you that 
will stay with me I will give lands, cities, 
women, and servants." The Egyptians hear- 
ing this, « begged that they might be exempted 
from engaging in the war with him against 
Croesus : for he was the only one," they said, 
" that they forgave." But, consenting to all 
the rest, they on both sides pledged their faith 
reciprocally. The Egyptians that then remain- 
ed continue'still to this day faithful to the king. 
And Cyrus gave them the cities Larissa and 
Cyllene, that are called the cities of the Egyp- 
tians, and lie up in the country in the neighbour- 
hood of Cuma, near the sea ; and their pos- 
terity have them at this day in their possesion. 
Cyrus having performed all these things, and 
it now growing dark, retreated, and he encamp- 
ed at Thybarra. In this battle the Egyptians 
only, of all the enemy's people, gained reputa- 
tion ; and of those that were with Cyrus, the 
Persian cavalry were thought to have been the 
best ; so that the same sort of arms that Cyrus 
at that time equipped his horsemen with con- 
tinue yet in use. The chariots that carried 
scythes gained likewise great fame ; so that this 
remains yet the chariots for war in use with 
the prince still reigning on in succession. *The 
camels did no more than frighten the horses ; 
they that mounted them did no execution on 
the horsemen; nor were they any of them 
themselves killed by the horsemen, for no horse 
would come near them. This was then reckon- 
ed of use ; but no brave man will breed a camel 
for his own mounting, nor exercise and manage 
them, as intending to serve in war on them; 
so that, taking up their old form again, they 
keep in the baggage-train. Cyrus' men having 
taken their suppers, and placed their guards as 
was proper, went to rest. 



II. But Croesus immediately fled with his 
army to Sardis. The other nations retreated 
as far as they could in the night, taking their 
several ways home. As soon as it was day 
Cyrus led the army to Sardis ; and when he got 
up to the walls of the place he raised engines, 
as intending to form an attack on the walls, and 
provided ladders. Whilst he was doing these 
things, the next night, he made the Chaldeans 
and Persians mount that part of the Sardinian 
fortifications that was thought the most inacces- 
sible ; and a certain Persian led them the way, 
who had been a slave to one of the garrisons in 
the citadel, and had learnt the descent down to 
the river and the ascent from it. As soon as it 
was known that the heights above were taken, 
all the Lydians fled from the walls, all shifting 
for themselves as they were able. Cyrus, as 
soon as it was day, entered the city, and gave 
out orders that no one should stir from his rank. 
Croesus, shut up in his palace, called out on 
Cyrus ; but Cyrus, leaving a guard on Croesus, 
turned off, and mounted up to the castle that 
was taken. 

And when he saw the Persians keeping 
guard there, as became them, and the arms of 
the Chaldeans left alone, (for they themselves 
were run down to plunder the houses,) he pre- 
sently summoned their commanders, and bade 
them quit the army immediately ; " for I cannot 
bear," said he, " to see disorderly men get the 
advantage of others. And be it known to you," 
said he, " I was providing to manage so, as to 
make all the Chaldeans pronounce those for- 
tunate and happy that engaged with me in the 
war; but now," said he, "do not wonder if 
somebody superior to you in strength happen 
to meet with you as you go off." The Chal- 
deans hearing this, were in great terror, begged 
him to allay his anger, and^said, " That they 
would restore him all the rich effects they had 
taken. He told them, " That he was not in 
any want of them ; but," said he, " if you 
would ease me of my trouble and concern, give 
up all that you have got to those that keep 
guard in the castle ; for when the rest of the 
soldiers find that the orderly are the better for 
their being so, all will be well with me." The 
Chaldeans did as Cyrus had commanded them, 
and they that had been obedient to their orders 
got a great many rich effects of all kinds. Then 
Cyrus, having encamped his men towards that 
part of the city that he thought the most con- 
venient, gave them all orders to stand to their 



116 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book vn. 



arms and take their dinners ; and, having done 
this, he ordered Crcesus to be brought to him. 
Croesus, as soon as he saw Cyrus, said ; 
" Joy and happiness to you, my sovereign lord ! 
for, from henceforward, fortune has ordered 
you to receive that name, and me to give it 
you." " The same I wish to you, Crcesus," 
said he, " since we are men both of us. But 
Crcesus," said he, " would you give me a little 
advice 1" " I wish, Cyrus," said he, " that I 
were able to find any good for you, for I be- 
lieve it might be of advantage to myself." 
" Here then, Crcesus," said he, " observing 
that the soldiers, after having undergone many 
fatigues, and run many dangers, reckon them- 
selves now in possession of the richest city in 
Asia, next to Babylon,• I think it fit that they 
should receive some profit in return : for I 
make account," said he, " that, unless they re- 
ceive some fruit of their labours, I shall not 
have them long obedient to my orders ; but I 
am not willing to give them up the city to plun- 
der: for I believe that the city would be des- 
troyed by it : and, in a plunder, I know very 
well that the worst of our men would have the 
advantage of the best." Crcesus, hearing this, 
said ; " Allow me," said he, " to speak to such 
of the Lydians as I think fit, and to tell them 
that I have prevailed with you not to plunder, 
nor to suffer our wives and children to be taken 
from us ; but have promised you, that in lieu 
of these you shall certainly have from the Ly- 
dians, of their own accord, whatever there is of 
worth and value in Sardis. For when they hear 
this, I know they will bring out whatever there 
is here of value in the possession either of man 
or woman. And yet by the time the year is 
completed, the city will be again in like manner 
full of things of value in great abundance : but 
if you plunder it, you will have all manner of 
arts, that are called the springs of riches, and 
of all things valuable, destroyed. And then you 
are still at liberty, after you have seen this, to 
come and consult whether you shall plunder the 
city or no. Send," said he, " in the first place 
to my treasurers, and let your guards take 
them from those that have the keeping them 
for me." 

Cyrus agreed to act in all things as Crcesus 
said : " But by all means," said he, " tell me 
how things have fallen out, in consequence of 
the answers you receive on your application to 
the Celphian oracle ; for you are said to have 
paid the utmost devotion to Apollo, and to 



have done every thing at his persuasion." " In- 
deed, Cyrus," said he, " I could wish that 
things stood thus with me ; but now have I 
gone on immediately from the beginning doing 
things in direct opposition to Apollo." " How 
so 1" said Cyrus ; " pray inform me ; for you 
tell me things that are unaccountable." " Be- 
cause," said he, " in the first place neglecting 
to consult the god in what I wanted, I made 
trial of him whether he was able to tell the 
truth. Now, not only a god, but even men 
that are of worth, when they find themselves 
distrusted, have no kindness for those that dis- 
trust them. And after he had found me doing 
things that were absurd, and knew that I was 
at a great distance from Delphi, then I sent to 
consult concerning my having sons. He at first 
made me no answer ; but by my sending him 
many presents of gold, and many of silver, and 
by making multitudes of sacrifices, I had ren- 
dered him propitious to me, as I thought ; and 
he then, on my consulting him what I should 
do that I might have sons, answered, " that I 
should have them." And I had, them ; for 
neither in this did he deal falsely with me. 
But when I had them, they were of no advan- 
tage to me, for one of them continues dumb, 
and he that was the best of them perished in 
the flower of his age. Being afflicted with the 
misfortune of my sons, I sent again, and in- 
quired of the god what to do, that I might pass 
the remainder of my life in the happiest man- 
ner 1 and he made answer, < Ο Crcesus ! by 
the knowledge of thyself, thou will pass thy 
days in happiness !' When I heard this oracle, 
I was pleased with it : for I thought he had 
granted me happiness, by commanding me to 
do the easiest thing that could be ; for of the 
rest of men, some I thought it was possible for 
one to know, and some not, but that every man 
knew what he was himself. After this, during 
the whole time that I continued in peace, and 
after the death of my son, I accused my fortune 
in nothing. But when I was persuaded by 
the Assyrian to make war on you, I fell into 
all manner of dangers, but came off safe without 
getting any harm. Now, neither in this can I lay 
any thing to the god's charge ; for after I knew 
myself not to be sufficient to make war with you 
with the help of the god, I came off with safety, 
both myself and those that attended me. But 
then again, being as it were dissolved by the 
riches I was possessed of,by those that begged me 
to be their chief by the presents they made me, 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



117 



and by men that in flattery told me, that if I 
would take on me the command, all men would 
obey me, and I should be the greatest of men ; 
and being puffed up by discourses of this kind, 
as all the kings around chose me their chief in 
the war, I accepted the command, as if I were 
sufficient to be the first of men, ignorant of 
myself, in imagining that I was able to make 
war with you; you who, in the first place are 
descended from the gods, are born of a race of 
kings, and have been, from a boy, exercised to 
virtue. But of my own ancestors, the first 
that reigned, I have heard, became a king and 
a freeman at the same time. Having been 
therefore," said he, " thus ignorant, I am justly 
punished for it : but now," said he, " Cyrus, I 
know myself. And can you yet think that the 
words of Apollo are true, that, by knowing 
myself, I shall be happy 1 Of you I make the 
inquiry, for this reason, because you seem to 
me to be the best able to guess at it at this 
time, for you can make it good." 

Then Cyrus said : " Do you give me your 
opinion, Croesus, on this ; for, taking into con- 
sideration your former happiness, I have com- 
passion for you, and now give up into your 
possession the wife that you have, together 
with your daughters, (for daughters I hear you 
have,) your friends, servants, and table that 
you used to keep, but combats and wars I cut 
you off from." " By Jove ! then," said Croesus, 
" consult no farther to make me an answer 
concerning my happiness ; for I tell you al- 
ready, if you do these things for me that you 
say you will, that then I am already in posses- 
sion of that course of life that others have, by 
my confession, thought the happiest, and I 
shall continue on in it." Then Cyrus said : 
" Who is he that is in possession of that happy 
course of life 1" " My own wife, Cyrus," said 
he ; " for she shared equally with me in all 
tender, good, pleasing, and agreeable things ; 
but in the cares about the success of these 
things in wars and battles, she shared not at 
all. So that, in my opinion, you provide for 
me in the manner that I did for the person 
that, of all mankind, I loved the most ; so that 
I think myself indebted to Apollo in some far- 
ther presents of gratitude and thanks." Cy- 
rus, hearing this discourse, admired his good 
humour : and he carried him about with him 
wherever he went, either thinking that he was 
of use, or reckoning it the safest way to do so. 
Thus they went to rest. 



III. The next day Cyi us, calling together 
his friends and the commanders of the army, 
ordered some of them to receive the treasures, 
and some to take from amongst all the riches 
that Croesus should deliver up, first, for the 
gods, such of them as the magi should direct ; 
then to receive the rest, put it into chests, and 
pack it up in the wagons, putting the wagons 
to the lot, and so to convey it wherever they 
went, that, when opportunity served, they might 
every one receive their deserved share. These 
men did so accordingly. 

And Cyrus, calling to some of his servants 
that were there attending him, " Tell me," 
said he, « has any of you seen Abradatas '? for 
I admire that he, who was so frequently in our 
company before, now does not appear." One 
of the servants therefore replied : " My sove- 
reign, it is because he is not living, but died in 
the battle as he broke in with his chariot on 
the Egyptians. All the rest of thern, except 
his particular companions, they say, turned off 
when they saw the Egyptian's compact body. 
His wife is now said to have taken up his dead 
body, to have placed it in the carriage that she 
herself was conveyed in, and to have brought 
it hither, to some place on the river Pactolus, 
and her servants they say are digging a grave 
for the deceased on a certain elevation. They 
say that his wife, after having set him out with 
all the ornaments she has, is sitting on the 
ground with his head on her knees." Cyrus 
hearing this, gave himself a blow on the thigh, 
mounted his horse presently, at a leap, and 
taking with him a thousand horse, rode away 
to this scene of affliction ; but gave orders to 
Gadatas and Gobryas to take with them all 
the rich ornaments proper for a friend and an 
excellent man deceased, and to follow after 
him ; and whoever had herds of cattle with him, 
he ordered them to take both oxen, and horses, 
and sheep, in good number, and to bring them 
away to the place where, by inquiry, they 
should find him to be, that he might sacrifice 
there to Abradatas. 

As soon as he saw the woman sitting on the 
ground, and the dead body there lying, he shed 
tears at the afflicting sight, and said : " Alas ! 
thou brave and faithful soul ! hast thou left us 1 
-^-and art thou gone!" At the same time he 
took him by the right hand, and the hand of the 
deceased came away, for it had been cut off with 
a sword by the Egyptians. He, at the sight 
of this became yet much more concerned than 



118 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[BOOK VII. 



Jefore The woman shrieked out in a lamenta- 
ble manner, and, taking the hand from Cyrus, 
kissed it, fitted it to its proper place again as 
well as she could, and said : " The rest, Cyrus, 
is in the same condition ; but what need you 
see it ? — And I know that I was not one of the 
least concerned in these his sufferings ; and, 
perhaps, you were not less so ; for I, fool that 
I was ! frequently exhorted him to behave in 
such a manner as to appear a friend to you 
worthy of notice ; and I know he never thought 
of what he himself should suffer, but of what 
he should do to please you. He is dead, 
therefore," said she, " without reproach, and I, 
who urged him on, sit here alive !" Cyrus, 
shedding tears, for some time in silence, then 
spoke ; " He has died woman, the noblest death ; 
for he has died victorious ! do you adorn him 
with these things that I furnish you with." 
(And Gobryas and Gadatas were then come up 
and had brought rich ornaments in great abun- 
dance with them.) " Then," said he, " be 
assured he shall not want respect and honour 
in all other things : but, over and above, mul- 
titudes shall concur in raising him a monu- 
ment that shall be worthy of us ; and all the 
sacrifices shall be made him that are proper to 
be made in honour of a brave man, You," said 
he, " shall not be left destitute ; but, for the sake 
of your modesty and every other virtue, I will 
pay you all other honours as well as place those 
about you who shall convey you wherever you 
please. Do you but make it known to me 
who it is that you desire to be conveyed to." 
And Panthea replied : " Be confident, Cyrus," 
said she, " I will not conceal from you who it 
is that I desire to go to." 

He, having said this, went away with great 
pity for the woman, that she should have lost 
such a husband, and for the man that he should 
have left such a wife behind him, never to see 
her more. The woman gave orders to her 
servants to retire, " Till such time," said she, 
« as I have lamented my husband as I please." 
Her nurse she bid to stay, and gave her orders 
that, when she was dead, she would rap her 
and her husband up in one mantle together. 
The nurse, after having repeatedly begged her 
not to do thus, and meeting with no success, 
but observing her to grow angry, sat herself 
down, breaking out into tears. She, being 
beforehand provided with a sword, killed her- 
self, and laying her head down on her hus- 
band's breast, she died. The nurse set up a 



lamentable cry, and covered them both as Pan- 
thea had directed. 

Cyrus, as soon as he was informed of what 
the woman had done, being struck with it, 
went to help her if he could. The servants, 
being three in number, seeing what had been 
done, drew their swords, and killed themselves, 
as they stood at the place where she had or- 
dered them. And the monument is now said 
to have been raised by continuing the mount 
on to the servants ; and on a pillar above they 
say, the names of the man and woman were 
written in Syriac letters. Below, they say, 
there were three pillars, and that they were in- 
scribed thus : " Of the servants." Cyrus, when 
he came to this melancholy scene, was struck 
with admiration of the woman, and having 
lamented over her, went away. He took care 
of them, as was proper, that all the funeral 
rites should be paid them in the noblest man- 
ner ; and the monument, they say, was raised 
up to a very great size. 

IV. After this the Carians, falling into fac- 
tions, and the parties making war on each other, 
and having their habitations in places of 
strength, both called in Cyrus. Cyrus, remain- 
ing at Sardis, made engines and battering-rams 
to demolish the walls of those that should re- 
fuse to submit ; and sent Adusius, a Persian, 
one who was not unable, in other respects, nor 
unskilled in war, and a very agreeable man, into 
Caria, and gave him an army. The Cilicians 
and Cyprians, very readily engaged with him in 
that service ; for which reason he never sent a 
Persian as governor over the Cilicians or Cy- 
prians, but contented himself with their na- 
tional kings, only receiving a tribute from them, 
and appointing them their quotas for military 
service whenever he should want them. Adu- 
sius, at the head of his army, came into Caria ; 
and, from both parties of the Carians there 
were people that came to him, and were ready 
to admit him into their places of strength, to 
the prejudice of their opposite faction. 

Adusius behaved to both in this manner : 
whichever of the parties he conferred with, he 
told them what they had said was just ; he 
said that they must needs keep it concealed 
from their antagonists that he and they were 
friends, that by this means he might fall 01. 
their antagonists whilst they were unprepared. 
As testimonials of their faith, he required 
that the Carians should swear, without fraud, 
to admit him and his people into their place• 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



119 



of strength, for the service of Cyrus and of the 
Persians ; and he would himself make oath to 
enter their place of strength for the service 
of those that admitted him. Having done this, 
then privately and unknown to each other, 
he appointed them both the same night ; and 
that night he got within their walls, and 
seized the fortifications of both. As soon as 
day came he sat himself between them with 
his army about him, and summoned the pro- 
per persons on both sides to attend. These 
men when they saw each other, were astonish- 
ed, and thought themselves both deceived. 
And Adusius spoke to this effect : " I swore 
to you, men of Caria, that I would without 
fraud enter your fortifications, to the advantage 
of those that admitted me ; therefore, if I de- 
stroy either of you, I reckon that I have made 
this entry to the damage of the Carians ; but 
if I procure you peace, and liberty to you both 
to cultivate your lands with security, 1 then 
reckon I am come for your advantage. From 
this day therefore, it is your part to join in 
correspondence with each other in a friendly 
manner, to cultivate your lands ; to give and 
receive each other's children mutually in mar- 
riage ; and if any one attempt to deal unjustly 
in any of these matters, to all such Cyrus and 
we will be enemies." After this the gates of 
the fortresses were thrown open, the ways 
were full of people passing from one to another, 
the lands were full of labourers, they celebra- 
ted festivals in common, and all was full of 
peace and satisfaction. 

Meanwhile there came people from Cyrus 
to inquire whether he wanted either a rein- 
forcement or engines. Adusius returned an- 
swer ; " That, for the present, he might turn 
his forces another way." And at the same time 
that he made this answer he led the army 
away, leaving garrisons in the castles. The 
Carians prayed him to stay : and on his 
refusal, they sent to Cyrus, begging him to 
send Adusius to them as their governor. Cy- 
rus, meanwhile, had sent Hystaspes away with 
an army to Phrygia, on the Hellespont ; and 
when Adusius arrived, he ordered him to lead 
his army on in the way that Hystaspes was 
gone before, that those people might the more 
readily submit to Hystaspes, when they heard 
that there was another army advancing. The 
Greeks that inhabited on the seaside prevail- 
ed, by many presents, not to admit the barba- 
rians within their walls ; but they engaged to 
pay a tribute, and serve in war where Cyrus 



should command them. The king of Phrygia 
prepared himself, as intending to keep posses- 
sion of his places of strength, and not to sub- 
mit, and he sent word accordingly. But when 
the commanders under him revolted from him, 
he became destitute, and at last fell into the 
hands of Hystaspes, to receive the punishment 
that Cyrus should think fit to inflict on him. 
Hystaspes then, leaving strong Persian garri- 
sons in the castles, went away, and, together 
with his own men, carried off considerable 
numbers of the Phrygians, both horse and 
shield-men. Cyrus sent orders to Adusius to 
join Hystaspes, and to take such of the Phry- 
gians as took part with them, and bring them 
away with their arms; but such as had shown 
an inclination to make war on them, to take 
both their horses and arms from them, and 
command them all to attend them with slings. 
These men did accordingly. 

Cyrus then set forward from Sardis, leaving 
there a numerous Persian garrison, and taking 
Croesus with him, and a great many wagon» 
loaded with abundance of rich effects of all 
kinds. And Croesus came to him with an 
exact account in writing of what was in each 
wagon, and delivering the writings to Cyrus, 
said : " By these, Cyrus," said he, " you will 
know who it is that justly delivers the things 
that he takes with him into his charge, and 
who it is that does not." Then Cyrus said : 
" You do extremely well, Croesus, in being 
thus provident and careful ; but they that have 
the charge of these things for me, are such as 
deserve to have them, so that if they steal any 
of them, they steal what belongs to themselves." 
At the same time he delivered the writings 
to his friends and chief officers, that they might 
know which of those that were intrusted with 
these things delivered them up to them safe, 
and which of them did not. Such of the Ly- 
dians as he saw setting themselves out hand- 
somely in their arms, horses, and chariots, and 
using all their endeavours to do what they 
thought would please him, these he took with 
him in arms. But from those that he saw at- 
tended with dissatisfaction he took their horses, 
and gave them to the Persians that first en- 
gaged in the service with him ; he burnt their 
arms, and obliged them to follow with slings. 
And all those that he disarmed, of the seve- 
ral nations that he subjected, he obliged 
them to practise the sling, reckoning it a ser- 
vile sort of arms : for there are occasions when 
slingers, accompanied with other forces, are of 






120 



XENOPHON ON THE 



|_BOOK vii. 



very great use ; but when a force consists all 
of slingers, they are not able of themselves to 
stand against a very few men, that march up 
close on them with arms proper for close en- 
gagement. 

In his march to Babylon he overthrew the 
Phrygians of the Greater Phrygia. He over- 
threw the Cappadocians, and he subjected the 
Arabians. And out of all these he armed no 
less than forty thousand Persian horsemen. 
Abundance of the horses that belonged to pri- 
soners taken, he distributed amongst all his 
allies. He came at last to Babylon, bringing 
with him a mighty multitude of horse, a mighty 
multitude of archers and javelin-men, but 
slingers innumerable. 

V. When Cyrus got to Babylon he posted 
his whole army round the city, then rode round 
the city himself, together with his friends, and 
with such of his allies as he thought proper. 
When he had taken a view of the walls he 
prepared for drawing off the army from before 
the city ; and a certain deserter coming off, told 
him that they intended to fall on him when he 
drew off the army. " For, as he took their 
view from the walls," said he, " your phalanx 
appeared to them to be but weak." And no 
wonder that it really was so ; for his men en- 
compassing a great extent of wall, the phalanx 
was, of necessity, to be drawn out into but 
little depth. Cyrus having heard this, and 
standing in the centre of his army with those 
that were about him, gave orders that the 
heavy-armed men, from both the extremities, 
closing up the phalanx, should move away, 
along by that part of the army that stood still, 
till each extremity came up and joined in the 
centre. On their doing this, therefore, it gave 
the greater courage to those that stood, be- 
cause they were now of double the depth they 
were of before ; and it gave courage in like 
manner to those that moved away, for they 
that stood their ground were immediately 
on the enemy. When both the extremities 
marched and joined up to each other, they 
stood still, being now much the stronger ; they 
that moved off, by means of those that were 
before them, and they that were in front, by 
means of those that were now behind them. 
The phalanx being now closed up, the best 
men came of necessity to be ranged first and 
last, and the worst in the middle. And a dis- 
position of this kind seemed to be the best 
adapted both for fighting and to prevent flight. 



Then the horse and light-armed men on the 
wings came up nearer always to the com- 
mander-in-chief, as the phalanx became less 
extended by being thus doubled in depth. 
When they were thus collected together they 
retreated, by falling back till they got perfectly 
out of weapon's cast from the walls : when 
they were got out of weapon's cast they turned, 
and moving forward a few steps, they turned 
again to their shields about, and stood facing 
the walls ; and the greater distance they were 
off, so much the seldomer they faced about ; 
and when they thought themselves safe, they 
made off in a continual march till they reached" 
their tents. 

When they were encamped Cyrus summoned 
to him the proper persons, and said : * Friends 
and allies ! we have taken a view of the city 
round, and I do not find that I can discover it 
is possible for one, by any attack, to make 
one-self master of walls that are so strong and 
so high. But the greater the numbers of men 
in the city are, since they venture not out to 
fight, so much the sooner, in my opinion, they 
may be taken by famine. Therefore, unless 
you have some other method to propose, I say 
that these men must be besieged and taken in 
that manner." Then Chrysantas said : " Does 
not this river, that is above two stadia over, 
run through the midst of the city 1" "Yes, 
by Jove !" said Gobryas, " and it is of so great 
a depth, that two men, one standing on the 
other, would not reach above the water ; so 
that the city is yet stronger by the river than 
by its walls." Then Cyrus said : " Chrysan- 
tas, let us lay aside these things that are above 
our force : it is our business, as soon as pos- 
sible, to dig as broad and as deep a ditch as we 
can, each part of us measuring out his propor- 
tion, that by this means we may want the 
fewer men to keep watch. 

So measuring out the ground around the 
wall, and from the side of the river, leaving a 
space sufficient for large turrets, he dug round 
the wall on every side a very great ditch ; and 
they threw up the earth towards themselves. 
In the first place, he built the turrets on the 
river, laying their foundation on palm-trees, 
that were not less than a hundred feet in 
length : for there are those of them that 
grow even to a yet greater length than that • 
and palm-trees, that are pressed, bend up under 
the weight as asses ' do that are used to the 
pack-saddle. He placed the turrets on these; 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



121 



for this reason, that it might carry the stronger 
appearance of his preparing to block up the 
city, and as if he intended that if the river 
made its way into the ditch it might not carry 
off the turrets. He raised likewise a great 
many other turrets on the rampart of earth, 
that he might have as many places as were 
proper for his watches. These people were thus 
employed. But they that were were within the 
walls laughed at this blockade, as being them- 
selves provided with necessaries for above 
twenty years. Cyrus hearing this, divided his 
army into twelve parts, as if he intended that 
each part should serve on the watch one month 
in the year. And when the Babylonians heard 
this they laughed yet more than before ; think- 
ing with themselves that they were to be 
watched by the Phrygians, Lydians, Arabians, 
and Cappadocians, men that were better affected 
to them than they were to the Persians. The 
ditches were now finished. 

And Cyrus, when he heard that they were 
celebrating a festival in Babylon, in which all 
the Babylonians drank and revelled the whole 
night ; on that occasion, as soon as it grew 
dark, took a number of men with him, and 
opened the ditches into the river. When this 
was done the water ran off in the night by the 
ditches, and the passage of the river through 
the city became passable. When the affair of 
the river was thus managed Cyrus gave orders 
to the Persian commanders of thousands, both 
foot and horse, to attend him, each with his 
thousand drawn up two in front, and the rest 
of the allies to follow in the rear, ranged as 
they used to be before. They came accordingly. 
Then he making those that attended his 
person, both foot and horse, to go down into 
the dry part of the river, ordered them to try 
whether the channel of the riverwas passable. 
And when they brought him word that it was 
passable, he then called together the com- 
manders both of foot and horse, and spoke to 
them in this manner : 

" The river, my friends, has yielded us a 
pasage into the city : let us boldly enter, and 
not fear any thing within, considering that these 
people that we are now to march against are 
the same that we defeated while they had their 
allies attending them, while they were awake, 
sober, armed, and in order. But now we march 
to them at a time that many of them are asleep, 
many drunk, and all of them in confusion , and 
when they discover that we are got in, they 



will then, by means of their consternation, be 
yet more unfit for service than they are now. 
But in case any one apprehend, (what is said 
to be terrible to those that enter a city,) lest, 
mounting to the tops of their houses, they dis- 
charge down on us on every side ; — as to this, 
be still more at ease ; for if they mount to the 
tops of their houses, we have then the god 
Vulcan for our fellow-combatant ; their porches 
are easily set fire to ; their doors are made 
of the palm-tree, and annointed over with 
bituminous matter, which will nourish the 
flame. We have torches in abundance, that 
will presently take fire ; we have plenty of 
pitch and tow, that will immediately raise a 
mighty flame ; so that they must of necessity 
fly from off their houses immediately, or im- 
mediately be burnt. Come on then ; take to 
your arms, and, with the help of the gods, I 
will lead you on. Do you," said he, " Gobryas 
and Gadatas, show us the ways; for you are 
acquainted with them, and when we are got in, 
lead us the readiest way to the palace." " It 
may be no wonder, perhaps," said they that 
were with Gobryas, " if the doors of the palace 
are open, for the city seems to night to be in a 
general revel, but we shall meet with a guaid 
at the gates, for there is always one set there." 
" We must not then be remiss," said Cyrus, 
" but march, that we take them as much un- 
prepared as is possible." 

When this was said they marched ; and, of 
those that they met with, some they fell on and 
killed, some fled, and some set up a clamour. 
They that were with Gobryas joined in the 
clamour with them, as if tlley were revellers 
themselves, and marching on the shortest way 
that they could, they got round about the 
palace. Then they that attended Gadatas 
and Gobryas in military order found the doors 
of the palace shut ; and they that were posted 
opposite to the guards fell on them, as they 
were drinking, with a great deal of light 
around them, and used them immediately in 
a hostile manner. As soon as the noise and 
clamour began, they that were within per- 
ceiving the disturbance, and the king com- 
manding them to examine what the matter was, 
ran out, throwing open the gates. They that 
were with Gadatas, as soon as they saw the 
gates loose, broke in, pressing forward on the 
runaways, and dealing their blows amongst 
them, they came up to the king, and found him 
now in a standing posture, with his sword 



122 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book νπ• 



drawn. They that were with Gadatas and 
Gobryas, being many in number, mastered him ; 
they likewise that were with him were killed ; 
one holding up something before him, another 
flying, and another defending himself with any 
thing that he could meet with. Cyrus sent a 
body of horse up and down through the streets, 
bidding them kill those that they found abroad, 
and ordering some who understood the Syrian 
language to proclaim it to those that were in the 
houses to remain within, and that if any were 
found abroad they should be killed. These men 
did accordingly. Gadatas and Gobryas then 
came up, and having first paid their adoration 
to the gods for the revenge they had had on 
their impious king, they then kissed the hands 
and feet of Cyrus, shedding many tears in the 
midst of their joy and satisfaction. 

When day came, and they that guarded the 
castles perceived that the city was taken and 
the king dead, they gave up the castles. Cy- 
rus immediately took possession of the castles, 
and sent commanders with garrisons into 
them. He gave up the dead to be buried by 
their relations, and ordered heralds to make 
proclamation that the Babylonians should bring 
out their arms, and made it be declared that 
in whatever house any arms should be found, 
all the people in it should suffer death. They 
accordingly brought out their arms, and Cyrus 
had them deposited in the castles, that they 
might be ready in case he should want them 
on any future occasion. 

When these things had been done, then, first 
summoning the magi, he commanded them to 
choose out for th% gods the first-fruits of cer- 
tain portions of ground for sacred use, as out 
of a city taken by the sword. After this he 
distributed houses and palaces to those that he 
reckoned had been sharers with him in all the 
actions that had been performed. He made 
the distributions in the manner that had been 
determined, the best things to the best deserv- 
ing ; and if any one thought himself wronged 
he ordered him to come and acquaint him with 
it. He gave out orders to the Babylonians to 
cultivate their land, to pay their taxes, and to 
serve those that they were severally given to. 
The Persians, and such as were his fellow- 
sharers, and those of his allies that choose to 
remain with him, he ordered to talk as masters 
of those they had received. 

After this, Cyrus, desiring now to set him- 
eelf on such a footing as he thought becoming 



a king, that he might appear but seldom, and 
in an awful manner, with the least envy thai 
was possible, was of opinion to effect it with 
the consent of his friends, he contrived it 
therefore in this manner : as soon as it was 
day, taking a station in some place where he 
thought it proper, he admitted any one that 
had a mind to speak with him, and, after hav- 
ing given him his answer, dismissed him. The 
people, as soon as they knew he gave admit- 
tance, resorted to the place in disorderly and 
unmanageable multitudes ; and, by their pres- 
sing round about the entrance, there was a 
mighty struggle and contention ; and the ser- 
vants that attended, distinguishing as well as 
they could let them in. When any of his 
friends, by passing their way through the 
crowd, appeared before him, Cyrus, holding 
out his hand, drew them to him, and spoke to 
them thus : « Wait here, my friends, till we 
have despatched the crowd, and then we will 
confer at leisure." His friends waited, and the 
crowd flocked in more and more till the even- 
ing came on them, before he could be at leisure 
to confer with his friends. So Cyrus then 
spoke : " Now, good people," said he, " it is 
time to separate ; come again to-morrow morn- 
ing, for I have a mind to have some discourse 
with you." His friends hearing this ran off, 
and went their way with great satisfaction, 
having done penance in the want of all kind 
of necessaries. Thus they went to rest The 
next day Cyrus attended at the same place ; 
and a much greater multitude of people that 
were desirous to be admitted to him, stood 
round about, attending much sooner than his 
friends. Cyrus, therefore, forming a large cir- 
cle of Persian lance-men, bade them let none 
pass but his friends, and the Persian command- 
ers of his allies. When these men were met 
he spoke to them to this effect : 

" Friends and allies ! we have nothing that 
we can lay to the charge of the gods, as not 
having hitherto effected whatever we have 
wished for : but if this be the consequence of 
performing great things, that one cannot ob- 
tain a little leisure for oneself, nor enjoy any 
satisfaction with one's friends, I bid farewell 
to such happiness. You observed," said he, 
" Yesterday, that beginning in the morning to 
give audience to those that came, we did not 
make an end before the evening; and now 
you see that these, and many more than those 
that attended yesterday, are hereabout, intend- 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



123 



mg to give us trouble. . If one submit oneself 
therefore to this, I reckon that but a very lit- 
tle part of me will fall to your share, and but 
a little of you to mine ; and in myself, I know 
very well I shall have no share at all. Be- 
sides," said he", " there is another ridiculous 
thing that I take notice of : I stand affected to 
you, as it is natural for me to do ; but of those 
that stand here around, I may know here and 
there one, or perhaps none at all ; and these 
men stand so disposed as to think, that if they 
can get the better of you in crowding, they 
shall effect what they desire at my hands soon- 
er than you shall. Yet I should think it pro- 
per, that if any of them want me, they should 
make their court to you that are my friends, 
and beg to be introduced. But somebody then 
perhaps may say : < Why did I not set myself 
on this footing from the beginning 1 and why 
did I give myself up so in common V * Why, 
because I knew that the affairs of war were of 
such a nature that the commander ought not 
to be behind hand either in knowing what was 
rlt to be known, or in executing what the oc- 
casion required. And such commanders as 
were seldom to be seen, I thought, let slip 
many things that were proper to be done : but 
since war, that requires the utmost labour and 
diligence, is now ceased, my own mind seems 
to me to require some rest : as I am therefore 
at a loss what to do, that our own affairs and 
those of others that it is our part to take care 
of may be established on the best footing, let 
some one or other give us such advice as he 
thinks the most advantageous." Thus Cyrus 
spoke. 

Then Artabazus, he who had said hereto- 
fore that he was his relation, rose up after him 
and spoke ; « You have done very well, Cy- 
rus," said he, " in beginning this discourse ; for 
while you were yet very young I set out with 
a desire to be your friend ; but observing that 
you were not at alt in want of me, I neglected 
coming to you. When you came afterwards 
to want me, as a zealous deliverer of Cyaxares' 
orders to the Medes, I counted on it, that if I 
undertook this for you with zeal, I should be- 
come your intimate friend, and converse with 
you as long as I pleased. These things were 
so effectually done, that I had your commen- 
dation. After this the Hyrcanians first be- 
came our friends, and this while we were in 
great distress for assistants; so that, in the 
transport, we almost carried them about with 



us in our arms. After this, when the enemy's 
camp was taken, I did not think that you were 
at leisure for me, and I excused you : after 
this Gobryas became your friend, and I was 
rejoiced at it : then Gadatas too, and it became 
a downright labour to share of you. When 
the Sacians and Cadusians became your allies 
and friends, it was probably very fit for them 
to cultivate and serve them, for they had served 
you. When we came back again to the place 
from whence we set out, then seeing you 
taken up with your horse, your chariots, and 
your engines, I thought that when you were at 
leisure from all this, then you would have lei- 
sure for me : but when the terrible message 
came, that all mankind were assembling against 
us, I determined with myself that this was the 
decisive affair ; and if things succeeded well 
here, I thought myself sure that we should then 
plentifully enjoy each other's company and con- 
verse. Now we have fought the decisive battle 
and conquered ; we have Sardis and Croesus in 
our hands ; Babylon we 'have taken : and we 
have borne down all before us ; and yet, by the 
god Mithras ! yesterday, had not I made my 
way with my fist through the multitude, I had 
not been able to get to you. And when you 
had taken me by the hand and bade me stay by 
you, then there I stood to be gazed at, for pass- 
ing the whole day with you without either 
meat or drink. Now therefore, if any means 
can be found, that they who have been the 
most deserving shall haVe the greatest share 
of you, it is well ; if not, then would I again 
give out orders from you that all should de- 
part excepting us that have been your friends 
from the beginning." 

At this Cyrus and many others laughed. 
Then Chrysantas the Persian rose, and spoke 
thus : « Heretofore probably, Cyrus you kept 
yourself open to the eyes of all, for the reasons 
you have yourself expressed, and because we 
were not the people that you were chiefly to 
cultivate, for we attended for our own sakes ; 
but your business was, by all methods, to gain 
the multitude, that they might, with all possible 
satisfaction, be ready to undergo labours and 
run dangers with us : but since you are not 
only in circumstances to do this, but are able 
to acquire others that you may have occasion 
for, it is now very fit that you have a house 
yourself. Or what enjoyment can you have of 
your command, if you are the only one that 
does not share a home 1 than which there is no 



124 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



place that to men is more sacred, none more 
agreeable to them, and none nearer to them in 
their affections. And then," said he, " do you 
not think that we must be ashamed to see you 
abroad, faring hard, when we ourselves are in 
houses, and seem to have so much the advantage 
of you ?" When Chrysantas had said this 
many more had concurred with him in it. 

After this he entered the royal palace, and 
they that conveyed the treasures from Sardis 
delivered them up. here. "When Cyrus enter- 
ed, he first sacrificed to the goddess Vesta, and 
then to Regal Jove, and to whatever other 
deity the magi thought proper. Having done 
this, he now began to regulate other affairs ; 
and considering what his business was, and 
that he was taking on him the goverment of 
great multitudes of men, he prepared to take 
up his habitation in the greatest city of all that 
were of note in the world, and this city had as 
great enmity to him as any city could have to 
a man. 

Taking these things into his consideration, 
he thought himself in want of a guard about his 
person ; and well knowing that men are at no 
time so much exposed as while they are eating, 
or drinking, or bathing, or on their bed, or 
asleep, he examined with himself what sort of 
people he might have about him, that might be 
best trusted on these occasions ; and he was of 
opinion that no man could ever be trusted who 
should love another more than the person who 
wanted his guard. Those men therefore that 
had sons or wives that were agreeable to them, 
or youths that they were fond of, he judg- 
ed to be under a natural necessity of loving 
them best ; and therefore thought that those 
who were emasculated would have the greatest 
affection for such as were able to enrich them 
the most, to redress them in case of any wrong 
done them, and to bestow honours on them : 
and, in his bounty to these people, he thought 
that no one could exceed himself. Besides all 
this, they being the object of other men's con- 
tempt, are, for this reason, in want of a master 
to countenance and support them ; for there 
is no man that does not think it his due to as- 
sume the upper hand of them in every thing, 
unless some superior power control him in 
it ; but nothing hinders such a servant from 
having the upper hand of all in his fidelity to his 
master. That they were destitute of all vigour, 
which is what most people think, did not 
appear to him to be so ; and he grounded bis 



argument on the example of other animals ; for 
vicious horses are thus made to give over biting, 
and indeed being vicious, but are not at all the 
less fit for service in war : and bulls, in like 
manner, throw off their insolence and untracta- 
bleness, but they are not deprived of their 
strength and fitness for labour. Dogs also give 
over the trick of leaving their masters ; but, for 
their watching, and their use in hunting, they 
are not at all the worse. Men, in the same 
manner, become the more gentle ; but they are 
not the less careful of things that are given 
them in charge, nor are they worse horsemen, 
nor less able at throwing the javelin, nor less 
desirous of honour. And they have made it 
evident, that both in war and in hunting they 
still preserve emulation in their minds. And, 
with respect to their fidelity on occasion of 
their masters' being destroyed, they have stood 
the greatest trials ; and no men have ever 
shown greater instances of fidelity in the mis- 
fortunes of their masters than such men have 
done. But, if they may be thought to have 
lost something of the strength of their bodies, 
arms perhaps may make it up, and put the 
weak and the strong on the same level in war. 
Judging things to be thus, he began from his 
door-keepers, and selected from such persons 
all those that officiated about his person. But 
then being of opinion that this was not a suf- 
ficient guard against the great multitude of 
people that were disaffected towards him, he 
considered whom he should take from amongst 
all the rest, as the most faithful for his guard 
round the palace. Observing therefore that 
the Persians, while at home, were those that 
fared the hardest on account of their poverty, 
and lived in the most laborious manner, because 
their country was rocky and barren, and they 
themselves forced to work with their own 
hands, he thought these would be the most 
pleased with that sort of life that they lived with 
him. Out of these therefore he took ten 
thousand lance-men, who kept guard both 
night and day round about the palace, whilst 
he kept quiet at home; and when he went 
abroad they marched with him, ranged in order 
on every side of him. Then thinking it 
necessary that there should be a guard suf- 
ficient for the whole city, whether he were 
there present himself, or absent abroad, he 
established a sufficient garrison in Babylon, 
and appointed the Babylonians to supply these 
men likewise with their pay, intending to dis- 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



125 



tress them as much as he could, that they 
might be reduced to the lowest condition, and 
be the most easily managed. This guard, that 
was then established about his own person and 
in Babylon, continues on the same footing at 
this day. 

Then taking into his consideration how his 
whole dominion might be maintained, and 
more might be acquired, he was of opinion 
that these mercenaries were not so much 
better than the people subjected, as they were 
fewer in number. He determined therefore 
that he ought to retain those brave men, who 
had, with the assistance of the gods, helped 
him to his conquest, and to take care that they 
should not grow remiss in the practice of vir- 
tue. And that he might not seem to order 
and direct them, but that, as judging of them- 
selves what was best, they might persevere in 
virtue, and cultivate it, he called together the 
alike-honoured, and all such as were proper, 
as well as those whom he thought worthy to 
share with him, both in his labours and advan- 
tages, and when they were met he spoke to 
this effect : 

" My friends and allies ! we owe the great- 
est thanks to the gods for having granted us 
the things of which we thought ourselves 
worthy ; for we are now possessed of a very 
large and noble country, and of people who, by 
their labour in the culture of it, will maintain 
us. We have houses and furniture in them ; 
and let none of you imagine that by this pos- 
session he holds things that are foreign and not 
belonging to him; for it is a perpetual law 
amongst a,ll men, that when a city is taken 
from an enemy, both the persons and treasures 
of the inhabitants belong to the captors. What- 
ever it is therefore that you possess, you do not 
possess it unjustly ; but whatever you suffer 
them to keep, it is in benignity and love to 
mankind that you do not take it away. As to 
the time to come, my judgment is this : if we 
turn ourselves to a negligent and abandoned 
course of life, and to the luxury and pleasure 
of vicious men, who think labour to be the 
greatest misery, and a life of ease to be a plea- 
sure, then, I say, we shall presently become of 
less value in ourselves, and shall presently lose 
all our advantages. For to have been once 
brave men is not sufficient in order to continue 
brave men, unless one continue careful of 
oneself to the end. But as all other arts when 
neglected sink in their worth ; and as in the 
11* 



case of our bodies, when in good condition, if 
we abandon them to a course of laziness and 
inactivity, they become again faulty and de- 
ficient ; so a discreet temper of mind, temper- 
ance, and the command of our passions, and 
courage, when a man remits the practice of them, 
from thenceforward turn again into vice. We 
ought not therefore to be remiss, nor throw 
ourselves immediately on every present plea- 
sure ; for I think it a great thing to acquire a 
dominion, and yet a greater to preserve it when 
acquired. For to acquire often befalls a man 
who contributes nothing towards it but bold- 
ness in the attempt ; but to preserve an acqui- 
sition that one has made, this cannot be done 
without discretion, nor without the command 
of one's passions, nor without much care : and 
knowing things to be thus, we ought to be 
much more careful in the practice of virtue 
noWj than before we made these valuable ac- 
quisitions ; well knowing that when a man has 
most in his possession, he then most abounds 
in those that envy him, that forms designs 
against him, and that are his enemies : especially 
if he hold the possessions and service of men, 
as we do, against their wills. The gods, we 
ought to believe, will be with us ; for we are 
not got into an unjust possession of these things 
by designs and contrivances of our own to get 
them, but on designs that have been formed 
against us, we have revenged ourselves in the 
punishment of the contrivers. The next best 
thing after this is what we must take care t'y 
provide ourselves with ; and that is, to be better 
than the people that are subjected, and to de- 
serve a rule. In heat, therefore, and in cold, 
in meat and drink, in labours and in rest, we 
must of necessity allow our servants a share. 
But while we share with them in these things, 
we should endeavour to appear superior to 
them in all of them : but in the knowledge and 
practice of military affairs, we are not to allow 
any share at all to such as we intend to have 
as labourers and tributaries to us, but in all 
exercises of this kind, we must preserve the 
ascendant ; determining within ourselves that 
the gods have set these things before men, as 
the instruments and means of liberty and hap- 
piness. And as we have taken arms away 
from them, so ought we never to be without 
them ourselves : well knowing that they who 
have always their arms to the nearest at hand, 
have what they desire the most at their com- 
mand. If any one suggest to himself such 



126 



XENOPHON. 



[book VII. 



things as these ; as, what advantage is it to us 
to effect what we desire, if we must still bear 
hunger and thirst, labour and application 1 ? 
This man ought to learn that good things give 
so much the more delight, as one takes the 
more pains beforehand to attain them. Labour 
and pains are what give a relish to all good 
things. Without being in want of a thing, 
there is nothing that can be acquired, though 
ever so noble, that can be pleasant. If some 
divinity have afforded us the things that men 
most desire ; in order to have them appear the 
pleasantest, every one will make them so to 
himself. And such a man will have as much 
the advantage of those that live more neces- 
sitous, as he will get the pleasantest food when 
he is hungry, enjoy the pleasantest drink when 
he is thirsty, and when he wants rest can 
take it in the pleasantest manner. On all these 
accounts, I say, we must charge ourselves with 
the part of brave and excellent men, that we 
may enjoy Our advantages in the best manner, 
and with the most pleasure, and that we may 
never come to experience the greatest hard- 
ship in the world ; for it is not so hard a mat- 
ter to gain advantages, as it is afflicting to be 
deprived of them after one has obtained them. 
Consider then what pretence we can have to 
choose to be worse than before. It is because 
we have obtained dominion ! But it does not 
become a prince to be more vicious than those 
that are under his command. But perhaps it 
may be because we seem to be more prosper- 
ous and happy than before. Will any man 
say then that vice is to be indulged to pros- 



perity 1 But perhaps, since we have acquired 
slaves, if they are vicious, we will punish 
them ; and how does it become one that is 
vicious himself to punish others for vice and 
sloth 1 Consider this farther, that we are 
preparing to maintain abundance of men as 
guards to our houses and persons, and how 
can it be otherwise than base in us, to think 
it fit to have others as guards of our own 
safety, and not to be guards to ourselves ? 
And you ought to be well assured that there 
is no other guard so secure as to be oneself an 
excellent and worthy man. This must keep 
you company ; for with one that is destitute of 
virtue, nothing else ought to go well. What 
then do I say you should do 1 where practice 
virtue 1 where apply to the exercise of it 1 
Nothing new, my friends, will I tell you; but 
as the alike-honoured among Persians pass their 
time about the courts ; so I say, it is our parts 
being all alike-honoured here, to practise the 
same things that are practised there. It is your 
part to attend here, keeping your eyes on me, 
to observe if I continue careful of the things 
that I ought to be careful of. I will keep my 
eyes intent on you, and such as I see practising 
things good and excellent I will reward. The 
sons that we have we shall here instruct ; we 
shall be ourselves the better by being desirous 
to show ourselves the best examples to them 
that we can ; and the boys will not easily be- 
come vicious, not even though they incline to 
it, when they neither see nor hear any thing 
that is mean or base, and pass their whole time 
under excellent institutions." 



XENOPHON 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



BOOK VIII. 



CONTENTS of BOOK VIII 



I. Cyrus commended for his disinterestedness— Men of quality attend at his gates— Constitutes his several officers 
—Careful choice of his colleagues in power— His noble example to them— His wise economy, piety, justice, 
goodness, modesty, self-denial, and respectful behaviour — His opinion of these virtues — His plan of bestowing 
rewards — Good effects of his orders and example— His thoughts on dominion — His methods to appear venerable 
—All equally call him father— Wise measures for the security of his government— Π. Cyrus' good nature and 
love to mankind— His courtship to his friends— Vast presents— His policy— His saying of kings— Converses with 
Croesus, and convinces him that friends are the richest treasure — Makes provisions for the health of his subjects 
—Visits the sick himself— Raises emulation by games and prizes. — III. Cyrus appoints judges, and gains the 
entire affection ef his friends— Hie first procession from the palace — Sacrifices at the sacred inclosures — Appoints 
horse and chariot races to the several nations — Wins the prize at each. — TV. Cyrus invites his friends to an en- 
tertainment. — Order of precedence at his table— Prefers acts of love to war— His politeness, innocent and agree- 
able jesting— Distributee presents according to merit— His generosity applauded— Settlement of his empire.— 
V. Prepares for a journey to Persia— Order of his encampment— His opinion of the tactic art— Visits Cyaxaree, 
who offers him his daughter in marriage — Cyrus accepts his offer on condition of his parents' consent— His 
arrival in Persia — Speech of Cambyses to Cyrus and the Persian magistrates — He is bound by oath to observe 
their laws— His parents consent to his marriage— Returns to Media, marries the daughter of Cyaxaree, and car- 
ries her to Babylon.— VI. Cyrus appoints satraps over the conquered nations— His policy in abridging their 
power — Directs them to imitate him — Orders an annual progress to the provinces — Appoints stage-horses through 
his whole kingdom for intelligence — Assembles his army — Extends his conquests from Syria to the Red Sea — 
Subdues Egypt — Bounds of his empire — He is said to enjoy perpetual spring, beloved by all. — VH. Last journey 
of Cyrus to Persia in his old age — Makes sacrifices, and leads up the Persian chorus — Divine apparition in hie 
dream— His sacrifice and prayer— Lose of appetite, and indisposition— Summons his eons, friAds, and the magis- 
trates of Persia— Bequeaths the kingdom to his eldest son ; the satrapy of the Medes to his youngest— Recommends 
brotherly affection to them, and piety and virtue— His opinion of the soul, its nature, and future existence — Of 
the eternity of the world, and mankind— His noble character of the divinity— Veneration for the earth, and love of 
mankind— Directions respecting his burial— His last advice, and death.— Vni. Political observations on the cor- 
ruption and ruin of the Persian state after the death of Cyrus. 



128 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



BOOK VIII, 



I. Thus then Cyrus spoke ; after him Chry- 
santas rose and spoke in this manner : " I 
have frequently at other times, observed, my 
friends, that a good prince is not at all differ- 
ent from a good father : for fathers are careful 
to provide that their children may never come 
to fail of what is for their advantage : and Cy- 
rus seems now to me to advise us to such 
things as will make us pass our days in the 
most fortunate and happy manner. But what 
I think he has been defective in laying open, 
this I will endeavour to explain to those that 
are not apprised of it ; for have you considered 
what city belonging to an enemy can possibly 
be taken by men that are not obedient to com- 
mand] And what city that belongs to those 
that are friends can be preserved by men that 
are not obedient 1 And what army consisting 
of men disobedient and refractory can be vic- 
torious 1 How can men sooner be defeated in 
battle than when every one begins separately 
to consult his own particular safety 1 or what 
other valuable thing can be performed by such 
as do not submit to the direction of their bet- 
ters 1 What cities are they that are justly and 
wisely regulated 1 ? What are those families 
that preserve themselves in safety 1 And how 
come ships to arrive whither they are bound 1 
By what other means have we obtained the ad- 
vantages we have, more than by obedience to our 
commander 1 By this we have been presently 
ready at our proper posts ; and by following 
our commander in compact order, we have 
been irresistible ; and of things that have been 
given us in charge, we have left none executed 
by halves. Therefore, if obedience to com- 
mand be of the greatest advantage, with re- 
spect to the making acquisitions, be you assur- 
ed that it is, in the same manner, of the greatest 
advantage with respect to the preserving what 
is fit for us to preserve. Heretofore we were 



subject to the commands of many, and com- 
manded none ourselves ; but now you are all 
on a footing of bearing rule, some over more, 
arid some over less. Therefore as you desire to 
rule those that are under you, so let us all 
submit to those that it becomes us to submit 
to. We ought to distinguish ourselves so far 
from slaves, as that slaves do service to their 
masters against their wills ; and if we desire 
to be free, we ought willingly to perform what 
appears to be most excellent and worthy. You 
will find," said he, " that where a people are 
under a government that is not monarchical, 
and are most ready to pay obedience to their 
rulers, they are always least liable to the ne- 
cessity of submitting to their enemies. Let 
us therefore attend about the palace as Cyrus 
orders ; let us practise those things that will 
best enable us to hold what we ought ; and let 
us yield ourselves to Cyrus, to make use of us 
in what is proper ; for you ought to be well as- 
sured that it is not possible for Cyrus to find 
any thing that he can make an advantage of 
to himself, and that is not so to us, since the 
same things are alike serviceable to us both, 
and we have both the same enemies." 

When Chrysantas had said this, many more, 
both Persians and allies, rose up, and spoke to 
the same effect ; and it was determined that 
the men of note and quality should always at- 
tend at Cyrus' doors, and yield themselves to 
his service in whatever he thought fit, till he 
himself dismissed them. And according as it 
was then determined, so do those in Asia, that 
are under the king, do yet at this day : and 
they attend at the doors of their princes. And 
as in this discourse it is shown how Cyrus es- 
tablished things, in order to secure the domin- 
ion to himself and to the Persians ; so do the 
kings, his successors, continue to put the same 
things in practice as laws to this day. But it 
R 129 



130 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VIII. 



is in this, as in other things, when there is a 
bettor director, the established rules aro exe- 
cuted more strictly ; and when there is a worse, 
more negligently. The men of note therefore 
frequented the gates of Cyrus with their 
horses and lances ; this being the joint deter- 
mination of all the best of those that concurred 
with him in the overthrow of this empire. 

Cyrus then constituted different officers to 
take care of different affairs. He had his re- 
ceivers of the revenues, his paymasters, over- 
seers of his works, keepers of his treasures, and 
officers to provide things that were proper for 
his table. He appointed as masters of his 
horse and of his dogs such as he thought would 
provide him with the best of these kinds of 
creatures for his use. But as to those whom 
he thought fit to have as joint guardians of his 
power and grandeur, he himself took care to 
have them the best ; he did not give this in 
charge to others, but thought it his own busi- 
ness. He knew that in case he were at any 
time obliged to come to a battle, they that 
were to stand by him on each side, and to sup- 
port him in the rear, were to be taken from 
amongst these ; with these he was to engage in 
the greatest dangers : out of these he knew he 
was to constitute the commanders of his seve- 
ral bodies of foot and horse ; and if he were in 
want of generals, to serve any where in his 
own absence, out of these he knew they were 
to be sent. Some of these he knew he was to 
use as guardians and satraps of cities and whole 
nations ; and some of them were to be sent 
out as ambassadors ; and this he thought a 
thing of the greatest consequence with respect 
to the obtaining what he desired without a 
war. If they therefore that were to be in- 
trusted with the management of most affairs, 
and of affairs of the greatest consequence, were 
not such as they should be, he thought mat- 
ters would go very ill with him ; but if they 
were such as they should be, he reckoned that 
affairs would go very well. 

This being his judgment, he therefore took 
this care on him, and he reckoned that he 
himself was to engage in the same exercise 
of virtue ; for he thought it not possible for 
one who was not himself such as he should be, 
to incite others to great and noble actions. On 
these considerations, he thought leisure, in the 
first place, necessary, if he intended to have 
it in his power to take care of the principal 
afiairs He reckoned it therefore impossible 



for him to be negligent of his revenues ; fore- 
seeing that, in a great dominion, he must of 
necessity be at a great expense. But then, on 
the other side, his possessions being very great, 
to be himself always taken up about them, he 
thought would leave him no leisure to take 
care of the safety of the whole. 

So taking into his consideration how his 
economy might be settled on a good footing, 
and he at the same time might have leisure, he 
observed the order of an army : for as the com- 
manders of tens take care of their several de- 
cades ; the captains, of the commanders of tens ; 
the commanders of thousands, of the captains ; 
the commanders of ten thousand, of the com- 
manders of thousands ; by which means, no 
one is left without care, though an army con- 
sists of many times ten thousand men ; and 
when a general has any service for the army to 
do, it is enough for him to give his orders to 
the commanders of ten thousand ; in like man- 
ner as these affairs were regulated, Cyrus ac- 
cordingly ranged the affairs of his household 
under certain heads : and thus Cyrus, by dis- 
coursing with a few people, was enabled to have 
the affairs of his economy taken care of; and 
and after this, he had yet more leisure than 
another man, who had but a single house or a 
single ship in charge. Having thus settled his 
own affairs, he taught others to use the same 
method, and so procured leisure both for him- 
self and for those about him. 

He then began to take on him the business of 
making his companions in power such as they 
should be. And in the first place, as many as 
were able to subsist by the labour of others, and 
were not attending at his doors, these he inquir- 
ed into ; reckoning that they who did attend 
would not be guilty of any base and vile action, 
both by reason of their being near their prince, 
and that in whatever they did, they would be 
observed by the most excellent men. They that 
did not attend he reckoned absented themselves, 
either out of their indulgence to some vicious 
passion, or on account of some unjust practice 
or out of negligence. Being first therefore con- 
vinced of this in his judgment, he brought all 
such men under a necessity of attending : for 
he ordered some one of those about him, that 
were his chief friends, to seize what belonged 
to the person that did not attend, and to de- 
clare that it belonged to himself. When this 
was done, they that were dispossesed immedi 
ately came and complained, as persons that 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



131 



had been wronged. Cyrus, for a great while, 
was not at leisure to give such men a hearing ; 
and when he had heard them, he deferred the 
decision of the matter a long while. By act- 
ing thus, he thought he accustomed them to 
make their court, and with less ill-will to him 
than if he himself had forced them to attend, 
hy inflicting punishments on them. This was 
one method of instruction that he used, in or- 
der to make men attend on him. Another 
was, to. command those that attended on such 
services as were most easy to execute and most 
profitable. Another was, never to allow the 
absent a share in any advantage. But the chief 
method of all that he used to necessitate men 
to attend was this, that in case a man did not 
yield obedience to these other methods, he 
then took what he had from him, and gave it 
to another man that he thought would be able 
to attend on the proper occasions. And thus, 
he gained a useful friend, instead of a useless 
one ; and the present king still makes inquiry 
whether any one of those be absent whose part 
it is to attend. 

In this manner did he carry himself to those 
that did not attend on him. : but those that af- 
forded him their attendance and service, he 
thought he should best excite to great and noble 
actions, if he, being their prince, should endea- 
vour to show himself to those whom he govern- 
ed the most accomplished of all in virtue : for 
he thought he observed that men were the bet- 
ter for written laws; but a good prince, he 
reckoned, was to men, a seeing law, because 
he was able both to give directions, to see 
the man that acted irregularly, and to punish 
him. 

This being his judgment, he showed himself, 
in the first place, the more industrious to dis- 
charge himself in all dues to the gods at that 
time when he was in the most fortunate cir- 
cumstances : and then were first appointed 
certain magi to sing a hymn to the gods, always 
as soon as it was day, and every day to sacri- 
fice to such deities as the magi should direct. 
And the establishments that were thus made 
at that time continue in use with the king that 
still succeeds in the government, on to this day. 
The rest of the Persians therefore were the 
first that followed his example in these things ; 
reckoning that they should be the more 
fortunate, if they served the gods as he did, 
who was the most fortunate of all, and th^ir 
prince. And they thought by doing thus 



they should please Cyrus. But Cyrus ac- 
counted the piety of those about him an advan- 
tage to himself; reckoning, as they do, who 
choose to undertake a voyage in company with 
men of piety, rather than with such as appear 
to have been guilty of any thing impious. And 
besides this, he reckoned that, if all his as- 
sociates were religious, they would be the less 
apt to be guilty of any thing impious towards 
each other, or towards him, who thought him- 
self their benefactor. Then by showing him- 
self to be under great concern and fear of doing 
injury to any friend or ally, and keeping stea- 
dily to the rule of justice, he thought that others 
would abstain the more from base gains, and 
would take care that their revenue should 
arise to them by just methods. And he was of 
opinion that he should the better inspire other 
men with respect and awe, if he himself appear- 
ed to pay so great a respect to all, as never to 
say or do any thing shameful and vile : and 
that it would fall out thus, he grounded his 
argument on this ; that not only in the case of 
a prince, but even of such men as had no fear 
of, they paid more respect to those that behaved 
respectfully than they did to the impudent. 
And such women as they observed to be mo- 
dest and respectful they were the more ready 
to pay respect to. And he thought that a 
temper of obedience would be the more firmly 
established in those about him, if he appeared 
to bestow greater rewards on the obedient, than 
on those that seemed possessed of the greatest 
and most elaborate virtues. In this opinion, 
and in this practice, he always continued : and 
then, by showing his own goodness and modesty 
of temper, he made all others the more ready 
to practise it ; for when men see one, that has 
it most in his power to behave with haughti- 
ness and insolence, behave with this modesty 
and goodness of temper, then even those of the 
lowest degree are the more willing to be seen 
acting without any manner of insolence. He 
distinguished that respect and awe from this 
goodness of temper in this manner ; that they 
who were possessed with this awe avoided 
things that were shameful and vile, while they 
were exposed to the eyes of others ; but that 
the modest and good-tempered did it even in 
the dark. He thought likewise to make men 
practise a command of their passions best, by 
showing that he himself was not drawn away 
by present pleasures from the pursuit of good 
and excellent things; and that he preferred 



132 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book viii. 



toil and labour in the pursuit of a noble end 
before all delights. Being therefore such a 
man himself, he established an excellent order 
at his dcors ; the meaner sort submitting to the 
Detter, and all behaving with great awe and 
decency one towards another. You would not 
see any one there in anger, breaking out into 
noise and clamour, nor expressing an insulting 
pleasure in insolent laughter. But to see them, 
you would think that they really lived in 
the most comely and noble manner. In the 
practice of such things as these, and with 
such things always before their eyes, they 
passed their days at the doors of Cyrus. 

But then, in order to inure them to the prac- 
tice of military affairs, he led out all those to 
hunt that he thought proper to exercise in that 
manner; reckoning this the best method of 
practising all such things as relate to war, as 
well as the truest exercise of the art of riding ; 
for this helps them the most of any thing, to 
sit firm on horseback, in all sorts of ground, 
by means of their pursuing the wild beasts in 
their flight ; and this, the most of any thing, 
makes them capable of acting on horseback, by 
means of their love of praise and desire of 
taking their game. And by this he chiefly 
accustomed his associates to gain a command 
over their passions, and to be able to bear toil, 
to bear cold and heat, hunger and thirst. And 
the king that now reigns, together with those 
that are about him, continue still the same 
practice. 

It is evident, therefore, by what has been 
before said, that he thought dominion became 
no one that was not himself better than those 
whom he governed ; and that by thus exercis- 
ing these about him, he inured himself, the 
most of all, to a command of his passions, and 
to all military arts and exercises. For he led 
out others abroad to hunt, when there was no 
necessity that obliged him to stay at home ; 
and when there was any such necessity, he then 
hunted the beasts that were maintained in his 
parks. He never took his supper before he 
gave himself a sweat ; nor did he ever throw 
food to his horses before they were exercised : 
and he invited his servants abroad with him to 
this hunting. He himself, therefore, greatly ex- 
celled in all noble performances ; and they that 
were about him likewise did so, by means of their 
continual exercise. In this manner he made 
himself an example to others. And, besides, 



this, whoever he saw the most zealous in the 
pursuit of generous actions, such he rewarded 
with presents, with commands, with placing 
them in the principal seats, and with all other 
honours. So that he raised a mighty emula- 
tion amongst all, to try by what means every 
one might appear to Cyrus the most deserving. 
And I think I have likewise heard, con- 
cerning Cyrus, that he was of opinion that 
princes ought to' excel those that are under 
their dominions, not only in being better than 
they, but that they ought likewise to play the 
imposters with them. He chose therefore to 
wear the Median robe, and persuaded his asso- 
ciates to put it on ; for in case a man had any 
thing defective in his person, he thought that 
this concealed it, and made those that wore it 
appear the handsomest and the tallest. And 
they have a sort of shoe, where they may fit in 
something under their feet, without its being 
seen, so as to make themselves appear taller 
than they really are. He allowed them also 
to colour their eyes, that they might seem to 
have finer eyes than they really had, and to 
paint themselves, that they might appear to be 
of better complexion than they naturally were 
of. He took care, likewise, to use them not 
to be seen to spit, or blow the nose, or to turn 
aside to gaze at any spectacle, as if they were 
men that admired nothing. And all these 
things, he thought, contributed something to 
their appearing the more awful to the people 
that were subject to his dominion. 

Those that he thought the proper persons to 
share, by his own means, in the dominion with 
him, he disciplined in this manner, and by 
acting himself, at the head of them, in the 
same venerable and majestic way. But those 
that he trained for servitude, he never encou- 
raged to the practice of ingenious labours, noi 
allowed them the possession of arms, but took 
care that they should never go without their 
meat and drink for the sake of these liberal 
exercises ; for when with their horse they 
drove out the wild beasts into the plains, he 
allowed meat and drink to be carried for tho 
use of these people during the hunt, but not 
for any of the ingenious. And when he was 
on a march he led them to water as he did the 
beasts of burden ; and when the time for din• 
ner came, he waited till they had eaten some- 
thing, that they might not be distressed with 
hunger. So that these people, as the bettei 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



133 



sort likewise did, called him their father, for 
taking care that, beyond all doubt, they should 
always continue slaves. 

Thus he provided for the security of the 
whole Persian dominion : but he was very 
confident that he himself was in no danger of 
meeting with any mischief from the people 
that were conquered, for he reckoned them 
weak and dispirited, and he observed them 
destitute of all order ; and besides, none of 
them ever came near him by night or day. 
But such as he reckoned the better sort, that 
he saw armed and in compact order ; some of 
them commanders of horse, and some of foot, 
and many of them that he perceived with spirits 
equal to rule, that were next to his own guards, 
and many of whom were frequently in company 
with himself, (for there was a necessity that it 
should be so, because he was to make use of 
them,) from these there was the most danger 
of his receiving mischief many ways. There- 
fore, taking into his consideration how matters 
tnight be made safe for him in this respect, to 
take away their arms from them and render 
them unfit for war, he did not approve, both 
accounting it unjust, and believing it to be a 
dissolution of his empire. And then again 
not to admit them to his presence, and openly 
to distrust them, he reckoned the beginning 
and foundation of a war. Instead of all these 
things, there was one that he determined to be 
the best for his security, and the handsomest of 
all, which was to try if possibly he could make 
the better sort of men more friends to himself 
than to one another. By what means therefore 
it was that in my opinion he came to be be- 
loved, I will endeavour to relate. 

II. For, first, he constantly at all times dis- 
played, as much as he could, his own good- 
nature and love to mankind ; reckoning that as 
it is no easy matter for men to love those who 
seem to hate them, or to bear good-will to those 
that have ill intentions towards them; so it 
was not possible for those that were known to 
love and bear good-will, to be hated by such as 
thought themselves beloved. Therefore, whilst 
he had it not so much in his power to bestow 
rich benefits on them, he endeavoured to cap- 
tivate their affections by anticipating his com- 
panions in care and in pains, by appearing 
pleased with their advantages, and afflicted at 
their misfortunes; but when he had where- 
withal to be bountiful to them, he seems to me 
to have kn wn, m the first place, that there is 
12 



no benefaction amongst men that is of equal 
expense, and is so grateful as that of sharing 
meat and drink with them. 

And being of this opinion, he first regulated 
his table so as to have placed before him as 
many of the same things that he ate of him- 
self as were sufficient for great numbers of 
people. And all that was set before him, ex- 
cept what was used by himself and his guests, 
he distributed to such of his friends as he in- 
tended to show that he remembered or had a 
kindness for. He sent likewise about to such 
as he happened to be pleased with, whether 
they were employed on the guard any where, 
or attended to pay their court to him, or were 
concerned in any other affairs. And this he did 
in .order to signify that they who were desirous 
to do what was pleasing to him were not to be 
concealed from him. He paid the same honour 
from his table to his own domestics when he 
had a mind to give any of them his commen- 
dation. And all the meat that belonged to 
his domestics he placed on his own table, 
thinking that, as in the case of children, so 
this would gain him some good-will from them. 
And if he had a mind that any of his friends 
should have great numbers of people attend 
and pay their court to them, he sent them pre- 
sents from his table ; for even yet, at this day, 
all people make the greater court to such as 
they observe to have things sent them from off 
the king's table ; because they reckon them 
men in great honour and esteem, and that in 
case they want any thing to be done, they are 
able to effect it for them. And besides, it is 
not only on these accounts that have been 
mentioned that the things sent from the king 
are pleasing, but things that come from the 
king's table do really very much excel in point 
of pleasure. And that it should be so is not 
at all to be wondered at; for, as other arts 
are wrought up in great cities to a greater de- 
gree of perfection, in the same manner are 
the meats that come from the king dressed, 
in greater perfection; for, in little cities, the 
same people make both the frame of a couch, 
a door, a plough, and a table ; and frequently 
the same person is a builder too, and very 
well satisfied he is if he meet with custom- 
ers enough to maintain him. It is impossible 
therefore for a man that makes a great many 
different things to do them all well. But 
in great cities, because there are multitudes 
that want every particular thing, one art 



134 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VIII. 



alone is sufficient for the maintenance of every 
one : and frequently not an entire one neither, 
but one man makes shoes for men, another for 
■women. Sometimes it happens that one gets 
a maintenance by sewing shoes together, ano- 
ther by cutting them out ; one by cutting out 
clothes only, and another without doing any 
of these things, is maintained by fitting to- 
gether the pieces so cut out. He therefore that 
deals in a business that lies within a little 
compass, must of necessity do it the best. 
The case is the same with respect to the busi- 
ness of a table ; for he that has the same man 
to cover and adorn the frame of a couch, to 
set out the table, to knead the dough, to dress 
the several different meats, must necessarily, 
in my opinion, fare in each particular as it 
happens. But where it is business enough 
for one man to boil meat, for another to roast 
it ; for one to boil fish, and for another to 
broil it ; where it is business enough for one 
man to make bread, and that not of every sort 
neither, but that it is enough for him to fur- 
nish one sort good, each man in my opinion, 
must of necessity work up the things that are 
thus made to a very great perfection. He 
therefore by this kind of management greatly 
exceeded all other people in this sort of court- 
ship, by presents of meat. 

And how he came likewise to be greatly 
superior in all other ways of gaining on men, 
I will now relate ; for he that so much exceeded 
other men in the multitude of his revenues, 
exceeded them yet more in the multitude of 
his presents. Cyrus therefore began it ; and 
this custom of making abundance of presents 
continues to this day practised by the kings 
his successors. Who is there that is known 
to have richer friends than the Persian king 
has? who is known to set out the people 
about him in finer habits than this king does ? 
whose presents are known to be such as some 
of those which this king makes ? as bracelets 
and collars, and horses with bridles of gold ? 
for it is not allowed there that any one should 
have these things but he that the king gives 
them to. What other man is there that can 
be said to make himself be preferred before 
brothers, fathers, or children, by his great pre- 
sents ? what other man has power to chastise 
his enemies that are many months' journey 
distant from him, as the Persian king has? 
what other man but Cyrus, after having over- 
turned an empire, ever died and had the title 



of father given him the people he subjected 1 
for it is plain that this is the name of one that 
bestows rather than one that takes away. 

We have been likewise informed that he 
gained those men that are called the eyes and 
the ears of the king, by no other means than 
by making them presents, and by bestowing 
honours and rewards on them ; for by being 
very bountiful to those that gave him an ac- 
count of what was proper for him to be in- 
formed of, he set abundance of people on the 
search both with ears and eyes, to find what 
information they should give the king that 
might be useful to him. On this the eyes of 
the king were reckoned to be very numerous, 
and his ears so too. But if any one think it 
proper for a king to choose but one person as 
his eye, he judges not right ; for one man 
would see but few things, and one man would 
hear but few things ; and if this were given in 
charge to one only, it would be as if the rest 
were ordered to neglect it. Besides, whoever 
was known to be this eye, people would know 
that they were to be on their guard against 
him. This then is not the course that is taken ; 
but the king hears every one that says he has 
heard or seen any thing worthy his attending 
to. By this means the ears and eyes of the 
king are reckoned to be in great number ; and 
people are every where afraid of saying any 
thing to the king's prejudice, as if he himself 
heard them ; and of doing any thing to his pre- 
judice, as if he himself were present. So that 
no one durst mention any thing scandalous 
concerning Cyrus to any body : but every one 
stood so disposed, as if they were always 
amidst the eyes and ears of the king, whatever 
company they were in. 

I know not what cause any one can better 
assign for such disposition in men towards him 
than that he thought fit to bestow great bene- 
fits in return for little ones. And it is not to 
be wondered at, that he who was the richest of 
all, exceeded others in the greatness of his 
presents ; but that one possessed of the royal 
dignity should exceed others in the culture and 
care of his friends, this is a thing more worthy 
of notice. He is said never to have appeared 
so much ashamed of being outdone in any 
thing as in the culture of his friends : and a 
saying of this is recorded, expressing, " That 
the business of a good herdsman and of a good 
king were very near alike ; for a herdsman," 
he said, " ought to provide for the welfare and 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



135 



happiness of the herd, and make use of them 
consistently with the happiness of those crea- 
tures ; and that a king ought, in the same man- 
ner, to make men and cities happy, and in the 
same manner to make use of them." It is no 
wonder therefore, if this were his sentiment, 
that he had an ambition to outdo all in the 
culture of men. 

And Cyrus is said to have given this noble 
instance to Croesus, on a certain time, when 
Croesus suggested to him that, by the multi- 
tude of presents that he made, he would be a 
beggar, when it was in his power to lay up at 
home mighty treasures of gold for the use of 
one. It is said that Cyrus then asked him 
thus : " What sums do you think I should now 
have in possession, if I had been hoarding up 
gold, as you bid me, ever since I have been in 
power?" And that Croesus, in «reply, named 
some mighty sum ; and that Cyrus to this 
said : " Well, Croesus, do you send with Hys- 
taspes here some person that you have most 
confidence in ; and do you, Hystaspes," said 
he, " go about to my friends, tell them that I 
am in want of money for a certain affair (and 
in reality I am in want of it,) and bid them 
furnish me with as much as they are each' of 
them able to do ; and that, writing it down and 
signing it, they deliver the letter to Croesus' 
officer to bring me." Then writing down what 
he had said, and signing it, he gave it to 
Hystaspes to carry it to his friends : but added* 
in the letter to them all, « That they should 
receive Hystaspes as his friend." After they 
had gone round, and Croesus' officer brought 
the letters, Hystaspes said : " Ο Cyrus ! my 
king, you must now make use of me as a rich 
man, for here do I attend you abounding in 
presents that have been made me on account 
of your letter." Cyrus on this said : " This 
then is one treasure to me, Croesus ; but look 
over the others, and reckon up what riches 
there are there ready for me, in case I want 
for my own use. Croesus on calculation is 
said to have found many times the sum that he 
told Cyrus he might now have had in his trea- 
sury, if he had hoarded. When it appeared 
to be thus, Cyrus is reported to have said : 

" You see, Croesus, that I have my treasures 
too ; but you bid me hoard them up, to be en- 
vied and hated for them : you bid me place 
hired guards on them, and in those to put my 
trust. But I make my friends rich, and reck- 
on them to be treasures to me, and guards 



both to myself and to all things of value that 
belong to us, and such as are more to be trusted 
than if I set up a guard of hirelings. Besides, 
there is another thing that I will tell you : 
what the gods have wrought into the souls of 
men, and by it have made them all equally in- 
digent, this, Croesus, I am not able to get the 
better of; for I am, as others are, insatiably 
greedy of riches : but I reckon I differ from 
most others in this ; that when they have ac- 
quired more than is sufficient for them, some 
of those treasures they bury under ground, and 
some they let decay and spoil, and others they 
give themselves a great deal of trouble about, 
in telling, in measuring, in weighing, airing, 
and watching them ; and though they have all 
these things at home, they neither eat more 
than they are able to bear, for they would 
burst, nor do they put on more clothes than 
they can bear, for they would suffocate, but all 
their superfluous treasures they have only for 
business and trouble. Whereas I serve the 
gods, and am ever desirous of more ; and when 
I have acquired it, out of what I find to be 
more than suffices me, I satisfy the wants of 
my friends ; and by enriching men with it, and 
by doing them kindnesses, I gain their good- 
will and their friendship, and obtain security 
and glory, things that do not corrupt and spoil, 
and do not distress one by over-abounding ; 
but glory, the more there is of it, the greater 
and more noble it is, and the lighter to bear, 
and those that bear it, it often makes the light- 
er and easier. And that you may be sensible 
of this, Croesus," said he, " they that possess 
the most, and have most in their custody, I do 
not reckon the happiest men ; for then would 
guards on the walls b,e the happiest of all men, 
for they have the custody of all that there is in 
whole cities ; but the person that can acquire 
the most with justice, and use the most with 
honour, him do I reckon the happiest man ; 
and this I reckon to be riches." 

And as he expressed these things, so he ap- 
parently practised them. But, besides all this, 
having observed that most men, if they enjoy 
health, take care to provide themselves with 
all things fitting, and lay up all things that are 
of use with respect to a healthy course of life ; 
but how to be supplied with things that are of 
service, in case they are sick, of this he ob- 
served they were not very careful. He there- 
fore thought proper to be at pains to provide 
himself with these things. He got together 



136 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VIII. 



the best physicians about him, by his being 
willing to be at the expense of it ; and what- 
ever instruments, medicines, meats, or drinks, 
any one told him to be of use, there was 
nothing of all these that he did not provide 
himself with, and treasure up. And when 
any of those whom it was proper for him to 
take care of fell ill, he went himself to see 
them, and furnished them with whatever they 
wanted ; and was thankful to the physicians 
whenever they cured any one, and took the 
things which they used from out of what he 
had in store. These and many such things 
did he contrive, in order to gain the principal 
place in the aifections of those by whom he de- 
sired to be beloved. 

Then all those affairs, wherein he appointed 
games, and established prizes, with intention 
to raise an emulation in men, to perform great 
and noble things, those gained Cyrus the ap- 
plause of taking care that virtue should be 
kept in practice. But these very games crea- 
ted strife and emulation amongst the better 
sort of men. And, besides, Cyrus established 
as a law, that whatever required a determina- 
tion, whether it were a matter of right, or a dis- 
pute relating to games, the parties requiring 
such determination should have joint recourse to 
certain judges. It is plain therefore that both 
the parties at variance aimed at pitching on such 
judges as were the best and the most their 
friends ; and he that lost his cause envied him 
that carried it, and hated those that did not give 
the cause for himself ; he that carried his cause 
attributed the success to the justice of it, so 
reckoned he owed nobody thanks. They that 
aimed at being chief in the friendship and es- 
teem of Cyrus, like others in certain cities, 
bore envy to each other, so that most of them 
rather wished each other out of the way, than 
ever acted in concert together for their mutual 
advantage. These things make it evident by 
what means he made all the considerable men 
more affectionate to himself than they were 
one to another. 

III. But now we will relate how Cyrus, for 
the first time, marched in procession out of the 
palace ; for the majesty of this procession 
seems to me to have been one of those arts 
that made his government not liable to con- 
tempt. First, therefore, before he made this 
procession he called in to him all those, both 
Persians and others, that were possessed of 
commands, and distributed to them Median 



robes : and it was then that the Persians first 
put on the Median robe. Having distributed 
these, he told them that he intended to march 
in procession to those portions of ground that 
had been chosen and set apart for the gods, 
and to make a sacrifice, accompanied by them. 
" Attend, therefore" said he, " at the gates be- 
fore the rising of the sun, adorned with these 
robes, and form yourselves as Pheraulas the 
Persian shall give you orders from me ; and 
when I lead the way, do you follow on in 
the station assigned you. But, if any of you 
think that our procession will be handsomer 
in any other manner, than as we march at 
this time, when we return again let him in- 
form me ; for every thing ought to be so die- 
posed as shall appear to you to be most beau- 
tiful and noble." When he had distributed 
the finest robes to the greatest men, he then 
produced other robes of the Median sort ; 
for he had provided them in great numbers, 
and was not sparing either in the purple habits, 
or those of a dark colour, or in the scarlet, or 
the murrey. And having distributed a certain 
portion of these to each of the commanders, 
he bade them adorn and set out their friends 
with them, " as I," said he, " adorn you." 
And one of those that were present then 
asked him, " But when will you, Cyrus," said 
he, " be adorned yourself?" To this here- 
plied : " And do you not think," said he, 
" that I am already adorned in adorning all 
you 7 No matter," said he, " if I am but able 
to serve my friends, whatever robe I wear, I 
shall appear fine in it." So .these men going 
their ways, and sending for their friends, 
adorned them with these robes. 

Cyrus, taking Pheraulas, one of the infe- 
rior degree of people, to be a man of good 
understanding, a lover of what was beautiful 
and orderly, and careful to please him — the 
same that heretofore spoke for every one's be- 
ing rewarded according to his desert ; and cal- 
ling this man to him, he advised with him how 
he might make this procession in a manner 
that might appear the most beautiful to his 
friends, and most terrible to those that were 
disaffected. And when, on joint consideration, 
they both agreed in the same things, he or- 
dered Pheraulas to take care that the proces- 
sion should be made the next morning, in the 
manner that they had thought proper. " I 
have ordered," said he, " all to obey you in the 
disposition and order of this procession. And 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



137 



that they may attend to your orders with the 
more satisfaction, take these coats," said he, 
« and carry them to the commanders of the 
guards ; give these habits for horsemen to the 
commanders of the horse ; and these other 
coats to the commanders of the chariots." On 
this he took them and carried them off. When 
the commanding officers saw him, they said to 
him : " You are a great man, Pheraulas, now 
that you are to order us what we are to do." 
" No, not only so, by Jove !" said Pheraulas, 
« but it seems I am to be a baggage bearer 
too: therefore I now bring you these two 
habits, one of them is for yourself, the other 
for somebody else ; but do you take which of 
them you please." He that received the habit, 
on this forgot his envy, and presently advised 
with him which he should take: then giving 
his opinion which was the best, he said, " If 
ever you charge me with having given you 
the choice when I officiate, another time you 
shall have me officiate for you in a different 
manner." Pheraulas, having made this dis- 
tribution thus, as he was ordered, immediately 
applied himself to the affairs of the procession, 
that every thing might be settled in the hand- 
somest manner. On the following day all 
things were in order before day-break. 

There were ranks of people standing on 
each side of the way, as they yet stand at this 
day, wherever the king is to march ; and with- 
in these ranks none but men of great dignity 
are allowed to come. There were men post- 
ed with scourges in their hands, who scourged 
any that made disturbance. There stood first 
before the gates four thousand of the guards 
drawn up, four in front : two thousand on 
each side of the gates. All the horsemen that 
were there attending alighted from their hor- 
ses, and with their hands passed through their 
robes, as they still pass them at this day when 
the king takes a view of them. The Persians 
stood on the right hand, and the allies on the 
left hand of the way. The chariots, in the 
same manner stood half of them on each side. 
When the gates of the palace were thrown 
open, first there were led certain bulls, very 
beautiful beasts, four abreast, devoted to Jove, 
and to such other of the gods as the magi di- 
rected; for the Persians are of opinion that 
artists ought to be made use of in divine affairs 
much more than in others. Next to the bulls 
there were horses led for a sacrifice to the Sun. 
After these proceeded a white chariot, with 
12* 



its perch of gold, adorned with a crown, or 
wreath, around it, and sacred to Jove. After 
this a white chariot, sacred to the Sun, and 
adorned with a crown, as that before. After 
this proceeded a third chariot, with its horses 
adorned with scarlet coverings ; and behind 
it followed men that bore fire on a large altar. 
After these Cyrus himself appeared without 
the gates with a turban on, that was raised 
high above his head, with a vest of a purple 
colour, half mixed with white ; and this mix- 
ture of white none else is allowed to wear: 
about his legs he had a sort of stockings of a 
yellow colour, a robe wholly purple, and about 
his turban a diadem or wreath. (His relations 
had likewise this mark of distinction, and they 
have it still to this day.) And his hands he 
kept out of their coverings. By him rode his 
driver, a tall man, but less than himself : 
whether it really was so, or whether by some 
means or other it so fell out, Cyrus appeared 
much the taller. All the people at the sight 
of him paid their adoration, either because 
some people were before appointed to begin 
it, or because they were struck with the pomp 
and solemnity, and thought that Cyrus ap- 
peared exceedingly tall and beautiful ; but no 
Persian ever paid Cyrus adoration before. 
When the chariot of Cyrus advanced, four 
thousand of the guards led the way before, two 
thousand of them attended on each side of it. 
And the staff-officers about his person being 
on horseback, finely clothed, with javelins in 
their hands, to the number of about three hun- 
dred, followed after. Then were led the hor- 
ses that were maintained for Cyrus himself 
with their bridles of gold ; and thrown over 
with coverings wrought with a raised work in 
stripes ; and these were about two hundred. 
After these marched two thousand spear men. 
After these the first formed body of horse, ten 
thousand in number, ranged a hundred every 
way, led by Chrysantas. After these another 
body of ten thousand Persian horse ranged in 
the same manner led by Hystaspes. After 
these another body of ten thousand, in the 
same manner, led by Datarnas. After these 
another led by Gadatas. After these marched 
the Median horse ; after these the Armenian 
horse ; then the Hyrcanian ; then the Cadu- 
sian; then the Sacian. And after the horse 
went the chariots, ranged four abreast, and led 
by the Persian Artabates. 

As he marched along abundance of people 



138 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[BOOK VIII. 



without the ranks followed by the side, peti- 
tioning Cyrus, one about one affair and another 
about another. Sending therefore to them 
some of the staff-officers who attended his 
chariot, three on each side, for this very pur- 
pose of delivering messages, he bid them tell 
them, " That if any of tfiem wanted him on 
any business, they should acquaint some of the 
chief officers under him with what they wanted, 
and they," he said, " would tell him." These 
people, going their ways, immediately went to 
the horsemen, and consulted who they should 
each of them apply to. But those of his 
friends that Cyrus had a mind to have the 
greatest court and application made to, these 
he sent somebody to, and called them severally 
to him, and spoke to them in this manner : " If 
any of these men that follow by my side ac- 
quaint you with any thing, do not give atten- 
tion to any one that you think says nothing to 
the purpose ; but whoever desires what is just, 
give me an account of it, that we may consult 
together, and effect their business for them." 
Others, when they were called on, riding up 
with the utmost despatch, obeyed, contributing 
to the support of Cyrus' empire, and showing 
their own readiness to obey. But there was 
one Daipharnes, a man of absurd and uncouth 
manners, who thought that by not paying 
obedience with such despatch he should appear 
a man of more dignity and freedom. As soon 
therefore as Cyrus perceived this, before the 
man came up so near as that he might speak to 
him, he sent one of his staff-officers, and bade 
him tell him that he had now no longer any 
need of him ; and he never sent for him after- 
wards. But there was one who was sent 
later, who rode up to him sooner than he ; and 
to this man Cyrus gave one of the horses that 
followed in his" train, and ordered one of the 
staff-officers to conduct the horse for him 
wherever he should order. This appeared to 
those that saw it to be a very great honour ; 
and after this many more people made then- 
court to this man. 

When they came to the sacred inclosures 
they sacrificed to Jove, and burnt the bulls en- 
tirely. Then they sacrificed to the Sun, and 
burnt the horses entirely : then killing certain 
victims to the Earth, they did as the magi di- 
rected. Then they sacrificed to the Heroes, 
guardians of Syria. 

After this, the country thereabouts being 
very fine, he appointed a certain limited piece 



of ground, of about five stadia, and bade them, 
nation by nation, put their horses to their speed. 
He himself rode the race with the Persians, 
and gained the victory, for he was extremely 
well practised in horsemanship. Amongst 
the Medes, Artabates got the victory, for Cyrus 
had given him a horse. Amongst the Syrians, 
their chief got the victory. Amongst the Ar- 
menians, Tigranes. Amongst the Hyrcanians, 
the son of the commander of their horse. And 
amongst the Sacians, a private man, with his 
horse, left the other behind by almost half the 
course. 

And on this occasion Cyrus is said to have 
asked the young man if he would accept of a 
kingdom in exchange for his horse 1 and the 
young man is said to have replied thus: " A 
kingdom I would not accept for him, but I 
would consent to oblige a worthy man with 
him." Then Cyrus said : " Come, I will 
show you where you may throw blindfold, and 
not miss a worthy man." " By all means, 
then," said the Sacian, taking up a clod, 
" show me where I may throw this clod." 
Then Cyrus showed him a place where a great 
many of his friends were ; and the man, shut- 
ting his eyes, threw his clod and hit Pheraulas 
as he was riding by : for Pheraulas happened 
to be carrying some orders from Cyrus, and 
when he was struck, he did not turn aside, but 
went on the business that was ordered him. 
The Sacian then looking up, asked, " Whom 
he had hit ?" — None, by Jove !" said he, " of 
those that are present." " But, surely," said 
the young man, " it was none of those that are 
absent." " Yes, by Jove !" said Cyrus, "you 
hit that man that rides hastily on there by the 
chariots." « And how came he not to turn 
back?" said he. Then Cyrus said: "Why 
in probability, it is some madman." The 
young man hearing this went to see who it 
was, and found Pheraulas with his chin all 
over dirt and blood, for the blood gushed 
from his nose on the stroke that he received. 
When he came up with him he asked him, 
" Whether he had received a blow V He an- 
swered : " Yes, as you see." " Then," said 
he, « I make you a present of this horse." 
He then asked, " For what Ϊ" and on this the 
Sacian gave him a relation of the things; 
and, in conclusion said : " And I believe I 
have not missed of a worthy man." Pheraulas 
then said : "But if you had been wise, you 
had given it to a richer man than I ; but I now 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



139 



accept it, and beseech the gods, who have made 
me the receiver of this blow from you, to grant 
that I may behave so as to make you not repent 
your present to me. Now," said he, " do 
you mount my horse, and ride off on him, and 
I will be with you presently." Thus they 
parted. 

Amongst the Cadusians, Rathonices gained 
the victory. He likewise put their chariots 
severally to the trial of their speed : and to the 
victors he gave oxen, that they might sacrifice 
and feast, and he gave them cups. He himself 
took the ox that was his prize, but his share of 
the cups he gave to Pheraulas, because he 
thought that he had directed the procession 
from the palace in a very handsome manner. 

This method of procession, then settled by 
Cyrus, continues still in use with the king to 
this day* excepting only that the victims make 
no part of it when he does not sacrifice. When 
all was at an end they returned again to the 
city, and they that had houses given them 
quartered in their houses, and they that had 
not, in their ranks. 

But Pheraulas, inviting the Sacian that 
presented him with the horse, gave him an 
entertainment; he furnished him with all 
other things in abundance. And after they 
had supped, he filled him the cups that he had 
received from Cyrus, drank to him, and made 
him a present of them. But the Sacian ob- 
serving a great many fine carpets and coverlets, 
a great deal of fine furniture, and abundance of 
domestics : " Tell me," said he, " Pheraulas, 
were you one of the rich when you were at 
home 1" « How rich do you mean T" said 
Pheraulas : « I was one of those that lived 
directly by the work of their own hands ; for 
my father, maintaining himself very poorly by 
his own labour, bred me up under the disci- 
pline of the boys ; but when I became a youth, 
not being able to maintain me idle, he took me 
into the country and ordered me to work. 
Here did I maintain him whilst he lived, dig- 
ging and planting with my own hands a little 
piece of land, that was not ungrateful, but the 
justest in the world; for the seed that it 
received it returned me justly and handsomely 
again, with an overplus that indeed was not 
very abundant; but sometimes, out .of its 
generosity, returned me double of what it 
received. Thus then I lived at home; but 
now all these things that you see Cyrus has 
given me." Then the Sacian said: «Oh 



happy are you in other respects as well as 
in this ; that, from being poor before you 
are now become rich ! For I am of opinion 
that you grow rich with the more pleasure as 
you come to be possessed of riches, after having 
thirsted for them before." Pheraulas then 
said ; " And do you think, Sacian, that I live 
with the more pleasure the more I possess? 
Do you not know," said he, " that I neither 
eat, nor drink, nor sleep with one jot more 
pleasure now than when I was poor 1 But 
by all this abundance, thus much I gain : that 
I am to guard more, to distribute more to 
others, and to have the trouble of taking care 
of more : for a great many domestics now de- 
mand their food of me, their drink, and their 
clothes ; some are in want of physicians ; one 
comes and brings me sheep, that have been torn 
to pieces by wolves, or oxen killed by falling 
from a precipice, or tells me of a distemper got 
amongst the cattle ; so that I think," said Phe- 
raulas, " by possessing abundance, I have now 
more afflictions than I had before by having 
but little." " But, by Jove !" said the Sacian, 
" when all is well, and you are able to cast your 
eyes around on numerous possessions, you are 
certainly much better pleased than I am." 
Pheraulas then said : " Sacian, it is not so plea- 
sant to possess riches as it is afflicting to lose 
them ; and you will find that what I say is true ; 
for there are none of those that possess riches 
that are forced from the enjoyment of rest by 
the pleasure which they afford ; but of those 
that lose them, you will see none that are able 
to sleep because of the concern it gives them." 
« By Jove !" said the Sacian, " nor will you 
see any of those fall asleep that at first obtain 
them, becuase of the pleasure it gives them." 
" You say true," said he ; « for if the possess- 
ing them was as pleasant as the obtaining them 
the rich would very much exceed the poor in 
happiness. But then, Sacian," said he, " he 
that possesses abundance must, of necessity 
expend abundance, both on the gods, on his 
friends, and on strangers. Whoever therefore 
is greatly pleased with the possession of riches 
be assured will be greatly afflicted at the ex- 
pense of them." " By Jove !" said the Sacian, 
" I am not one of those ; but I take it to be a 
happiness for a man to have abundance, and to 
expend abundance." " Why then," said Phe- 
raulas, " in the name of all the gods, are not you 
this instant that happy man, to make me so at 
the same time ? for do you take possession of 



140 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VIII. 



all these things, and use them as you please ; 
maintain me only as a stranger ; or yet more 
sparingly than a stranger ; for it shall be enough 
for me to share with you in what you have." 
" Vou jest," said the Sacian. Pheraulas then 
asserted with an oath that he spoke in earnest. 
« And I will gain you, Sacian, something far- 
ther from Cyrus ; and that is, that you shall 
not be obliged to attend at his doors, nor to 
engage in military service 1 but you shall stay 
at home, abounding in service 1 And those other 
affairs I will perform for you and for myself; 
and, if I get any thing valuable by my attend- 
ance on Cyrus, or by any military expedition, 
I will bring it to you that you may still have 
the command of more ; do you," said he, « but 
free me from this care ; for if I can be at lei- 
sure from these affairs, I think that you will 
be of very great use both to me, and to Cyrus." 

Having thus discoursed they settled these 
affairs and put them in practice. The one 
thought himself made a happy man, by having 
the command of great riches, and the other 
reckoned himself the most fortunate man in 
the world, in having a steward, who afforded 
him leisure to do what was agreeable to him. 
Pheraulas was in his temper extremely kind 
and friendly to his acquaintance ; and no care 
or culture bestowed on any thing appeared so 
pleasing to him, or so profitable, as that be- 
stowed on men ; for man, he thought, was, of 
all other creatures, the best and the most grate- 
ful : because he observed of men, that when 
they were commended by any one, they were 
zealous in their returns of praise ; that they 
used their endeavours to do kindnesses to those 
that had done kindnesses to them ; that they 
• were kindly affected to those whom they knew 
to be kindly affected to them ; and those who 
they knew had a love for them, they could not 
possibly hate ; arid that, of all other creatures, 
they were the most inclined to make their pa- 
rents all returns of respect and service, both 
while living and when dead. And all other 
animals he reckoned more ungrateful and more 
ill-natured than man. This Pheraulas was 
much delighted, that, by being freed from the 
care of other possessions, he should be at leisure 
to mind his friends. And the Sacian was de- 
lighted, because he was to have the possession 
of abundance, and was to spend abundance. 
The Sacian loved Pheraulas, because he was 
always bringing him something ; and Pheraulas 
loved the Sacian, because he was willing to 



take all ; and though he charged himself with 
the care of still more and more, yet he gave 
him no more trouble. Thus did these men 
live. 

IV. Cyrus having sacrificed, and making an 
entertainment with the prize of his victory, in- 
vited those of his friends that appeared the 
most desirous to increase his power, and 
that paid him honour in the most affectionate 
manner : and with them he invited Artabazus 
the Mede, Tigranes the Armenian, the Hyr- 
canian commander of horse, and Gobryas. 
Gadatas was the commander of his eunuchs ; 
and all the management within doors was set- 
tled as he thought fit to regulate it. When 
there were any that supped with him, Gadatas , 
did not set down, but minded the business ; 
but when there was no company, he then 
supped with him ; for he was pleased with his 
conversation ; and, in return, he was presented 
with many great and noble things, both by 
Cyrus himself, and by many others on Cyrus* 
account. 

As the persons who were invited to supper 
came, he did not place every one as it happened 
by chance to fall out ; but the man that he 
most esteemed he placed on his left hand, as if 
this side were more exposed to dangerous 
designs than the right. The next in his 
esteem he placed on his right hand ; the third 
again on his left, and the fourth on his right , 
and if there were more, he went on with them 
in the same manner. He thought it of service 
to make it evident how far he esteemed every 
one ; because where men think that he who 
excels others is not to have his praises pub- 
lished, nor to receive his rewards, there it is 
plain they have no emulation to each other ; 
but where he that excels has the advantage, 
there they appear to struggle with the utmost 
zeal. Thus Cyrus made those known that 
were chief in his esteem ; beginning first with 
their place, as they sat, and as they stood by 
him. Yet this privilege of place, in sitting, 
he did not make perpetual, but made it a rule, 
that a man might advance, by noble actions, to 
the more honourable seat; and if he grew 
negligent and remiss, might sink down to the. 
less honourable. And if he that was possessed 
of the principle seat did not appear to have re. 
ceived the greatest number of valuable things 
at his hands, he was ashamed. And these 
things that were practised in the time of Cyrus 
I perceive continue still to this day. 



I 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



141 



When they had supped, it did not appear at 
all wonderful to Gobryas that a man who had 
the command of many should have every 
thing in great abundance ; but 'that Cyrus, 
who had performed such great things, if he 
thought that he had got any thing that was 
delicate, should never spend it himself alone, 
but give himself trouble in desiring his friends 
that were present to share it ; this he thought 
wonderful, and frequently he saw him send to 
some of his absent friends things that he hap- 
pened to be pleased with himself. So that 
when they had supped, and Cyrus, by presents 
to several, had cleared his table of all that 
plenty that was on it, then Gobryas said : "Be- 
fore, Cyrus, I thought that you most excelled 
the rest of men in being the most able in the 
command of an army ; but now, I swear by 
the gods that you excel more in benignity and 
love to mankind, than in military conduct !" 
" And, by Jove !" said Cyrus, " it is much 
more agreeable to show acts of love to men 
than acts of skill in the conduct of an army." 
" How so 7" said Gobryas. " Because these," 
said he, " must be shown by doing mischief to 
men, and those by doing them good." 

After this, when they had drunk a little, 
Hystaspes put this question to Cyrus : « Would 
you be offended, Cyrus," said he, " if I should 
ask you something that I am desirous to know 
from you ?" " By the gods !" said he, « quite 
the contrary : I should be offended if I per- 
cei\ed that you retained what you had a mind 
to ask me." « Tell me then," said he, « when 
you have called me, did I ever refuse to come 1" 
" Pray, be quiet," said Cyrus. " Or did I ever 
obey your summons slowly ?" « No, nor this 
neither." « Have I ever neglected to do what 
you have ordered me 1 ?" "I do not lay it to 
your charge," said he. " And in what I have 
done, can you accuse me of not having done it 
with alacrity and pleasure!" "This," said 
Cyrus, « the leasjt of all." « In the name of 
all the gods, then, Cyrus !" said he, by what 
means is it that Chrysantas has prevailed on 
you so as to be placed before me in the more 
honourable seat!" «Shall I tell you?" said 
Cyrus. « By all means," said he. " And will 
you not be offended with me when you hear 
the truth 1" « No, I shall be pleased," said 
he, «if I find that I am not wronged." 
" Then," said he, " Chrysantas here, in the 
first place, never waited my call, but before he 
was called, was ready at hand for our service : 



and then, not only what he was ordered, but 
whatever he himself thought best for us to be 
done, that he did. When it was necessary to 
say any thing to our allies, he advised me what 
he thought was becoming and proper for me 
to say ; and what he perceived I was desirous 
that our allies should know, but was ashamed 
to say of myself, this he spoke as if- he 
were declaring his own opinion. So that, 
in these matters, what hinders him from 
being reckoned of more use to me even than 
myself? As .to himself, he always says that 
the things that he has are sufficient for him : 
but it appears evidently that he is always 
looking out for what it may be of service for 
me to have : and with the advantages that 
befall me he is more delighted and pleased 
than myself." To this Hystaspes said ; " By 
Here, Cyrus, I am pleased that I have asked 
you these things!" "And why?" said he. 
" Because I will endeavour too to practise 
them. One thing only there is," said he, " that 
I do not know ; and that is, how to make it 
evident that I rejoice at your advantages, 
whether I must clap my hands, or laugh, or 
what I must do ?" Artabazus to this said : 
" You must dance the Persian dance." And 
at this they laughed. 

As the entertainment went on Cyrus put 
this question to Gobryas:" Tell me," said he, 
" Gobryas, do you think that you should give 
your daughter to one of these that are here 
with more satisfaction now than when at first 
you became acquainted with us ?" " And must 
I tell the truth then?" said Gobryas. "Yes, 
by Jove !" said Cyrus, " since no question re- 
quires falsehood in answer to it." « Be as- 
sured then," said he, " that I should do it with 
much more satisfaction now." " And can you 
give," said Cyrus, " a reason why ?" "I can." 
" Give it me then." « Because, at that time, 
I saw these men bear toils and dangers with 
alacrity ; but now I see them bear prosperity 
with discretion and good temper. And to me, 
Cyrus it appears more difficult to find a man 
that bears prosperity well, than one that bears 
adversity well ; for prosperity inspires most 
men with pride and insolence, but adversity 
gives discretion and modesty of temper to all." 
Then Cyrus said : "Do you hear Hystaspes, 
this saying of Gobryas ?" « Yes by Jove !" 
said he, "I do ; and if he pronounce many 
such, he shall much sooner have me for a suitor 
to his daughter, than if he showed me abun- 



142 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VIII. 



dance of cups of great value." « Truly," said 
Gobryas, " I have a great many such wiitten 
down ; and I will not grudge them to you, if 
you have my daughter for a wife: but my 
cups," said he, " since you seem to dislike 
them, I do not know but I will give to Chry- 
santas here, especially since he has run away 
with your seat." 

" Well," said Cyrus, " if you, Hystaspes, 
and the rest that are here present will acquaint 
me when any of you are endeavouring after a 
wife, you will then know how good an assis- 
tant I shall be to you." Gobryas then said : 
" But if one has a mind to dispose of a daugh- 
ter, who must one tell it to ?" « This," said 
Cyrus, " must be told to me too ; for I am a 
notable man in this art." " What art 1 " said 
Chrysantas. " Why, in knowing what match 
will best suit each particular man." Then 
Chrysantas said : « In the name of all the gods, 
then, tell me what wife you think will best 
suit me !" " First," said he, " she must be 
little, for you are little yourself; and if you 
marry a tall wife, and would kiss her as she 
stands, you must leap up like a little dog." 
" You are much in the right," said he, " to 
provide against this, for I am by no means a 
good caperer." " And then," said he, " she 
must have a nose that sinks in the middle." 
" And what is this fori" Because," said he, 
" you have a crooked nose, and a rising hook 
would best suit a sinking in." " Do you say 
then that a fasting wife would best suit one 
that had feasted plentifully as I have done 
now V " Yes, by Jove !" said Cyrus " for the 
bellies of those that are full rise and the bel- 
lies of those that are fasting sink in." " But, 
in the name of all the gods !" said Chrysantas, 
" can you tell what wife will be best for a frigid 
king V Here Cyrus fell a laughing, and so 
did the others. And as they were laughing 
Hystaspes said : " In the whole compass of 
your royal dignity, Cyrus, I envy you the 
most for this." "For what?" said Cyrus. 
" Why, that, as frigid as you are, you can 
make people laugh." " And would not you 
give a great deal," said Cyrus, " then, that these 
things had been said by you, and that she, that 
you desire should think well of you, should be 
informed that you are a polite agreeable man 1" 
Thus they jested one with another. 

After this he produced a woman's attire for 
Tigranes, and bade him give it his wife, be- 
cause she bravely attended her husband in the 



service. To Artabazus he gave a golden cup ; 
to the Hyrcanian, a horse. And many other 
noble presents he made. " But, Gobryas," 
said he, " I will give you a husband for your 
daughter." « And shall not I," said Hystas- 
pes, " be the man that you will give, that I 
may get those writings 1" " Have you sub- 
stance enough," said Cyrus, " to deserve the 
girl!" "Yes, by Jove! I have much more 
than enough." " And where," said he, " is 
this substance of yours 1" " Here," said he, 
" where you, my friend, sit." " That is enough 
for me," said Gobryas ; and holding out his 
right hand — «Give him me, Cyrus," said he, 
" for I accept him." Then Cyrus, taking Hys- 
taspes' right hand, presented it to Gobryas and 
he received it. After this he made a great 
many noble presents to Hystaspes, that he 
might send them to the maid; and pulling 
Chrysantas to him, he kissed him. On this- 
Artabazus said : " By Jove ! Cyrus, you have 
not given me my cup of the same gold with 
this present that you have made Chrysantas." 
" But I will give you the same," said he. He 
asked him — " When V " Thirty years hence," 
said he. " Well, prepare yourself for me," 
said he, " as one that intends to wait, and not 
to die before the time." Thus then ended this 
conversation : and when they rose, Cyrus rose 
with them, and conducted them to his doors. 

The next day all those of his allies that had 
voluntarily attended him he dismissed to their 
homes, excepting such, as chose to live near 
him. To these he gave lands and houses, 
which the descendants of those who then 
staid possess still to this day : and they were, 
for the most part, Medes and Hyrcanians. To 
those that went off he gave many presents, and 
dismissed them, both commanders and soldiers, 
without leaving them the least cause to com- 
plain. After this he divided the treasure that 
he gained at Sardis among the soldiers that 
were about him. And to the commanders of 
ten thousand, and to the officers that were about 
him, he gave the choice things, according to 
the merit of every one. The rest he parcel- 
led out, and giving a share to each of the com- 
manders of ten thousand, he left it to them 
to distribute it in the same manner as he had 
distributed to them. And these other trea- 
sures each commander distributed to the com- 
manders under him, giving judgment on the 
merit of every one. And the commanders of 
six, giving judgment on the private men that 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



143 



were under them, distributed the last remain- 
ing treasures severally to them, according to 
their desert. So they ail received their just share. 
"When they had received what was then 
given them, some of them spoke of Cyrus in 
this manner : " Surely he must have abun- 
dance when he gives so much to every one of 
us." But others of them said : ** What is the 
abundance that he has? Cyrus is not of a 
temper to mind wholly the heaping up of trea- 
sure ; but he is \more pleased with bestowing 
than with having it." Cyrus, perceiving these 
discourses, and the opinions that men had of 
him, assembled his friends and all the other 
proper persons together, and spoke to this 
effect : " My friends, I have seen men that 
were willing to be thought possessed of more 
than they really had, and who thought by that 
means to appear the more generous and noble. 
But these men, in my opinion, are drawn into 
the very reverse of what they intend ; for he 
that seems to have abundance, and does not 
appear to do that service to his friends that is 
suitable to his substance, gains, in my opinion, 
the character of being mean and sordid. There 
are those," said he, « on the other side, who 
desire that what they have may be concealed. 
And these too, in my opinion, are faulty to 
their friends: for frequently friends that are 
in want avoid telling it to their companions, 
because they are ignorant of what they have, 
and so are deceived. But the plainest, sim- 
plest part, in my opinion, is to make the whole 
strength of one's fortune appear, and with it 
to try to get the better of others in generosity. 
I intend, therefore," said he, " to show you 
every thing that it is possible for you to see of 
what I have ; and, of what you cannot see, to 
give you an account." Having said this he 
showed them abundance of rich and valuable 
things ; and those that lay so as not easily to 
be seen he gave them an account of; and, in 
conclusion, said thus : « All these things, my 
friends," said he, " you ought to reckon not 
more mine than yours ; for I have collected 
them in together, not that I may spend them 
myself, nor that I may myself wear them out, 
for I should not be able to do it ; but that I 
may always have wherewithal to present any 
of you, on your performanoe of any thing great 
and noble ; and that in case any of you think 
you are in want of any thing, you may come to 
me and take what you happen to be in want 
of." Thus were these things said. 



V. But *when he thought that affairs weie 
now so well settled in Babylon that he might 
venture to travel abroad, he himself prepared 
for a journey into Persia, and gave out orders 
on it to others. And when he judged that he 
was sufficiently provided with the things he 
thought he should want, he departed. Now, 
we will give an account how so great an equi- 
page was, in the most orderly manner, set out, 
and then again put. up together, in the same 
manner, and disposed into the place where it 
ought to be ; for whenever the king encamps, 
they that are about his person attend the ser- 
vice with tents, both winter and summer. 

Cyrus then immediately thought fit to place 
his own tent fronting to the east ; then he first 
directed at what distance from the royal tent 
the guards should pitch theirs ; he then ap- 
pointed the bakers, and those that were con- 
cerned in making the bread, their station on 
the right ; the cooks theirs on the left. To 
the horses he appointed their station on the 
right; and to the other beasts of burden, 
theirs on the left. And all the rest was 
so disposed that every one knew his own 
station, both as to measure and place. When 
they are to put all up, every one packs 
up such baggage as it was appointed him to 
use, and there are others that place it on the 
beasts of burden; so that all• the baggage car- 
riers come up at the same time to the things 
that are severally appointed them to carry ; and 
they all, at the same time, place them on the 
beasts that severally belong to them ; so that 
the same time that suffices for the striking of 
one tent suffices for all. The case is the same 
in the displaying and setting out of all. And 
with respect to the doing all things that are 
necessary in proper time, every one is, in the 
same manner, appointed what he is to do ; and 
by this means the same time suffices for the 
doing things in one part and in all. And as 
the servants that despatched all the necessary 
business had all severally their proper stations, 
so they that bore arms had their stations in 
their encampment suitable to the sort of arms 
they severally had : they knew what their sta- 
tion was, and all disposed themselves in it 
without any hesitation : for Cyrus thought the 
proper placing of things a noble rule in a 
house ; because, if one happen to want any 
thing, it is known whither one must go to 
take it. But the proper placing of the several 
different sorts of military men he reckoned a 



144 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VIII 



much nobler thing ; as the occasions of put- 
ting all to their use, in the affairs of war, are 
more sudden, and the faults arising from those 
that are dilatory in them are of worse conse- 
quence ; and the most valuable advantages in 
war, he observed, arose from having all things 
ready for the occasion. On these accounts 
therefore, he took the greatest care of this pro- 
priety of place. 

First, then, he placed himself in the midst 
of the camp, as being the strongest and secur- 
est station. Then those whom he chiefly con- 
fided in he had, according to custom, about 
himself. Next to these, in a circle round, he 
had the horsemen and charioteers ; for he was 
of opinion that a secure station was necessary 
for these people, because they encamp with- 
out having at hand any of those arms that they 
engage with, and require a considerable time 
to arm themselves, if they are to advance so 
as to do any service. To the right and left 
of himself, and of the horsemen, was the sta- 
tion of the shield-men. The station of the 
archers was before and behind himself and 
the horsemen. The heavy-armed men, and 
such as had large shields, he had in a circle 
round all, as a rampart, that in case there 
was any occasion for the horsemen to make 
Teady, they that were the fittest to make a 
stand being placed before them might give 
them time to arm securely. And as the heavy- 
armed men slept there, in order round him, so 
did the shield men and archers. So that even 
in the night time, if the occasion required, as 
heavy-armed men were ready prepared to come 
to blows with such as came up close with them, 
so the archers and javelin-men, if any people 
approached them, were ready to discharge their 
javelins and arrows over the heads of the heavy 
armed. And all the commanders had ensigns 
on their tents. And as in cities discreet and 
good servants know the habitations of most 
people, but chiefly of those that it is proper 
for them to know, so did the servants of Cyrus 
know the stations that the chief leaders had in 
the encampments, and knew the ensigns that 
belonged to each of them ; so that whatever 
Cyrus might want, they were not to seek for 
them, but ran the shortest way directly to each 
of them. And by means of the several sets 
of people being distinct, it was much the more 
readily observed when any one was disorderly, 
and when any one did not perform what he was 
commanded. And things standing thus, he 



was of opinion, that if any body attacked him 
either by night or day, such aggressor would 
fall into his camp, as into an ambuscade. 

And he did not only think it a part of the 
tactic art for a man to be able to draw up a 
phalanx easily and cleverly, or to increase it in 
depth, or to form a phalanx on the wing, or on 
the enemy's approaching to the right, the left, or 
the rear, to wheel properly, but to separate 
men when it was proper, he took to be a part 
of this art : to post each part where they might 
be most serviceable, and to make despatch 
where it might be fit to prevent the enemy. 
All these things, and such like, he took to be 
the business of a man skilled in tactics. He 
took care of all these things alike ; and in his 
marches he moved always in a disposition suit- 
able to what occurred : but in his encampments 
he placed his people, for the most part, as has 
been said. 

When, in the course of their march, they 
arrived in the Median territory, Cyrus turned 
off to visit Cyaxares ; and after they had em- 
braced each other, Cyrus first told Cyaxares 
that there were domestics and palaces set apart 
for him in Babylon, that when he came thither 
he might have what was his own to come to. 
And he then made him a great many other 
noble presents. Cyaxares received them, and 
sent his daughter to him with a crown of gold, 
and with bracelets, with a collar and Median 
robe, that was as fine as was possible ; and the 
maid put the crown on Gyrus' head. Cyax- 
ares then said : " I give you the maid too, 
Cyrus, for your wife. She is my own daugh- 
ter. Your father married my father's daugh- 
ter, and from her you are descended. This is 
she that, when you were a boy and amongst us, 
you used to fondle ; and when any one asked 
her, "Who she would marry?" she said 
" Cyrus." And with her I give all Media as 
her dowry, for I have no legitimate male issue." 
Thus he spoke, and Cyrus replied : " Ο Cy- 
axares ! I applaud the race, the maid, and the 
presents that attend her : and, with the con- 
sent," said he, " of my father and mother, I am 
ready to agree with you." Thus Cyrus spoke ; 
but yet he presented the maid with all that he 
thought would be pleasing to Cyaxares ; and 
having done this he continued his march to 
Persia. 

And when, in the course of his march, he 
arrived at the borders of Persia, there he left 
the rest of the army ; but he himself, together 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



145 



with his friends, proceeded on to the city, car- 
rying with him such numbers of victims as 
were sufficient for. all the Persians to sacrifice 
and feast on. He brought with hin( such. pre- 
sents as were proper for his father and mother 
and his other friends, and such as were proper 
for the elders and magistrates, and for all the 
alike-honoured. He gave likewise to all the 
Persians, both men and women, such presents 
as the king still makes at this day, when he 
comes into Persia. After this Cambyses as- 
sembled the Persian elders and magistrates who 
had the direction of the greatest affairs : he sum- 
moned likewise Cyrus, and spoke to this effect : 
« Men of Persia, and you, Ο Cyrus ! I have 
justly an affection for you both ; for over you I 
am king, and you, Cyrus, are my son. It is 
just therefore that I should lay before you 
whatever I judge to be of advantage to you both. 
With respect to the time past, you have ad- 
vanced Cyrus in his fortune by granting an 
army, and by constituting him the commander 
Of it. Cyrus, in the conduct of his army, has, 
with the help of the gods, gained you, Ο 
Persians ! glory amongst all men, and honour 
throughout all Asia. Of those that served 
with him the better sort he has enriched, and 
the multitude he has provided with their pay 
and with their maintenance : and by constitu- 
ting a Persian cavalry, he has given the Persians 
a share in the command of the plains. If you 
continue therefore for the future in the same 
sentiments, you will be the authors of many 
advantages to each other. But if either you, 
Cyrus, elevated with your present happy cir- 
cumstances, attempt to rule the Persians as 
you do the others, with regard only to your own 
interest ; or if you, citizens envying him his 
power, endeavour to wrest the empire from 
him, be assured that you will hinder each other 
from obtaining many advantages. Therefore, 
that things may not fall out thus, but rather 
happily for you, my opinion is," said he, « that 
we make a sacrifice in common ; and, calling 
the gods to witness, stipulate that you, Cyrus, 
in case any one make war on the Persian ter- 
ritory, or attempt to destroy the Persian laws, 
shall assist in their defence with your whole 
force : and that you, Persians, in case any one 
attempt to put an end to Cyrus' empire, or to 
excite any of his subjects to revolt, shall yield 
such assistance in defence of yourselves and of 
Cyrus as he shall order. Whilst I live, the 
royal dignity amongst the Persians is mine ; 



when I am dead, it then plainly belongs to 
Cyrus, if he lives. And when he comes into 
Persia, it may be perhaps of religious concern 
to you that he should make these sacrifices for 
you that I now make : but when he is abroad, 
I think it will be proper that that person of 
our race that appears to you to be the most 
worthy should perform the sacred rites." 

On Cambyses* saying this, Cyrus and the 
Persian magistrates joined in opinion with him. 
And having at that time agreed on these things, 
(calling on the gods as witnesses,) the Per- 
sians and the king continue still to this day to 
put them in practice one towards another. 

When these things were performed Cyrus 
went away ; and when he came into Media, in 
his journey back, on its being agreed to by his 
father and mother, he married the daughter of 
Cyaxares, who at this day has still the fame of 
having been extremely beautiful. There are 
some authors who say that he married his 
mothers's sister ; but she must have been a 
woman in years, much more probably than 
one so young. When he had married her he 
presently departed, and took her with him. 

VI. When he was at Babylon he thought 
it now proper for him to constitute governors, 
or satraps, over the conquered nations. But 
the commanders of the garrisons in castles, and 
the commanders of thousands that were ap- 
pointed for the guard of the country, he would 
not allow to obey the orders of any but him- 
self. He used this foresight on consideration, 
that if any of the satraps, by means of their 
riches and the numbers of their people, should 
grow insolent, and attempt to withdraw their 
obedience from him, they might immediately 
meet with opposers on the place. Desiring there- 
fore to bring this about, he determined first to 
call together all the proper persons, and to 
declare it to them, that they who went on these 
employments might know on what footing they 
went; for by this means he thought they 
would the more easily bear it. But if any 
one was first constituted a ^commander and 
then made the discovery, he was of opinion 
that me» would bear this with difficulty, ima- 
gining that it was done out of distrust of them. 

So, assembling them together, he spoke to 
this effect : " My friends, in the cities that 
have been conquered, there are garrisons and 
commanders over them that Ί left there at the 
time; and when I went away I gave them 
orders not to take on themselves any other 
Τ 



146 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VIII. 



business than to preserve the fortresses : there- 
fore I will not deprive these men of their 
power since they have discharged themselves 
handsomely in the guarding of what they had 
in charge. But I think it proper for me to 
send other governors, who shall take on them 
the rule of the inhabitants ; and who, receiving 
the revenues, shall give the garrisons their pay, 
and discharge whatever else is necessary. And 
to those of you here that I shall give employ- 
ment, and send to perform any business in the 
several nations, I think it proper to distribute 
lands and houses there, that the tribute may 
be there paid them, and that they may bring it 
to this place, and when they go thither, that 
they may have what is their own to go to." 
Thus he said. And to many of his friends he 
gave houses and dependents throughout all the 
conquered cities. And these precincts remain 
still at this day in the possession of the descend- 
ants of those who then received them, some 
in one country and some in another, and they 
themselves reside with the king. « And we 
ought," said he, to look out for such satraps to 
go into these precincts as will remember to send 
hither whatever there is that is excellent and 
valuable in every country, that we who are 
here may share of all that is excellent in every 
part ; for if any misfortune befall them, it will 
lie on us to defend them from it." 

Having said this, he ended his discourse. 
And then from amongst his friends, that he 
knew were desirous to go on the terms ex- 
pressed, choosing out such as he thought the 
most proper, he sent them as satraps. To Ara- 
bia he sent Megabyzus ; to Cappadocia Arta- 
batas ; to the Greater Phrygia, Artacamas ; to 
Lydia and Ionia, Chrysantas ; to Caria, Ca- 
dusius, as that people themselves had desired ; 
to Phrygia on the Hellespont and JEolia, Phar- 
nuchus. To Cilicia, to Cyprus, and to the 
Paphlagonians, he sent no Persian satraps, be- 
cause they seemed to have joined of their own 
accord with him in his expedition against Baby- 
lon. But he appointed these likewise a tribute 
that they were to pay, according to Cyrus' es- 
tablishment at that time ; so that there are still 
at this day garrisons belonging to the king in 
the fortresses, and commanders of thousands 
appointed by the king to command those forces, 
and set down in a list belonging to the king. 

The satraps that were thus sent out he be- 
forehand directed to imitate, as near as was 
possible, whatever they saw him practise. 



Arid in the first place, that each satrap, out of 
such of the Persians and of the confederates 
as attended him, should establish a number of 
horsemen and charioteers; and then should 
oblige such as had lands and palaces to pay 
their attendance at his doors, and, practising 
discreet and modest manners, to yield them- 
selves to the service of the satrap, if any occa- 
sion should so require ; and that he should 
discipline at his doors the boys that these men 
had, as was practised by himself; and that the 
satrap should take those that attended at his 
doors out with him to hunt, and exercise him- 
self and those about him in military affairs. 
« And the man," said he, " that in proportion 
to his ability, produces the most chariots, and 
the most and best horsemen, him will I re- 
ward, as an excellent fellow-soldier, and as an 
excellent fellow-guardian and preserver of the 
empire to the Persians and myself. Let the 
best men with you be honoured with the prin- 
cipal seats, as they are with me ; and let your 
table, as mine does, maintain in the first place 
your domestics, and then let it be sufficiently 
furnished to afford your friends to partake of it, 
and allow you every day to reward any one that 
may have done a handsome action. Get your- 
selves parks, and maintain wild beasts. And 
neither set meat at any time before yourselves 
without having taking pains, nor throw food to 
your horses unexercised ; for it is impossible 
for me, who am but one, with all the virtue 
that belongs to human nature, to preserve all 
you in safety and prosperity ; but it is my part; 
making myself a worthy man, together with 
other worthy men about me, to be an assistant 
to you. And it is, in like manner, your part, 
making yourselves worthy men, together with 
other men of worth about you, to be friends 
and supports to me. And I desire likewise 
that you would observe that of all these orders 
that I now give you, I give none to those that 
are of servile condition ; and that the things 
which I say you ought to do, these I endeavour 
myself to practise. And as I exhort you to 
imitate me, so do you instruct those that are 
in command under you to imitate you." 

Cyrus having thus regulated these affairs at 
that time, all the garrisons under the king are 
still at this day kept likewise in the same me- 
thod. The doors of all the commanders are 
frequented in the like manner. All families, 
both great and little, are in the like manner 
regulated. The most deserving men, in all 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 



147 



companies, are honoured with the principal 
seats. All marches are ordered in the same 
method ; and the great multitude of affairs is 
parcelled out into distinct heads, under a few 
principal directors. 

Having told them in what manner they were 
each of them to manage in these affairs, and 
having given to each of them a force, he sent 
them away, and told them all beforehand, that 
in the following year an expedition would be 
undertaken, and a review taken both of men 
and arms, horses and chariots. 

There is another thing that we have ob- 
served, which, they say, was begun by Cyrus, 
and continues to this day ; that there is a certain 
person, who, at the head of an army, takes a 
progress every year ; and who, in case any of 
the satraps want assistance, affords it them, 
and if any of them grow insolent, reduces 
them to temper. And if any neglect the pay- 
ment of his tribute, or the protection of the 
inhabitants, or the care of having the land 
cultivated, or leaves any other of his orders 
unexecuted, he puts all these things to rights ; 
or if he is not able to do it himself, he makes 
a report to the king ; and when the king has 
had an account of it, he takes advice how to 
deal with the transgressing person. And com- 
monly he who takes this progress is the king's 
son, or the king's brother, or one of those they 
call the king's eye. And sometimes they do 
not appear, for they each of them return on 
the first orders from the king. 

We have likewise been informed of another 
contrivance of his, with regard to the extent of 
nis empire, by means of which he had imme- 
diate intelligence of what passed in the most 
remote part of his government : for observing 
how far a horse was able to travel in a day, he 
built stables at that distance, and supplied 
them with horses, and persons to have the care 
of them. And he appointed a certain person 
at each of these stages to receive the letters 
and to deliver them out, and to receive those 
horses that had completed their stage, and to 
furnish fresh ones. And it is said that the 
night did not give any interruption to these 
stages ; for as soon as he arrived who had been 
on his progress all day, another continued it 
during the night. And in this manner they 
are said to fly swifter than cranes ; but though 
that be false, yet it is manifest that this is the 
quickest way of travelling for men. Besides, 
it is of use to have early intelligence of every 
thing, that immediate provision may be made. 



At the conclusion of the year Cyrus assem- 
bled his army together at Babylon, which is 
said to have consisted of one hundred and 
twenty thousand horse, two thousand chariots 
armed with scythes, and sixty thousand foot ; 
and having prepared them for it, he undertook 
that expedition, in which he is reported to have 
subdued all those nations which lie from the 
entrance into Syria as far as the Red Sea. His 
next expedition is said to have been against 
Egypt, which he also subdued. Then Cyrus' 
empire was bounded to the east' by the Red 
Sea, to the north by the Euxine Sea, to the 
west by Cyprus and Egypt, to the south by 
Ethiopia ; the extremities of which countries 
are difficult to inhabit, some of them from ex- 
cess of heat, some of them from excess of cold, 
some from too great abundance of water, others 
from a scarcity of water. 

Cyrus, residing in the centre of hese coun- 
tries,' spent the seven winter months at Baby- 
lon, because that climate is warm, the three 
spring months at Susa, and the two summer 
months at Ecbatana: by which means he is 
said to have enjoyed a perpetual spring with 
respect to heat and cold. And men stood so 
affected towards him, that every nation thought 
they did themselves an injury if they did not 
send Cyrus the most valuable productions of 
their country, whether they were the fruits of 
the earth, or creatures bred there, or manufac- 
tures of their own ; and every city did the 
same. And every private man thought him- 
self rich if he could oblige Cyrus ; for as Cyrus 
accepted from each of what they possessed in 
abundance, so in return he distributed to them 
what he observed they were in want of. 

VII. After he had thus spent some consi- 
derable time, Cyrus, now in a very advanced 
age, takes a journey into Persia, which was the 
seventh from the acquisition of his empire, 
when his father and mother had probably been 
for some time dead. Cyrus made the usual 
sacrifices, and danced the Persian dance, ac- 
cording to the custom of his country, and dis- 
tributed to every one presents, as usual. Then, 
being asleep in the royal palace, he had the 
following dream. There seemed to advance 
towards him a person with more than human 
majesty in his air and countenance, and to say 
to him ; " Cyrus, prepare yourself, for you are 
now going to the gods !" After this appear- 
ance in his dream he awaked, and seemed 
assured that his end drew near. Therefore, 
taking along with him the victims, he sacrificed 






148 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VIII. 



on the summit of a mountain (as is the custom 
in Persia) to Jove Paternal, the Sun, and the 
Test of the gods, accompanying the sacrifices 
with this prayer : 

" Ο Jove Paternal Sun, and all ye gods ! 
receive these sacrifices as the completion of 
many worthy and handsome actions; and as 
grateful acknowledgements for having signified 
to me, both by the victims, by celestial signs, 
by birds, and by omens, what became me 
to do, and not to do. And I abundantly re- 
turn you thanks, that I have been sensible of 
your care and protection; and that, in the 
course of my prosperity, I never was exalted 
above what became a man. I implore you 
now to bestow all happiness on my children, 
my wife, my friends, and my country ; and 
for myself, that I may die as I have always 
lived." 

When he had finished his sacrifices and 
prayer he returned home, and finding himself 
disposed to be quiet, he lay down. At a cer- 
tain hour proper persons attended, and offered 
him to wash. He told them that he had rested 
very well. Then, at another hour, proper of- 
ficers brought him his supper ; but Cyrus had 
no appetite to eat, but seemed thirsty, and 
drank with pleasure. And continuing thus the 
second and third days, he sent for his sons, 
who, as it happened, had attended their father, 
and were then in Persia. He summoned like- 
wise his friends, and the magistrates of Persia. 
When they were all met, he began in this 
manner : 

" Children, and all you, my friends, here 
present ! the conclusion of my life is now at 
hand, which I certainly know from many 
symptoms. You ought, when I am dead, to 
act and speak of me in every thing as a happy 
man : for, when I was a child, I seemed to have 
received advantage from what is esteemed 
worthy and handsome in children ; so likewise, 
when I was a youth, from what is esteemed 
so in young men ; so, when I came to be a man, 
from what is esteemed worthy and handsome 
in men. And I have always seemed to observe 
myself increase with time in strength and vi- 
gour, so that I have not found myself weaker or 
more infirm in my old age than in my youth. 
Neither do I know that I have desired or 
undertaken any thing in which I have not suc- 
ceeded. By my means my friends have been 
made happy, and my enemies enslaved ; and 
my country, at first inconsiderable in Asia, I 



leave in great reputation and honour. Neither 
do I know that I have not preserved whatever 
I acquired. And though, in time past all 
things have succeeded according to my wishes, 
yet an apprehension lest, in process of time, I 
should see, hear, or suffer some difficulty, has 
not suffered me to be too much elated, or too 
extravagantly delighted. Now if I die, I leave 
you, children, behind me, (whom the gods have 
given me,) and I leave my country and my 
friends happy. Ought not I therefore, injus- 
tice, to be always remembered, and mentioned 
as fortunate and happy 1 I must likewise de- 
clare to whom I leave my kingdom, lest that, 
being doubtful, should hereafter raise dissen- 
sions among you. Now, children, I bear an 
equal affection to you both ; but I direct that 
the elder should have the advising and con- 
ducting of affairs, as his age requires it, and it 
is probable he has more experience. And as 
I have been instructed by my country and 
yours to give place to those elder than myself, 
not only brothers, but fellow-citizens, both in 
walking, sitting, aiid speaking ; so have I in- 
structed you, from your youth, to show a re- 
gard to your elders, and to receive the like from 
such as were inferior to you in age ; receive 
then this disposition as ancient, customary, and 
legal. Do you therefore, Cambyses, hold the 
kingdom as allotted you by the gods, and by me, 
so far as it is in my power. To you, Tanoax. 
ares, I bequeath the satrapy of the Medes, Ar- 
menians, and Cadusians ; which when I allot 
you, I think I leave your elder brother a larger 
empire, and the title of a kingdom, but to you 
a happiness freer from care and vexation: for 
I do not see what human satisfaction you 
can need ; but you will enjoy whatever appears 
agreeable and pleasing to men. An affection 
for such things as are difficult to execute, a 
multitude of pains, and an impossibility of be- 
ing quiet, anxiety from an emulation of my ac- 
tions forming designs yourself, and having de- 
signs formed against you : these are things 
which must more necessarily attend a king than 
one in your station ; and be assured these give 
many interruptions to pleasure and satisfac- 
tion. Know, therefore, Cambyses, that is not 
the golden sceptre which can preserve your 
kingdom; but faithful friends are a prince's 
truest and securest sceptre. But do not 
imagine that men are naturally faithful (for 
then they would appear so to all, as other na- 
tural endowments do ;) but every one must 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS, 



149 



render others faithful to himself: and they are 
not to be procured by violence, but rather by 
kindness and beneficence. If therefore you 
would constitute other joint guardians with 
you of your kingdom, whom can you better be- 
gin with than him who is of the same blood 
with yourself] and fellow-citizens are nearer 
to us than strangers, and those who live and 
eat with us, than . those that do not. And 
those who have the same original, who have 
been nourished by the same mother, and grown 
up in the same house, and beloved by the 
same parents, and who call on the same father 
and mother, are not they, of all others, the 
nearest to us 1 Do you not therefore render 
those advantages fruitless, by which the gods 
unite brothers in affinity and relation ; but to 
those advantages add other friendly offices, and 
by that means your friendship will be recipro- 
cally solid and lasting. The taking care of a 
brother is providing for oneself. To whom 
can the advancement of a brother be equally 
honourable, as to a brother 1 Who can show a 
regard to a great and powerful man equal to 
his brother 1 Who will fear to injure another, 
so much as him whose brother is in an exalted 
station ] Be therefore second to none in sub- 
mission and good-will to your brother, since no 
one can be so particularly serviceable or injuri- 
ous to you. And I would have you consider 
how you can hope for greater advantages by 
obliging any one so much as him 1 Or whom 
can you assist that will be so powerful an ally 
in war 1 Or what is more infamous than want 
of friendship between brothers 1 Who, of all 
men, can we so handsomely pay regard to as to 
a brother 1 In a word, Cambyses, your brother 
is the only one you can advance next to your 
person without the envy of others. There- 
fore, in the name of the gods, children, have 
regard for one another, if you are careful to do 
what is acceptable to me. For you ought not 
to imagine, you certainly know, that after I 
have closed this period of human life I shall 
no longer exist : for neither do you now see 
my soul, but you conclude, from its operations, 
that it does exist. And have you not observed 
what terrors and apprehensions murderers are 
inspired with by those who have suffered vio- 
lence from them 1 What racks and torture do 
they convey to the guilty ] Or how do you 
think honours should have continued to be paid 
to the deceased, if their souls were destitute of 
all power and virtue 1 No, children, I can never 
14 



be persuaded that the soul lives no longer than 
it dwells in this mortal body, and that it dies on 
its separation ; for I see that the soul com- 
municates vigour and motion to mortal bodies 
during its continuance in them. Neither can 
I be persuaded that the soul is divested of in- 
telligence, on its separation from this gross, 
senseless body ; but it is probable, that when 
the soul is separated, it becomes pure and en- 
tire, and then is more intelligent. It is evi- 
dent that, on man's dissolution, every part of 
him returns to what is of the same nature with 
itself, except the soul ; that alone is invisible, 
both during its presence here, and at its depar- 
ture. And you may have observed that no- 
thing resembles death so much as sleep ; but 
then it is that the human soul appears most 
divine, and has a prospect of futurity ; for then 
it is probable the soul is most free and inde- 
pendent. If therefore things are as I think, 
and that the soul leaves the body, having regard 
to my soul, comply with my request. But ix 
it be otherwise, and that the soul continuing 
in the body perishes with it, let nothing appear 
in your thoughts or actions criminal or impi- 
ous, for fear of the gods, who are eternal, 
whose power and inspection extend over all 
things, and who preserve the harmony and order 
of the universe free from decay or defect, whose 
greatness and beauty is inexplicable ! Next to 
the gods, have regard to the whole race of man- 
kind, in perpetual succession : for the gods 
have not concealed you in obscurity ; but there 
is a necessity that your actions should be con- 
spicuous to the world. If they are virtuous, 
and free from injustice, they will give you 
power and interest in all men ; but if you pro- 
ject what is unjust against each other, no man 
will trust you ; for no one can place a confi- 
dence in you, though his inclination to it be 
ever so great, when he sees you unjust, where 
it most becomes you to be a friend. If there- 
fore I have not rightly instructed you what you 
ought to be to one another, learn it from those 
who lived before our time, for that will be the 
best lesson. For there are many who have 
lived affectionate parents to their children, and 
friends to their brothers ; and some there are 
who have acted the opposite part towards each 
other. Whichsoever of these you shall ob- 
serve to have been most advantageous, you will 
do well in giving it the preference in your 
choice. But perhaps this is sufficient as to 
these matters. When I am dead, children, do 



150 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VIII. 



not enshrine my body in gold, nor in silver, nor 
any thing else ; but lay it in the earth as soon 
as possible ; for what can be more happy than 
to mix with the earth, which gives birth and 
nourishment to all things excellent and good 1 
And as I have always hitherto borne an affec- 
tion for men, so it is now most pleasing to me 
to incorporate with that which is beneficial to 
men. Now," said he « it seems to me that 
my soul is beginning to leave me, in the same 
manner as it is probable it begins its departure 
with others. If therefore any of you are de- 
sirous of touching my right hand, or willing to 
see my face while it has life, come near to me : 
for, when I shall have covered it, I request of 
you, children, that neither yourselves, nor any 
others would look on my body. Summon all 
the Persians and their allies before my tomb, 
to rejoice for me ; that I shall be then out 
of danger of suffering any evil, whether I 
shall be with the gods, or shall be reduced to 
nothing. As many as come, do you dismiss 
with all those favours that are thought proper 
for a happy man. And," said he, " remember 
this as my last and dying words. If you do 
kindnesses to your friends, you will be able to 
injure your enemies. Farewell, dear children, 
and tell this to your mother as from me. And 
all you, my friends, both such of you as are 
here present, and the rest who are absent — 
farewell !" Having said this, and taken every 
one by the right hand, he covered himself, and 
thus expired. 

VIII. That Cyrus' empire was the noblest 
and most extensive in Asia, is even confirmed 
by itself. It was terminated to the east by 
the Red Sea, to the north by the Euxine Sea, 
to the west by Cyprus and Egypt, to the south 
by Ethiopia ; and though of such an extent, 
was governed by the single will of Cyrus. And 
to those who were subject to him he showed 
all kindness and regard, as to children ; and 
they paid Cyrus duty and respect, as to a 
father. Immediately on Cyrus' death his sons 
fell into dissension; cities and nations re- 
volted ; every thing tended to ruin. To show 
that what I assert is truth, I will begin by 
things divine. 

I know that in the early times of their insti- 
tution, the king, and those that were subject to 
him, were religious observers of their oaths, 
and steady to their promises, even to the most 
criminal. If they had not been so, and that 
opinion of them had prevailed, no one would 



have trusted them ; as at this time no one will, 
since their impiety is notorious : neither had 
the commanders of the army, in the expedition 
with Cyrus, put the confidence in them they 
did ; but, relying on the ancient opinion of 
their faith, they delivered themselves into 
their hands, and being brought to the king, had 
their heads cut off. And many barbarians in 
that expedition perished, hi different ways, by 
their treachery and deceit. 

With respect likewise to these things, they 
are now degenerated from what they were : 
for, in their primitive institution, if any one 
hazarded himself for his king, or subdued any 
city or nation, or performed any great or 
excellent action, he had honours conferred on 
him. Now, if any one, as Mithridates did 
Ariobarzanes, betrays his father, and as Leo- 
mithres his wife and children, and his friend's 
children, left as hostages in Egypt, in violation 
of the most solemn oaths and engagements, he 
is esteemed to have done what is profitable to 
his prince, and is loaded with the highest hon- 
ours. The Asiatics, being spectators of these 
things, are themselves sunk into impiety and 
injustice : for governments always resemble 
their governors, and the prosperity or declen- 
sion, the vigour or decay of all states is derived 
from the virtues and vices, the abilities or 
weakness of their rulers. For this reason 
they are more unjust now than they were for- 
merly. They are likewise more .corrupt with 
respect to riches ; for they do not only imprison 
such as are highly criminal, but the innocent ; 
and, contrary to justice, enforce the payment 
of their arbitrary imposition. So that they 
who have great estates are under the same 
apprehensions as those that are involved in 
great crimes : for this reason, they will not 
associate with the better sort, nor dare they 
enlist themselves in the king's army. There- 
fore those that are at war with them may 
securely ravage the country, without any 
opposition, if they are disposed to do it; 
which is owing to the impiety of the Persians 
towards the gods, and their iniquity towards 
men. Thus are their minds and dispositions 
debauched to what they had been in their first 
institution. 

How defective they are in the care of their 
bodies I will, in the next place, relate. It was 
part of their institution not to spit, or blow 
the nose ; but it is manifest this was not in- 
tended to spare the discharges of the body, but 



INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



151 



they intended to disperse those humours by 
exercise, and by that means to fortify their 
bodies. And the custom of not spitting or 
blowing the nose yet continues, though that of 
exercising is not practised. They likewise 
originally used to make only one meal a day, 
that the rest of the day might be employed in 
action and the despatch of business : and that 
custom yet continues. But, beginning their 
meal very early, they continue eating and 
drinking till the latest sitters up go to bed. 

It was likewise an institution among them 
not to bring large bottles to their banquets; 
evidently thinking that, by not drinking to 
excess they should neither weaken their bodies 
nor impair their understandings. And that 
custom too continues, of not bringing such 
bottles ; but they drink to such excess, that 
instead of bringing in, they are carried out 
themselves, not being able to walk without help. 
It was also a custom of their countries, when 
they were on a journey, neither to eat nor drink, 
nor to do publicly what is the necessary conse- 
quence of both. Abstinence from these things 
yet continues ; but their journeys are so short, 
that their abstaining from these necessities is 
nothing wonderful or extraordinary. 

Formerly they went a-hunting so often, that 
those chases were sufficient exercises for them- 
selves and their horses ; but, since king Ar- 
taxerxes and his companions have debauched 
themselves with wine, they do not so frequently 
go out themselves, nor lead others to those 
chases. Wherefore if some, from a fondness 
for exercise, have gone out a-hunting, they 
have manifestly incurred envy and hatred from 
those who thought it a mark of superiority, 
«and of being better than themselves. 

The custom yet likewise continues of a pub- 
lic education of the children ; but the practice 
of horsemanship is neglected, because there are 
no public assemblies where they can gain ap- 
plause by those exercises. And this institu- 
tion is, in every circumstance, altered. That 
the boys, hearing the just and equitable deter- 
minations of private causes, were instructed in 
justice and equity ; for now they see those cer- 
tainly prevail who give the most exorbitant 
bribes. Formerly, likewise, boys were taught 
the virtues of the several productions of the 
earth, by which means they made use of such 
as were good, and abstained from those that 
were noxious. At this time they seem to be 
only instructed how to do the most hurt ; there- 



fore deaths and poisonings are nowhere so fre 
quent as amongst them. And they are now 
much more luxurious than in Cyrus' time ; foi 
then they practised the Persian institutions and 
temperance, and conformed to the dress and 
elegance of the Medes ; but now they have suf- 
fered the severity of the Persians to be quite 
extinguished, and retain the effeminacy of the 
Medes, which effeminacy and delicacy of theirs 
I have a mind to explain. 

In the first place, it is not sufficient for them 
to have soft couches, but they must have car- 
pets for their feet, that the floors may not, by 
resistance, make a noise, but that the carpets 
may break the sound. There is no diminution 
of what victuals used formerly to supply their 
tables, but new continually invented. And the 
like in sauces ; for they are provided with cooks, 
who supply them with variety in both kinds. 
In winter it is not sufficient for them to cover 
their heads, their bodies, and their feet, but 
they have hair-gloves for their hands. In 
summer, the shade of trees and of rocks does 
not satisfy them ; but under these, men stand 
near them with artificial shades contrived on 
purpose. If they possess a great number of 
cups, they are puffed up with it as a piece of 
magnificence ; and, if these be unjustly ac- 
quired, they do not consider it as infamous ; 
for injustice, and a sordid love of gain, is 
mightily increased among them. Formerly, 
it was a custom of their country never to be 
seen on foot on their journeys, for no other rea- 
son but in order to become more skilful horse- 
men : now, they have more coverings on their 
horses than on their couches ; for they are not 
so careful of what concerns their horses, as to 
sit soft and at their ease. 

With respect to the affairs of war, it is pro- 
bable they should not be very much inferior to 
what they were at first 1 It was customary, in 
the beginning that those who possessed lands 
should furnish horsemen for their army, and 
pay those that were in garrisons, if they fought 
in defence of the country : now, porters, cooks, 
drawers, bed-makers, dressers, waiters at the 
baths, servants at table, and perfumers, are en- 
listed in their horse by the great men, that 
they themselves may make an advantage of 
their pay. These make an appearance in num- 
ber, but are of no use in war ; which is mani- 
fest in experience, for their enemies have a 
freer passage through their country than their 
friends. When Cyrus had broken them of the 



152 



XENOPHON 



[BOOK VIII. 



custom of engaging at a distance, he armed 
with breast-plates both them and their horses, 
and gave every one a javelin in his hand, which 
they might use in a close battle ; but now, they 
neither engage at a distance nor at hand. The 
foot have yet shields and small swords, or cut- 
lasses, as in Cyrus' time, but they will not ven- 
ture to come to an engagement. Neither are 
the chariots of that use Cyrus designed them : 
for he had made brave and skilful drivers, by 
bestowing rewards and honours on them who 
would fall on the heavy-armed part of an army. 
The Persians now, scarcely knowing who are 
in the chariots, imagine that such as are 
unexercised in driving understand it as well 
as those that have practised it : they do indeed 
make an attack ; but before they can break in- 
to the enemy's ranks some of their own ac- 
cord fall off, others jump down and get away ; 



so that the chariots, being without any guides, 
frequently do more injury to their friends than 
to their enemies. Since they themselves have 
been sensible how much they are defective in 
martial affairs, they yield to others, and none 
of them engage in a war without the help of 
the Greeks, whether it be a domestic quarrel 
or with the Greeks themselves ; for they cannot 
engage in a war with the Greeks without the 
assistance of Greeks. 

Now I think I have executed what I under- 
took ; for I say it is evident that the Persians 
and their allies have less piety towards the gods, 
less duty and regard to their relations, are less 
just and equitable in their dealings with other 
more effeminate, and less fitted for war than 
they were in their first institution. If any one 
thinks differently, let him consider their actions, 
and he will find them confirm what I say. 



XENOPHON 



ON THE 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS 



TRANSLATED 



By EDWARD SPELMAN, Esq 

[153] 



PREFACE 



There is not, possibly, a more difficult, a more discouraging, or a more useful task than 
that of a translator ; when I say this, I mean one who writes a translation, not a para- 
phrase, under which name most modern performances of this kind ought to be compre- 
hended. It was very judiciously observed by Mr. Pope, in the preface to his incompara- 
ble translation of the Iliad, that there have not been more men misled in former times by 
a servile dull adherence to the letter, than have been deluded in ours by a chimerical 
insolent hope of raising and improving their author. If these liberties are not to be 
allowed in translating poets, much less ought they to be indulged in translating historians. 
These paraphrasts, it seems, are men of too exalted a genius to stoop to a literal trans- 
lation ; they must improve their author, by adding something which he ignorantly 
omitted, or by omitting something which he thought material; by this means, the 
readers, who cannot compare the translation with the original (for whose use chiefly 
translations are intended) have either some wretched modern interpolation imposed on 
them for the thoughts of an ancient, or lose some of the author's thoughts, which the 
title of a translation gave them a right to. But these gentlemen have another reason 
for paraphrasing, instead of translating, if they will own it ; they find less difficulty in 
clothing modern thoughts in a modern dress, than» in making those of an ancient appear 
gracefully in a language so very different from that in which they were conceived : for 
it is a work of greater difficulty, than those, who have not experienced it, can possibly 
imagine, to give an appearance of novelty to antiquity, to give light to those things, 
which the ignorance of ancient customs and manners has rendered obscure, to give 
beauty to those that are obsolete, to give credibility to those that are doubtful, and above 
all, to give to a copy the air of an original. Yet all these, however difficult, belong to 
the province of a translator ; these are embellishments, which he is to acquire, if he can ; 
but his first duty is fidelity to his author : without that, his performance is not what it 
professes to be, and, in that case, these embellishments, like royal robes upon the back 
of an impostor, are rather a mockery than an ornament. If to the most exact fidelity a 
translator joins beauty of language, strength of expression, and, above all, perspicuity; 
and if, with these, he has genius enough to animate his translation with the spirit of his 
original, he then performs every duty belonging to his profession. I am far from think- 
ing that my translation of Xenophon has all these perfections; on the contrary, I am 
sensible that it is in this, as in most other things, much easier to point out a duty, than 
to fulfil it. But I should be very much wanting in that respect which every author 
owes to the public, if I did not assure them, that no endeavours, no application, no 
labour, has been spared to render this translation fit to be laid before them. If the 
difficulties a translator meets with are considerable, the discouragements he labours 
under are no less so. The great number of anonymous translations, the great number 

155 



156 PREFACE. 

of translations of translations, for which we in England are famou9 ; but, above all, some 
very unfortunate versions of lives from the Greek into our language, to which the 
names of authors justly admired for every other kind of writing are prefixed, show the 
small account the world has reason to make of translations, as well as the difficulty of 
succeeding in them. These considerations, I say, are powerful discouragements to the 
undertaking any thing of this kind ; but, if these are not sufficient to deter, let it be 
considered how unjust away of thinking prevails with most readers; if there is any 
merit in the performance, it is placed to the account of the author; and if any fault, to 
that of the translator. Yet it should seem that translations might deserve more indul- 
gence, when it is considered how many persons of great parts, who happen to be 
unacquainted with the learned languages, particularly with Greek, would, without that 
assistance, be deprived of the satisfaction and improvement of reading ancient histories 
written by ancient authors ; for, I dare say, those, who are conversant with both, will 
allow that those histories are generally so much disfigured and distorted by modern 
relators, as scarce to be known : an instance of this we see in our countryman, Sir 
Walter Raleigh, who has, in my opinion, treated ancient history with more strength and 
dignity than any modern writer of any other nation, and yet, let his account of the battle 
of Cannae, though a military subject, and therefore particularly within his province ; let 
his account, I say, of that battle be compared with the relation given of it by Polybius, 
from whom he took it, and what I have advanced will plainly appear. When I say this, 
I do not mean to insinuate that Sir Walter Raleigh was inferior, either as a soldier or a 
scholar, to Polybius ; for I am thoroughly convinced of his great abilities, his fate alone 
is a proof of them : the only disadvantage he lay under, was in being less acquainted 
with the manners, customs, and discipline of the two contending nations at Cannes ; so 
that I am confident, whoever reads the two relations of that battle, will agree with me 
that a close translation of the account given of it by Polybius, would have been much 
more satisfactory and instructive, to those who cannot Tead the original. 

The reader will observe that I have, in the course of my notes, principally taken notice 
of three translations, that of Leunclavius, of Hutchinson, and of D'Ablancourt; there 
is, besides, an Italian translation of the Expedition of Cyrus by Gandini, which I have 
occasionally consulted ; but, as in cases of difficulty, I found no assistance from thence, 
and, as I thought a criticism upon a translation in a third language would encumber the 
Notes, I have chosen to take no notice of it. I am also sensible there is a Latin transla- 
tion of this history by Stephens, which I have mentioned as occasion required. But 
I cannot part with this subject without taking particular notice of Mr. Hutchinson's 
edition of the Expedition of Cyrus, which I look upon to be the best edited book in the 
world, except the Cyropaedia published by the same author: if I have sometimes differed 
from him, I hope it will be thought I have supported my opinion in such a manner that 
he will have no just reason to find fault with me. I have observed the same conduct 
with regard to D'Ablancourt, the looseness of whose translation I have been frequently 
obliged to condemn ; on the other side, it will be aliowed that I have often commended 
him ; though I cannot carry my commendations of him so far as his countryman Menage, 
who says that D'Ablancourt has surpassed even Xenophon himself in the elegance of 
his style. Another celebrated French critic, Balzac, says, that D'Ablancourt' s transla- 
tion of Xenophon would be incomparable, if he had placed nothing before it, but that his 
preface is so fine, that it obscures the finest things that can be compared to it ; he adds 
that, if it were possible for D'Ablancourt to have lived in the time of Cyrus the Younger, 
and for Xenophon to be now alive, the prefaces of D'Ablancourt would deserve to be 



PREFACE. 157 

translated by Xenophon. The reader will observe, that this forced style was in fashion 
among the French in Balzac's .time, that is, in the infancy of their taste : the writers of 
that age seem to have imposed an obligation upon themselves of being for ever witty ; 
they were often so, but that was not enough ; this eternal straining after wit obliged 
them many times to have recourse to forced turns of thought, and, sometimes, to what 
their language calls Phoebus, that is, shining expressions that seem to signify something. 
After the reader has compared the passages I have taken the liberty to censure in 
D'Ablancourt with the original, he will be able to judge how far he has surpassed 
Xenophon in the elegance of his style, and how far, according to the supposition of 
Balzac, his works might deserve to be translated by Xenophon. But there is an old 
English translation of the Expedition of Cyrus by John Bingham, printed in 1623, and 
dedicated to the Right Worshipful the Artillery Company. The first notice I had of 
this translation was by a note of Hutchinson about the middle of the last book ; he also 
mentions it towards the end of the same book, where Xenophon says Gongylus marched 
out to the assistance of the Greeks βία. τ«ρ Mwrgoc, upon which occasion, Hutchinson says, 
vis pkraseos omnino latuit versionis Anglicanx authorem ,• and, indeed, he had great reason 
to say so ; for, upon looking into Bingham's translation, I find he has rendered that pas- 
sage, " by compulsion of his mother," whereas he should have said, " against his 
mother's will," in which sense all the other translators have rendered it. I do not re- 
member that Hutchinson has taken any notice of this translation but upon these two 
occasions. Finding, therefore, by Hutchinson's note before-mentioned, when I had not 
more than half the last book remaining to complete my translation, that there was an old 
English version of the Expedition, I employed several of the most eminent booksellers 
in town to get it for me, but all in vain ; for none of them could find it, neither would 
they be persuaded there was any such book extant, till I referred them to that note of 
Hutchinson : however, at last I got a sight of it from a public library. Upon comparing 
it with the original, I found the author was a man of some learning, from whence I. con- 
clude that he must have made use of some very faulty edition, otherwise, it is not possi- 
ble that a man of learning (for such he really seems to have been) should ever have been 
guilty of so many mistakes, as are to be met with through the whole course of his trans- 
lation : as to its style, it seems to be, at least, a century older than that in which he writ. 
There is, in the fourth book, a conversation between Xenophon and Cheirisophus, 
in which they rally one another upon the art of stealing, so much practised by their respec- 
tive countries ; the foundation of which raillery is the advice given by Xenophon to steal 
a march to some part of a mountain they were to pass. As the spirit of raillery is, of all 
others, the most likely to be lost in a translation, for that reason, raillery itself is the 
last thing one would choose to translate, if it did not necessarily come in one's way ; 
upon this occasion, therefore, I was in hopes of receiving some assistance from the old 
Engfcsh translation, which I should both have made use of, and acknowledged very rea- 
dily; but, upon examination, I found this passage translated in the following manner, "it 
seemeth to me not impossible to steal some part or other of the hill." After this, I dare 
say, it will easily be concluded that I could entertain no great hopes of any assistance 
from that quarter. Many ancient authors, both Greek and Latin, and particularly those 
who were themselves fine writers, as well as judicious critics, such as Dionysius of Hal- 
icarnassus, and Tully, have celebrated the beauty of our author's style, his perspicuity 
and peculiar sweetness in his composition, which made his writings be called the lan- 
guage of the muses : the latter goes so far as to say, that Lucullus, being sent to make 
war upon Mithridates, which was no easy province, and being unacquainted with the duty 
14 



158 PREFACE. 

of a general, acquired by reading the Expedition of Cyrus, so great a knowledge in the 
art of war, as to owe his victories against that prince to the information he received from 
it. However this may be, we find, by the Commentaries of Caesar, that he often made 
use of the same dispositions against the Gauls, which Xenophon had employed, with so 
great success, against the Persians : but, what is much more for the credit of our author, 
it is obvious that the Expedition of Cyrus was the model of these Commentaries; the 
same elegance, the same clearness of expression, the same unaffected grace, are the dis- 
tinguishing characters of both ; and, possibly, the Greek and Latin languages have nothing 
in their kind more perfect than these two admirable performances. I am sensible that all 
commendations bestowed upon the original, tend to expose the translation to censure, 
which I ought not, in prudence, wantonly to solicit : but I was willing, if I could not do 
justice to Xenophon by translating him, to endeavour to do it, at least, by commending 
him : this may be thought a small amends for the former ; however, the determination 
of this question must be left to the voice of the people, who are still sovereigns in this ; 
and who, as they were formerly remarkable for their justice in deciding the fate of man- 
kind, are still not less so in determining that of their productions ; so that, to use the 
words of my ancestor,* in the preface to his Glossary, I submit my labours and errors to 
the public. 

* Sir Harrv Spelman, who was great great-grandfather to the author. 



J 



AN ACCOUNT 



OF 



Χ Ε Ν Ο Ρ Η Ο Ν 



Xenophon was an Athenian ; his father's name was Gryllus. All that we know of him 
till he attended Cyrus in his expedition, is, that he was a disciple of Socrates. If, to 
have been a disciple of that great man was an instance of his good fortune, the improve- 
ment he made of that education is an instance of his merit ; and, indeed, nothing less 
than the happiest disposition, the best education, and the greatest improvement of both, 
could render Xenophon that universal man we find him in his writings ; his Cyropaedia 
shows him to have possessed, in a sovereign degree, the art of government ; his Expe- 
dition of Cyrus shows him a complete general ; his History, an entertaining, an instruc- 
tive and a faithful historian ; his Panegyric of Agesilaus, an orator ; and his Treatise of 
Hunting, a sportsman; his Apology for Socrates, and the account he gives of his manner 
of conversing, show that he was both a friend, and a philosopher ; and all of them, that 
he was a good man. This appears remarkably in his preserving Byzantium from being 
plundered by his soldiers, who having gained no other reward of the dangerous expedi- 
tion they had been engaged in, but their preservation, were not only strongly tempted to 
plunder that town by the hope of making their fortunes, but justly provoked to it by the 
disingenuous behaviour of the Lacedaemonian governor ; yet these two lawless passions, 
avarice, and revenge, the authority and eloquence of Xenophon quite subdued. 

As Cyrus had assisted the Lacedaemonians in their war against the Athenians, the 
latter looked upon Xenophon's attachment to that prince as criminal, and banished him 
for engaging in his service. After this, Xenophon attended Agesilaus, when he was sent 
for by the Lacedaemonians with his army from Asia ; where the success of his arms gave 
something more than uneasiness to Artaxerxes, who, not without cause, began to fear the 
same fate from Agesilaus, which his successor, Darius, afterwards found from Alexan- 
der ; but the former, by corrupting the Greek cities, and, by that means, engaging them 
to make war upon the Lacedaemonians, suspended the fate of Persia for a time : but, in 
all evils, relief, obtained by corruption, is only a respite, not a cure; for, when Alexander 
invaded Persia, the same low arts were again practised by Darius to recall him from 
Asia by a diversion in Greece ; but these proving ineffectual, the Persians, by trusting 
more to the vices of their enemies, than to their own virtue, became an easy conquest. 
Agesilaus soon aftef he returned, fought the battle of Coronea, where, though wounded 

159 



160 ACCOUNT OF XENOPHON. 

he defeated the Thebans and their allies : at this battle Xenophon was present. After 
that, he retired to Scilus, where he passed his time in reading, the conversation of his 
friends, sporting and writing history. But this place being over-run by the Eleans, in 
whose neighbourhood it was, Xenophon went to Corinth, where he lived till the first 
year of the hundred and fifth Olympiad, when he died in the ninety-first year of his age : 
so that, he must have been about fifty years of age at the time of the expedition of Cyrus, 
which was the fourth year of the ninety-fourth Olympiad, just forty years before. I am 
sensible some learned men are of opinion that he was not so old at the time of the expe- 
dition, though I see no reason to disbelieve Lucian in this particular, who says that 
Xenophon was above ninety years of age when he died. However, this is beyond all 
dispute, that he lived till after the battle of Mantinea, which, according to Diodorus Si- 
cuius, was in the second year of the hundred and fourth Olympiad, because he closes his 
History of the ArTairs of Greece with the account of that battle ; in which account it is 
very extraordinary that he should say nothing more of the most remarkable incident in it, 
ι mean the death of Epaminondas, than that he fell in the action ; but this may be ac- 
counted for by that modesty, which was the distinguishing character of our author, be- 
cause it is well known that Epaminondas fell by the hand of Gryllus, the son of Xeno- 
phon, who was sent by his father to the assistance of the Athenians. It will easily be 
imagined that a general, at the head of a victorious army, then pursuing his victory, could 
not be attacked, much less slain, without manifest danger to the daring enemy, who 
should attempt it. This Gryllus found, for he had no sooner lanced the fatal dart, which 
deprived Thebes of the greatest general of that age, but he was cut to pieces by the 
friends of Epaminondas. When the news of his death was brought to Xenophon, he said 
no more than that he knew he was mortal. 



i 



INTRODUCTION 



Nothing seems to contribute more to the forming a clear idea of any transaction :ji his- 
tory than a previous knowledge both of the persons and things that gave birth tc it; for 
when the reader is once acquainted with the characters and views of the principal actors, 
and with what has been done in consequence of both, the scene unfolds in so natural a 
manner, that the most extraordinary events in history are looked upon in the same light 
as the most surprising phenomena in philosophy ; that is, like these, they are found to be 
the necessary result of such principles as the all-wise Creator has thought fit to estab- 
lish, and, like these, are as little to be wondered at, and as easy to be accounted for. In 
order, therefore, to enable the reader to view the consequences in their principles, and 
contemplate the embryo plant in its seed, I shall lay before him a short account of the 
most remarkable transactions that seem to have had an immediate influence upon that which 
Xenophon has chosen for the subject of his history. The affairs of the Athenians and 
Lacedaemonians had been, for some time before the expedition of Cyrus, so much inter- 
woven with those of Persia, that all three seemed to have had a share in every remarkable 
event that happened to each of them. Thus the supplies of money with which Lysander, 
the Lacedaemonian general, was furnished by Cyrus, enabled him to carry on the war 
against the Athenians with advantage, and, at last, to give them a decisive blow at Mgos 
Potamos, which ended in the taking of Athens ; and, on the other side, the assistance 
which Cyrus received from the Lacedemonians, both by sea and land, in return, en- 
couraged him to an attempt of no less moment than the dethroning his brother Arta- 
xerxes. The several steps which led to this enterprise equally great, unfortunate, and 
unwarrantable, shall be taken notice of in the order of time in which they happened. In 
this short survey, I shall avoid entering into any chronological discussions, which often 
puzzle, seldom inform, and never entertain, but confine myself almost entirely to Diodo- 
tus Siculus, who, besides the character he has deservedly obtained for fidelity and exact- 
ness, had the advantage of living many centuries nearer the transactions he recounts, than 
those who differ from him in chronology, as well as that of consulting many authors, 
whose works are unfortunately lost to modern ages. Neither shall I go further back 
than the taking of Athens by the Lacedaemonians, which happened in the fourth year of 
the ninety-third Olympiad, and put an end to the Peloponnesian war, after it had lasted 
twenty-seven years. The same year died Darius Ochus, king of Persia, after a reign of 
nineteen years, and left his kingdom to his eldest son Artaxerxes, who was born before 
he was king. Parysatis, his queen, the most artful of all women, and mother both to 
Artaxerxes and Cyrus, tried the power of every practice to engage Darius to imitate his 
predecessor, Darius Hystaspes, who preferred his son Xerxes, born after his accession, 
to Artobazanes, who was born before it ; but all her efforts proved ineffectual, and Ar- 
taxerxes succeeded his father without opposition. If the arts of Parysatis could not 
14* V 161 



162 INTRODUCTION. 

prevail with Darius to set his eldest son aside, her fondness for Cvtus not only encouraged 
him to form a design against his brother's life, but rescued him, if not from disgrace, at 
least, from punishment, when it was discovered. The next year, which was the first of 
the ninety-fourth Olympiad, there happened an eclipse of the sun, which is only taken 
notice of, as it is no small satisfaction to find history, upon this occasion, supported by 
astronomy, by which it appears that the eclipse of the sun, mentioned by Xenophon in 
his Greek History, to have happened this year, fell out on the third day of September, 
upon a Friday, at twelve minutes after nine o'clock. The same year Cyrus returned to 
his government in Asia Minor, with a mind more exasperated at his disgrace, than terri- 
fied with his danger, and immediately resolved to repair the disappointment of private 
treason by open hostility ; to this purpose, he addresses himself to the Lacedaemonians, 
who cheerfully espouse his quarrel. This intercourse between Cyrus and the Lacedae- 
monians, could not be carried on so privately, as to escape the notice of Alcibiades, who, 
being banished from his country, was now retired to Grynium, a strong place in Phrygia, 
appointed by Pharnabazus for his residence, to whom he immediately communicates his 
intelligence, desiring him, at the same time, to appoint proper persons to conduct him to 
court, that he might give Artaxerxes an account of the whole : but Pharnabazus, being 
willing to have the merit of a discovery of so great importance, sent persons of trust to 
Artaxerxes to lay the information before him. Alcibiades, suspecting his design, left 
Pharnabazus, with an intention to apply himself to the satrap of Paphlagonia, to the 
end that, through him, he might be recommended to Artaxerxes; but Pharnabazus, 
fearing the king should, by this means, be informed of the truth, prevented his design, 
by ordering him to be put to death. 

The next year, that is, the second of the ninety-fourth Olympiad, brings Clearchus up- 
on the stage ; he makes so considerable a figure in the ensuing history, both by his conduct 
and his fate, that the incident we are going to speak of, which happened just before he 
engaged himself in the service of Cyrus, and which seems to have driven him into it, 
must not be omitted. It seems, the inhabitants of Byzantium being engaged in factions, 
the Lacedaemonians sent Clearchus to compose their differences, who uniting them in 
nothing but their complaints against himself, the ephori recalled him : but he refusing to 
obey their orders, they sent Panthcedas with some troops, to force him to a submission. 
With these he defeated Clearchus, and obliged him to fly to Ionia ; here he was received 
with open arms by Cyrus, to whom his experience in military affairs, his enterprising 
genius, and, possibly, even his rebellion, were, at this juncture, no small recommenda- 
tion ; since, he could not but look upon a man, who had dared to fly in the face of his 
country, as a proper person to bear command in an army, which he was raising to invade 
his own. It was upon this occasion that Cyrus gave him the ten thousand daricks men- 
tioned by Xenophon, with which he levied a considerable number of forces, and engaged 
them in his service. 

The next year Diodorus Siculus passes over without taking notice of any thing relating 
to this expedition, so we may conclude that Cyrus employed it in continuing his prepa- 
rations under various pretences, particularly since we find him in the field early the year 
after. Sardes, the capital of Lydia, and formerly the residence of its. kings, was the 
place of general rendezvous; from hence Cyrus marched at the head of about 12,800. 
Greeks, and 100,000 Barbarians, to dispute the crown of Persia with his brother Arta- 
xerxes ; and, from hence, Xenophon, who came to him at Sardes, begins his history of 
this Expedition. 



INTRODUCTION. 163 

The year, which decided this great contest, was the 783d year from the taking o£ 
Troy, the 351st of Rome, Publius Cornelius, Caesar Fabius, Spurius Nautius, Caius Va- 
lerius, Marcus Sergius, and Junius Lucullus, being military tribunes ; and the fourth year 
of the ninety-fourth Olympiad, Exaenetus being archon at Athens. This expedition has, 
I find, been thought of consequence enough to be taken notice of in the Arundel Mar- 
ble, the 80th era of which has these words : " From the time those, who ascended 
with Cyrus, returned, and Socrates, the philosopher, died, being seventy years of age, 
one hundred and thirty-seven years, Laches being archon at Athens."* 

The year the Greeks returned was the year after they marched from Sardes, since 
Xenophon says they were fifteen months in their expedition, and consequently that year 
was the first of the ninety-fifth Olympiad ; the authority of the Arundel Marble is sup- 
ported by Diodorus Siculus, who says that Laches was archon that year at Athens, and 
that Socrates was put to death the same year. 

* The words of the Arundel Marble are these : , 

Αφ' eu tVai/^flov of /terA ΚΪΡΟΤ ΑΝΑΒΑΝΤΕΣ ΚΑΙ ΣΩΚΡΑΤΗΣ ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦο; έτΕΛΕΤχβ-ί 0«Ο{ ΕΤΗ ΓΔΔΔ 
ΕΤΗ ΗΔΔΔΠΠ ΛΡΧΟΝΤΟΣ Α9ΗΝΗΣΙ ΛΑΧΗτο*. 



XENOPHON 



ON THE 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS 



BOOK I. 

[165] 



CONTENTS OF BOOK I. 



I. Cyrus, younger son to Darius, having been calumniated to Artaxerxes, and accused of treason, returns to the 
government, of which he was satrap, and secretly preparing to make war against his brother, assembles an 
army, principally of Greeks, as though a different expedition was intended.— II. Cyrus marches from Sardis, 
and traverses various countries — Tissaphernes repairs to the king, and informs him of the designs of Cyrus— 
Epyaxa. queen of Cilicia, comes to Cyrus— At her request the army is reviewed— Being arrived at Tarsus. 
Cyrus summons to his presence the Cilician king Syennesis, who, yielding to the entreat ie» of Epyaxa, trusts 
himself within Cyrus's power, and assists him with sums of money.— III. The mutiny of the Greeks detains 
Cyrus twenty days at Tarsus ; for, suspecting the intention of the expedition, they nearly stone to death 
Clearchus, who was for urging them to proceed— Clearchus quells their turbulence— Cyrus having raised the 
soldiers' pay, the Greeks determine to march onward with him. — IV. With their arrival at Issi, arrives also the 
fleet of Cyrus— Marches through part of Syria— Two commanders desert— Cyrus speaks civilly of them ; and 
the soldiers, moved by his humanity and kindness, proceed with more alacrity —Having advanced to Thapsa- 
cus, Cyrus discloses to the Greeks that his expedition is designed against the king— Promises to gratify the sol- 
diers.— V. Cyrus advances along the bank of the Euphrates, encountering great difficulties and losses of hie 
cattle for want of fodder, till he reaches the country over against Carmande, wheece provisions are brought 
him across the river— A dangerous quarrel arises among the Greeks, but the serious exhortation of Cyrus calms 
their animosity.— VI. Orontas, a noble Persian, who had twice been reinstated in the favour of Cyrus, at- 
tempts again to desert to the king; but on the betrayal of his treachery he is seized, and being convicted, is 
condemned to death and executed.— VII. Cyrus, having made some advance in the Babylonian territory, and 
suspecting that the king would appear the next day, musters his troops at midnight, and holds out magnifi- 
cent promises to the Greeks — Marching on with his army in order of battle, he passes a trench dug by the 
king, and then thinking that the latter had abandoned all intention of fighting, he proceeds with more neg- 
ligence.— VIII. Artaxerxes unexpectedly approaches with his army in excellent order— Cyrus and the Greeks 
are alarmed, and quickly arm themselves and form their line — Having taken up their position, the Greeks, 
on the first onset, easily put to flight the Barbarians opposed to them— Cyrus, attended by a few faithful 
friends, fights too eagerly, and attacking the king in person, is himself slain.— IX. The character and enco- 
mium of Cyrus.— X. Artaxerxes pursues Ariaeus, and taking possession of the camp of Cyrus, plunders it— 
Thence he returns against the Greeks, who are victorious on their side— The Greeks again put his army to 
flight, and having recovered their lost baggage, retire to their camp. 



[166] 



THE 



EXPEDITION 1 OF CYRUS.* 



BOOK I. 



I. Ctrus was the youngest son of Darius, 3 by 
Parysatis, and brother to Artaxerxes. Darius 
being sick, and apprehensive of his approaching 
end, desired both his sons might attend him. 
Artaxerxes the eldest being then present, he 
sent for Cyrus from his government with which 
he 4 had invested him, as 5 satrap, having also 



» D'Ablancourt has thought fit to change the title 
given by Xenophon to his history, and, instead of The 
Expedition of Cyrus, to call it, La Retraite des dix 
mille: the reason he gives for it is this, he says, Things 
ought to derive their name from that which is most re- 
markable in them, and that the Expedition is nothing in 
comparison to the Retreat. I own this reason does not 
persuade me ; whatever weight it ought to have bad 
with the author, I think it should have none with a 
translator. 

a Άνα/3ατ5υο;. Every one who is conversant with the 
Greek authors knows, that whenever they speak not 
only of military expeditions, but even of journeys under- 
taken by private persons from the Lesser Asia to Baby- 
lon or Susa, the residence of the Persian kings, they use 
the words χνχβαιναν : the same words came afterwards 
to be applied to the city of Rome, though more rarely. 
Arrian, who, on his Expedition of Alexander, has follow- 
ed our author, not only in the distribution of his work 
into seven books, but in his style as far as he was able, 
has also copied him in bis title, calling his history also, 
«.νχβχσ-ι; Άλίξ<χι>3> ου. Hutchinson thinks that the river 
of that part of Asia in question falling into the iEgean 
and Mediterranean seas, gave occasion to these terms 
avxBxivuv and xxrct&xtvuv ;but it is certain that almost 
all the great rivers of that part of Asia run either to the 
north or south, as the Halys, the Iris, the Thermodon, 
the Tigris, and the Euphrates. 

»Δ*^£ΐ υ και Τίχξυσ•χτι$ος 7 &c. This first period is 
much celehrated by Demetrius Phalareus, as full of dig- 
nity and historical simplicity. 

* K«« o-Tf Ατνιγαν H\ xbrov απιδιι^ί. D'Ablancourt has 
visibly mistaken this passage ; he makes Darius cousti- 



appointed him general of all the people, who 
assemble in the plain of Castolus. Hereupon, 
Cyrus came to the court, accompanied by Tissa- 
phernes as his friend, and attended by three 
hundred 6 heavy-armed Greeks, under the com- 
mand of Xenias of Parrhasie. 



tute Cyrus general at his arrival at court, a sa venue ; 
whereas it not only appears from this passage, but from 
history also, that he was actually invested with that 
employment when he was sent for : I wish the old Latin 
translation, which says, pratorem designate did not lead 
him into this error : Hutchinson has translated it pro- 
perly prafectum designaverat. I said that this also ap- 
peared from history. Our author, in his account of the 
affairs of Greece, mentions a letter to have been written 
by Darius to the people of Lesser Asia, six years before 
this Expedition of Cyrus : in this letter, Darius gives 
them notice of his having appointed Cyrus commander- 
in-chief of those people, who assemble in the plain of 
Castolus. The words of the letter are these : %χτχπιμπω 

Κί/ξΟν χαξχνον των e}$ Καττωλον ν,^ξοιζομενων' το Ss χ*• 
ςχνόν £0~τ» xujio ν. 

» Σ*τ^ί*5Γίκ, though used both by Latin and Greek 
authors, is a Persian word, and signifies a commander, 

a general ; SeiTgasroU, 'Ag^tjjOi, ο-τ^ατηλΜΤιχι, ΐίιςτιχ,*) 

Sir, λίζ»ϊ. Hesychius. Herodotus says, Darius Hystaspes 
appointed twenty of these governments, «e%«s χ«τ6ο-τ>]- 

o-«TO £1X00-4" T«s *ύτο< χ«λ£θυο-» <τχτς χπνιϊχς. 

β ΌπΚίτχς. D'Ablancourt excuses himself for not 
distinguishing these heavy-armed men in his translation ; 
but I do not only think it necessary to distinguish them 
from the light-armed, but to give some account of their 
distinction. There are three different kinds of foot-sol- 
diers chiefly mentioned by our author in the course of 
this history, the ΌπΚιτχι, the ψ«λβι, and the ^«λταο-τα» ; 
of whom, and of their respective armour, Arrian gives 
the following account in his Tactics: το $Α-λ<τ»»ν, sa ya 

he, £%£» $ώξχχχς, xsti κσ-πί&χς π*ξχμ>\χ.ί'ς, x*' /*«?£*'- 
f*;,xtei SogXTX, ως «Ελλ>ιν£?,κ*ι σ-»ξΚΓσχς, ως Metxsiovit;. 

The heavy-armed men have corslets, long shields, and 

167 



168 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



After the death of Darius, and the accession 
of Artaxerxes, 1 Tissaphernes accuses Cyrus to 
his brother of treason. Artaxerxes gives 
credit to the accusation, and orders Cyrus to 
be apprehended, with a design to put him to 
death but his mother having saved him by 
her intercession, sends him back to his govern- 
ment. Cyrus, as soon as he left the court af- 
ter this danger and disgrace, 2 deliberates by 
what means he may no longer be subject to his 
brother, but if possible reign in his palace. 
In this he was 3 supported by his mother 



swords, and pikes like the Greeks, and spears, like the 
Macedonians, το Si ψιλον 6ν«ντ»ώτ«τον t%n τώ 05τλιτ«χώ 
srev, ίτι 7rtg «vtu 5ώξΛχος, x»« «o-jriioj, χχι κνγιμ^ος ) 
χχι x^ivouj' ϊκΐ)6όλοΐ{ το?ί ίπΚοις διχχ,ξώμίνον, τοξιυ/κ*- 
β-«», n «χοντιο»?, r\ σ-φ«ν$Όν*»ί, η λί -^oij ιχ χίίξος. The 
light-armed men are armed in a quite different manner 
from the heavy armed ; they have no corslets, or shields, 
greaves, or helmets, but altogether make use of mis- 
sive weapons, such as arrows, darts, and stones thrown 
by slings, and out of the hand, το S\ ττίΚτχσ-τιχον Si xou- 
φοτιςον /cccv τυγχχνίί ον του όττλιτχχου• γ, γχς πιΧτη, σ-μι• 
X£STffOv τι}? άο -jj-iioi St ιΧχφςοτιςον, xxt τ* ακόντια των 
ίο^βτων Se <rxgt<rcrwv Κιιπομινα, βαξυτίςον Si τοΰ ψίλοΰ• 
The targeteers are armed in a lighter , manner than the 
heavy armed men, for their bucklers are smaller and 
lighter than the shields of the latter, and tbeir darts shor- 
ter than their pikes and spears; but their armour is heav- 
ier than that of the light-armed. These three kinds of 
foot-soldiers are so often mentioned by Xenophon to 
have been employed by tbe Greek generals and parti- 
cularly by himself upon different occasions, according 
to the difference of their armour and manner of fighting, 
that I thought it necessary at first to give the reader a 
clear idea of that difference. 

ι Τισ-ταφίί vnv. This is the same Tissaphernes, over 
whom Alcibiades gained so great an ascendant, that he 
governed him not only in his politics, but in his plea- 
sures. We shall find him in the course of this history 
at the head of the Persian army, that endeavoured in 
vain to cut off tbe retreat of the Greeks. But the 
treachery he was guilty of in relation to the Greek 
generals, after they had incautiously put themselves in 
his hands, must render his name so odious, that it may 
not be unacceptable to the reader to be informed of his 
fate after this history leaves him. Agesilaus being sent 
by the Lacedemonians at the head of an army into 
Asia, and having gained many advantages over the 
Persians, Artaxerxes looked upon Tissaphernes as the 
cause of the ill success of his arms ; and being incensed 
against him by Parysatis, in revenge for his behaviour 
to Cyrus, he appointed Tithraustes to succeed him in 
bis government, with orders to cutoff his head: this 
happened in the first year of the ninety-sixth Olympiad, 
that is, about five years after the expedition of Cyrus. 

J Bi-Ai'jiTsti -'; uvntrt »t» «ττβ» τω χίίλφ*. This 
is rendered by D'Ablancourt il songea aux moyens de se 
vengerde cet affront, which many be a translation of any 
other passage, as well as of this. 

» ΓΙχρνα-χης μϊν S* μητνίξ νπϊίξχι τω Κυ£ω, &c. Leun- 
elavius has translated this passage as if Οπ-ά^χω signified 
here ι*μί in the same sense as Plutarch uses the word, 



Parysatis, who had a greater love for Cyrus 
than for the king Artaxerxes ; and when any 
persons belonging to the court resorted to him, 
he sent them back more disposed to favoui 
him than the king. Besides, he took so great 
care of the Barbarians who were with him, 
as to render them both good soldiers, and af- 
fectionate to his service : he also levied an 
army of Greeks with all possible secrecy, that 
might find the king in no degree prepared to 
resist him. And whenever he recruited the 
garrisons that were dispersed in the several 
cities under his command, he ordered each of 
their officers to enlist as many Peloponnesians 
as possible, and of those the best men they 
could get, under pretence that Tissaphernes 
had a design upon those cities. For the cities 
of Ionia formerly belonged to Tissaphernes, 
having been given to him by the king, but at 
that time they had all revolted from him to 
Cyrus, except 4 Miletus; the inhabitants of 
which being engaged in the same design, and 
Tissaphernes having early notice of their in- 
tentions, put some of them to death, and ban- 
nished others ; these Cyrus received, and rais- 
ing an army besieged Miletus both by sea and 
land, endeavouring to restore the banished 
citizens : thus he made another pretence for 
raising an army ; and sending to the king, he 
desired, that, as he was his brother, he might 
have the command of these cities rather than 
Tissaphernes. In this also he was assisted by 
his mother ; so that the king was not sensible 
of the design that was formed against him but 
looking upon these preparations as directed 
against Tissaphernes, was under no concern 
at their making war upon one another ; for 



speaking of this very thing, ii «t μητηζ υπϊξχε μχκκον 
τον Κΰ^ον βιλοίίσ-* ; but every body knows that 1-σύξχ<* 
with a dative case, signifies to favour : Hutchinson has 
said very properly mater a Cyri partibus st.etit. D'Ab- 
lancourt has thought fit to leave out this period entire- 

iy• 

* Μίλητου. A considerable city of Ionia, not far 
from the mouth of the Maeander : at the time of the 
Trojan war it was inhabited, according to Homer, by 
the Carians, whom he mentions among tne allies of 
Troy. 

Νάσ-τ»5 oeu Κχρων ίί^))τ«το βιχςβχξϋφωνων 
θί M»X>fT0V £JJGV. 

This town, having revolted from the Persians, at the 
instigation of Aristagoras, was retaken by them six 
years after that revolt. About sixty-seven years after 
the time our author speaks of, Alexander took Miletus, 
after a brave resistance from the garrison, consisting of 
three hundred Greeks, then in the service of the king 
of Persia. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



169 



Cyrus sent the king all the taxes that were 
raised in those cities, which had been under 
the government of Tissaphernes. 

He had also another army raised for him in 
the Chersonesus, over against Abydus, in this 
manner. There was a banished Lacedaemo- 
nian, his name Clearchus ; Cyrus, becoming 
acquainted with him, 1 admired the man, 
and made him a present of ten thousand 2 da- 

1 'H>-*<rS>l τ« χυτόν. Αγχμχι' Άχυμχζω. PhavorinU8. 

In this sense I have translated it, though I must own 
I am pleased with what D'Ablancdurt says, Cyrus Ic 
gouta. As Clearchus makes a considerable figure in this 
expedition, our author has given his character at the 
end of the second book ; but there being some particu- 
lars relating to him mentioned in Diodorus Siculus, 
which are not there taken notice of, I thought the read- 
er might not be displeased to be informed of them, for 
which reason I have mentioned them in the introduc- 
tion. 

«Δα^6«κούί. The darick was a Persian gold coin. 
Suidas, Harpocration, and the Scholiast of Aristophanes, 
say it was of equal value with the Attick χξυτοΰς, or 
with twenty silver drachms, that is, the 5th part of a 
silver mine, sixty of which made a talent, which last 
amounted to £193 : 15 : sterling ; so that 10,000 daricks 
will make 33 talents and 1 3d, or £6458 : 6 : 8 of our 
money. On the reverse of this coin was an archer, 
which gave occasion to Agesilaus to say, that he was 
driven out of Asia by thirty thousand archers, meaning 
so many daricks distributed among the Greek cities by 
the king of Persia. The authors before mentioned in- 
form us that this coin did not derive its name from Darius, 
the father to Xerxes, but from another more ancient 
king : who that should be, is not so well understood, 
since Darius Hystaspes, the father to Xerxes, and one 
of the seven Persian noblemen, who put the Magi to 
death, was the first Persian king of that name. I am 
sensible Prideaux is of opinion, that Cyaxares, brother 
to Mandane, and uncle to the first Cyrus, is Darius the 
Mede mentioned by Daniel, from whom, he says, this 
coin took its name, and who caused it to be struck at 
Babylon during the two years he reigned there ; but 
Xenophon, in his Cyropsedia, mentions some of this 
coin to have been found, among other riches, by Cyrus, 
in a castle belonging to Gobryas, even before the taking 
of Babylon by the Medes and Persians. Sir Isaac New- 
ton thinks that Darius the Mede, when he and Cyrus 
took Sardis, melted down all the Lydian money he 
found there, and re-coined it with his own effigies. But 
Xenophon speaks of daricks upon the occasion already 
mentioned even before the taking of Sardis, which pre- 
ceded that of Babylon. It is not possible this could have 
escaped a man, to whom nothing either in history or 
nature was unknown; it is much more probable that he 
looked upon it as an anticipation in Xenophon, which 
opinion, I find, prevails with some learned men. There 
is however a passage in Herodotus in Melpomene, 
which almost inclines one to think, that Darius Hystas- 
pes was the author of this coin, notwithstanding what 
Suidas, Harpocration, and the Scholiast of Aristophanes 
say to the contrary ; he says there, that Darius Hystas- 
pes refined gold to all the pureness that was possible, 
and coined it into money, Δλ^ιο; μ\ ν j^-jo-iov χα$χξώ. 
τχτον Λ7Γίψϊ•ΐΓα$ lij το ίυνατώτατον } νίμκτμχ ίβόψατο. 

15 



ricks; with which money Clearchus raised an 
army, and marching out of the Chersonesus, 
made war upon the Thracians, who inhabit 
above the Hellespont, which, being a great 
advantage to the Greeks, induced the cities 
upon the Hellespont to subsist his forces with 
greater cheerfulness. Thus was this army also 
secretly maintained for his service. Aristip- 
pus of Thessaly, between whom and Cyrus 
there was an intercourse of 3 hospitality, being 
oppressed by a contrary faction at home, came 
to him, demanding two thousand mercenaries, 
and their pay for three months, in hope, by 
their assistance, to subdue his adversaries. Cy- 
rus granted him four thousand men, and six 
months' pay, desiring him to come to no terms 
with his adversaries without 4 consulting him. 
In this manner the army in Thessaly was also 
privately maintained for his use. At the same 
time he ordered Proxenus, the Boeotian, a friend 
of his, to attend with all the men he could raise, 
giving it out that he designed to make war 
upon the 5 Pisidians, who, it was said, infested 
his country. He then ordered Sophsenetus the 



Now it is certain that all authors celebrate the daricks 
for the fineness of the gold ; and, a few lines before, the 
same author says, Darius did this with a view of leav- 
ing behind him such a monument as no other king had 

done, μνημνα-υναν Ίχντω Χίπίτ^χι τούτο το μ>\ κλλαι ίΐή 
βχα -iKtt ■Λατίξγ-χτμίνον. 

3 Ζ'ινΟζ. Ζίνος χχΚιιτιίΐ ό υποδεχόμενες, κχί ο υποδιχ- 
3•£ΐ'ί. Phavorinus. In the same manner kospes, every 
one knows, has both an active and passive signification. 
These rites of hospitality were of ancient date, and of 
so sacred a nature, that Jupiter himself was thought to 
preside over them, and to punish the violations commit- 
ted against them, for which reason he was called Ξίνι^• ; 
with whom Ulysses in Homer endeavours, to very little 
purpose, to threaten Polypheme. 

Ζΐνς J* επίτιμήτως ιΧίτάων τε ζιινων τ« 
SuvtOg, Ις ζανοκτιν χμ' c*»£oioio-»v οττνιίει. 
This tradition Virgil has, among many others, transplant- 
ed into his JEneid ; where the unhappy Dido, when she 
first entertained her Trojan guest, implored the favour of 
Jupiter : 

Jupiter, hospitibus nam te dare Jura loquuntur. 
Pliny has translated itvnf, fiospitalis, in the account ho 
gives of a statue of Jupiter under that denomination; 
this statue was the work of Pampliilus a disciple of 
Praxiteles, and to be seen in the collection of Asinius 
Pollio. The same word signifies mercenaries a little 
lower, whence comes ζίν•τΕύίο-5*<, ^ιο-^οφο^ικ, £ίΐΌ» <Γ« 
οί μιο-θ-οψο^οι. Harpocration. 

* Συμζου\εντητχ.ι. The difference between σ-υμΖουΚιύε- 
o-cfscf, and σ-υμϊουΚεύαν, appears very particularly from a 
passage in Herodotus in Polyhymnia, ο-νμζουκευομένου 
tj xv σ-υμζτνΚευσ-ειε rx'xgtcTx , where the former signifies 
to ask advice, and the latter to give it. 

* ΐΐΜΓ,ΐί., The Pisidians inhabited the mountainous 
part of Asia Minor, which lies between the Phrygians, 
Lydians, and Carians, to whom they were very trouble 
some neighbours. 

w 



170 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



Stymphalian, and Socrates the Achaian, with 
whom also he had an intercourse of hospitality, 
to come to him with as many men as they 
could raise, pretending to make war upon Tis- 
saphernes, in conjunction with the banished 

ι Milesians. These too obeyed his commands. 

/ J Having now determined to march into the 
Upper Asia, he pretended his design was to 
drive the Pisidians entirely out of the country : 
and. as against them, he assembles there both 
his Barbarian and Greek forces ; commanding 
at the same time Clearchus with all his troops 
to attend him, and Aristippus to come to an 
agreement with his fellow-citizens, and send 
his army to him. He also appointed Xenias 
the Arcadian who had command of the merce- 
naries in the several cities, to come to him with 
all his men, leaving only sufficient garrisons in 
the citadels. He next ordered all the troops 
that were employed in the siege of Miletus, 
together with the banished % citizens, to join 
him, 1 engaging to the last, if his expedition was 
attended with success not to lay down his arms, 
till he had restored them. These cheerfully 
obeyed him (for they gave credit to what he 
said), and, taking their arms with them, came 
to Sardes. Xenias also came thither with the 
garrisons he had drawn out of the cities, con- 
sisting of four thousand heavy-armed men. 
Proxenus brought with him fifteen hundred 
heavy-armed and five hundred 2 light-armed 
men. Sophaenetus, the Stymphalian, a thousand 
heavy-armed ; Socrates, the Achaian, about 
five hundred heavy-armed ; Pasion, the Maga- 
rean, seven hundred men. Both he and So- 
crates were among those who were employed 
in the siege of Miletus. These came to him 
to 3 Sardes, Tissaphernes observing all this, and 
looking upon these preparations as greater than 
were necessary against the Pisidians, went 4 to 
the king with all the haste he could, taking 

irrfx- ice. This sen- 

tence is thus translated by D'Ablancourt, avec assurance 
de ue plus f aire & enlreprisc atant leur retablissemaU, 
which h ao apparently foreign from the author's sense, 
that it is unnecessary to make any observations upou it. 

These are the game with y<>-'-', mention- 
ed above. 

Sardes was the capital of Lydia, and the 
s^at of ite Lings ; the first Cyrus took it after a siege of 
fourteen days, and in it Croesus, after he had reigned as 
many years. It w as afterwards set on fire by the Ioni- 
an*, and with it the temple of the goddess Cjbele; which 
was the pretence afterwards made use of by Xerxes for 
burning the temples of the G 
« '::.- £*=-./..*. it '.• frequently used by the Attic 



with him about five hundred horse ; and the 
king being informed by Tissaphernes of the 
intended 5 expedition of Cyrus, prepared him- 
self to oppose him. 

Cyrus, with the forces I have mentioned, 
marched from Sardes ; and advancing through 
Lydia in 6 three days, made twenty -two " para- 
sangs, as far as the river Msander. Thie 

writers for *£•*, which possibly may be understood. In 
this sense it is employed in the first of those two verse• 
which Pompey repeated, when he pnt himself in the 
hands of Ptolemy, king of Egypt. 

'OffTij yx( *{ TVf «v>cr ϊμτ'.ξ vjtrsi 

* Tei J . Χτ&λί{ xxt τ9 5τ*ζ<χί» rrpaTfvii». 

Saidas. mi '■>, 1»• γης «•£■«•. Phavorinus. The author 
first mentioned quotes a passage out of Arrian, in which 
is taken in the same sense our author uses it in 
this place. Σ»;χ<ι; μχϊ** ts» <ττβλο» &χηχΐκς in tij» 
= •.τ:. i-.t.i3.zitx. ^trl/UMr, iz-jyt. 

■ Στχ'τμ-..: Tgcfg . I have said three days' march, in 
the same manner as the Roman authors say, tertiis cos- 
tris. without any regard to the particular distance from 
one place to another, but only to the motion of the army. 
In this I am confirmed by Diodorus Siculas, who speak- 
ing of the march of the Greek army in their retreat 
through the country of the Mosyncecians. explains otr• 
ι ;, mentioned by our author upon that occasion, 

by ίν ϊμίξχι; 5XT». 

ι ΙΙχξΧΓχγγχς. Tlxfxrxy .a«e»T• 

Hesvchiui. Herodotus says the same 
thing. On the other hand, Strabo says, some make it 
sixty, others thirty or forty stadia; but this may in 
some degree be reconciled by the Etymological Lexicon, 
which explains it thus, ~χξ x^xyyx•, rg«aM»Tfl γτ:-.ι 
rxtx ΐΙί(σ-χ>; } νχς * A - χ ; so that the 

parasang was thirty stadia among the Persians, and 
sixty among the Egyptians: but as the march of the 
Greek army, described by our author, lay through Per- 
sia, there can be no doubt but he followed their account. 
It may not be improper to observe, that a stadium coo 
tains one hundred If/ymtm* or fathoms, era 
ir.x-r:: Phavorinus, that is, 600 feet, igyytx, being ac- 
cording to the same author, i ίχτχης τ»» Zf'e m *"•>* T f 
tut.•. Γτν.'τ:-.;. that is, a fathom. I know very well, 
that the Greek foot contained .0675 decimals more than 
an English foot, so that whoever has a mind to be exact, 
must compute according to that fraction. As the para- 
sang, stadium, and plethrum are frequently mentioned in 
the course of this history, I thought it proper to explain 
them at first, that we may have done with them : the ple- 
thrum has not yet been taken notice of: Suidas says it 
contains one hundred feet, 

or, as both he and Phavorinus affirm, together with the 
Greek scholiast upon this passage of Homer, where be 
speaks of 1 

Ό Pir'fnu *.•.'.- 

the sixth part of a stadium, 
that is, one hundred feet. As the Latin fongue has no 

j word to expr ■ this sense, with accuracy, 

j jugerunL, signifying a square measure, (though I am 
sensible the poets use it also for ar>.tr f s») the Latin 

' translators have thought themselves under a necessity of 
using the word plethrum : I hope I shall also be allowed 
to use Ihe words parasang, stadium, and plethrum, after 

I having explained them. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



171 



river is two plethra in breadth ; and having a 
bridge over it, supported by seven boats, he 
passed over, and advanced through Phrygia, 
making in one day's march eight parasangs, to 
Colosea, a large city, rich and well inhabited, 
where he staid seven days, when Menon the 
Thessalian, came to him, with a thousand 
heavy-armed men, and five hundred targeteers, 
consisting of Dolopians, /Enians, and Olyn- 
thians. From thence he made, in three days' 
march, twenty parasangs to Celaense, a city of 
Phrygia, large, rich, and well inhabited. Here 
the palace of Cyrus stood, with a large 1 park 
full of wild beasts, which Cyrus hunted on 
horse-back, when he had a mind to exercise 
himself and his horses. Through the middle 
of this park runs the river Mseander, but the 
head of it rises in the palace ; it runs also 
through the city of Celamse. There is besides 
a fortified palace belonging to the 2 great king in 
Celaense, at the head of the river Marsyas, under 
the citadel. This river likewise runs through 
the city, and falls into the Maeander. the Mar- 
syas is twenty-five feet broad : here Apollo is 
said to have slain Marsyas, whom contending 
with him 3 in music, he had overcome, and to 
have hung up his skin in the cave, from whence 
the springs flow : for this reason the river is 
called Marsyas. Here Xerxes, when he fled 
from Greece after his defeat, is said to have 
built both this palace and the citadel of Ce- 
laense. Here Cyrus staid thirty days, and hither 
Clearchus the banished Lacedaemonian came 
with a thousand heavy-aimed men, five hundred 
Thracian 4 targeteers, ahd two hundred Cretan 



Hlx^xSstco;. This word is, no doubt, of Persian 
original, and like many other Persian words, as Julius 
Pollus says, commonly used by the Greeks. These 
parks, planted with stately forest and fruit-trees of ev- 
ery kind, well watered and stocked with plenty of wild 
beasts, were very deservedly in great request among 
the Persians. Plutarch tells us, that Tissaphernes, to 
show his opinion of the elegance of Alcibiades's taste, 
gave this name to that which belonged to him. The 
ecclesiastical writers after St. Jerome have thought fit 
to translate the garden of Eden in Moses, Paradisus 

Voluptatis; and the Septuagint Iv τω πχξ%$ίΗΓω τςυφης, 

making Eden an appellative, though they oftener make 
it a proper name. The English translation says the 
garden of Eden, which agrees with the Hebrew. 

a M £ y»\ou β*τίΚί»ς. This is the title given by all 
the Greek authors to the king of Persia, which is pre- 
served to the successors of Mahomet in that of the 
Grand Seignior. 

» n.= f » σ-οφ.^ς. Hutchinson has proved from several 
authorities that ο-οφ<* in this place signifies skill in mu- 
sic, rather than wisdom. 

* Πίλτίίο-τ«ι, Here πίλτχττχ» seems to be taken in 



archers. At the same time Sosias the Syra- 
cusan came with a thousand heavy-armed men, 
and Sophaenetus the Arcadian with a thousand 
more. Here Cyru3 reviewed the Greeks in 
the park, and took an account of their num- 
bers; they amounted in the whole to eleven 
thousand heavy-armed men, and about two 
thousand targeteers. 

From hence Cyrus made in two days' march 
ten parasangs, and arrived at Peltae, a city 
well inhabited : there he staid three days, dur- 
ing which Xenias the Arcadian solemnized the 
5 Lupercalian sacrifice, and celebrated a game ; 
the prizes were golden 6 scrapers ; at this game 
Cyrus was present. From thence he made in 
two marches twelve parasangs, and came to 
the market of the Cramians, a city well inhab- 
ited, the last of the country, of Mysia. From 
thence he made in three days' march thirty pa- 
rasangs, and arrived at a well peopled city, call- 
ed 7 the Plain of Caystrus, where he staid five 
days. There was now due to the soldiers 
above three months' pay, which they, coming 
often to 8 his door, demanded. He continued 
to give them hopes, and was visibly concerned ; 
for he was not of a temper to deny money, 
when he had it. Hither Epyaxa, the wife to 
Syennesis king of the Cilicians, came to Cyrus ; 



a comprehensive sense, and to include all those who 
were not heavy-armed men. 

* Tx Λυχχιχ. This was an Arcadian sacrifice, insti- 
tuted in honor of Pan, and brought by Evander into 
Italy, when he, with his followers, settled upon the 
Palatine Hill. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, from whom 
I have this, adds, that after the sacrifice was over, the 
priests ran through the streets naked all but their mid- 
dle, which was covered with the skins of the victims 
newly sacrificed ; this sacrifice, he says, continued to 
his time, which is confirmed by Dion Cassius and Plu- 
tarch. Virgil has taken notice of this circumstance of the 
Lupercalian priests running naked, among the other 
points of history, with which the shield of iEneas is 
embellished. 

Hie exultantes Sahos, nudosque Lupercoe, 
Lanigerosque apices, et lapsa ancilia coelo 
Extuderat. 

«ΣτΚίγγιΧίς. In Latin, strigiles. They were instru- 
ments used in bathing, both by the Greeks and Ro- 
mans ; with these they scraped their bodies. D'Ablan- 
court has rendered it, des etrillcs d'or ; for which he 
makes an excuse: the best I can make for the word I 
have made use of is. that I know no other. 

' k*u(tt ( ou sriiiov. D'Ablancourt suspects this pas- 
sage to be corrupted : but Hutchinson says, this plain 
may very probably have given name to the city. 

β Ίοντί,• {τη τχζ averts. The custom of attending at 
the door of the kings of Persia, was introduced by the 
first Cyrus, as wefindinlheCyropcedia, οίτα,κχι νυν { τ« 

ττοιοΰην of X.XTX την Άο-»αν νπο /3»o-»\s< outs; $Bgx7ri\iov<rt 

t«s των «έχοντα.!/ 9^<>s!c. it was in use as long as the 
Persian empire. This compliment was paid tothesatrap* 



172 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book t. 



it was said she made him a present of great 
sums of money. Cyrus therefore gave the 
army four months' pay at that time. The Ci- 
lician queen had a guard of Cilicians and As- 
pendians ; and Cyrus was reported to have an 
amour with her. 

From thence he made, in two days' march, 
ten parasangs, and came to the city of 1 Thym- 
brium, a town well inhabited. Here was a 
fountain near the road, called the fountain of 
Midas, king of Phrygia, where Midas is said to 
have 2 caught the satyr, by mixing the, fountain 
with wine. From thence he made, in two 
days' march, ten parasangs, and arrived at Ty- 
riKum, a populous town, where he staid three 
days. And here, it is said, the Cilician queen 
desired Cyrus to show her his army ; in com- 
pliance therefore with her request, Cyrus re- 
viewed in the plain, both his Greek and Bar- 
barian forces ; ordering the Greeks to dispose 
themselves, according to their custom, and 
stand in order of battle, and that each of the 
commanders should draw up his own men ; so 
they were drawn up 3 four deep. Menon had 
the right with his people, and Clearchus the 
left with his men ; the rest of the generals be- 
ing in the centre. First therefore Cyrus viewed 
the Barbarians, (they marched by him drawn 
up in troops 4 and companies,) then the Greeks, 
Cyrus driving by them on a car, and the Cili- 
cian queen in a chariot. 5 They had all brazen 
helmets, scarlet vests, greaves, and burnished 



as well as to the kings. It is possible the name of 
the Port given to the court of the Grand Seignior was 
derived from hence, rather than from the great gate 
leading to the seraglio, as is generally thought. 

ι θνμΖςκίν. A town of Phrygia. 

αθιιίΕυο-αι. I have translated this in the same man- 
ner as if our author had said λ*β.<ιν, which is the word 
made use of by Maximus Tyrius, speaking of this ad- 
venture ; λί^άνίΐ τον Χχτυξον χΐξχσ-χς ojvoo x^vuv. — 
For this reason I am of opinion, that satyrum venatus 
is not so proper in Leunclaviusand Hutchinson. 

* Ετι τ£ττί { ι>. This is what Arrianin his Tactics 
calls τίν τάςιν ίχτίίνχ» isri τίσ-σ-χξχς. Leunclavius and 
Hutchinson have said, in quaternis dispositi, which, I 
think, signifies rather that they were drawn up in pla- 
toons of four men each. D'Ablancourt is much clearer, 
a guatre de hauteur. 

4 k«t» ιλι,-, ηχι axtx regfff. *Im in Greek, and 
turma in Latin, are proper to the horse, as τ»;ίΐ; and 
eohors are to the foot; though I know there are some 
examples where the two last are applied to the horse 
also ; however in this place there can be no doubt but 
τ*ξι«{ signifies companies of foot. 

*•Α(μχμχ^γ,;. Plutarch employs this word for a 
close carriage used by women. D'Ablaneourt has not 
distinguished it in his translation from »/**;*. 



shields. 'After he had 6 passed by them all 
he stopped his car in the centre of the front 
and sending Pigres his interpreter to tht 
Greek generals, he ordered the whole line " 
to present their pikes and advance in order of 
battle : these conveyed his orders to the sol 
diers ; who, when the trumpets sounded, pre 
sented their pikes and advanced ; then, march 
ing 8 faster than ordinary, with shouts, ran ot 
their own accord to the tents. Upon this 
many of the Barbarians were seized with fear • 
the Cilician queen quitted her chariot, and 
fled ; and the sutlers leaving their commodi- 
ties, ran away : the Greeks not without 
laughter, repaired to their tents. The Cili- 
cian queen, seeing the lustre and order of their 
army, was in admiration, and Cyrus pleased to 
see. the terror with which the Greeks had 
struck the Barbarians. 

Thence, in three days' march, he made twen- 
ty parasangs, and came to Iconium, the last 
city of Phrygia, where he staid three days. 
Thence he made in five days' march, thirty 
parasangs through Lycaonia ; which being an 
enemy's country, he gave the Greeks leave to 
plunder it. From hence he sent the Cilician 
queen into Cilicia the shortest way, and ap- 
pointed Menon the Thessalian, himself, with 
his soldiers, to escort her. Cyrus, with the 
rest of the army, moved on through Cappa- 
docia, and in four days' march, made five and 
twenty parasangs to Dana, a large and rich 
city, well inhabited. Here he staid three days, 
during which he put to death Megaphernes, 
a Persian, one of his courtiers, 9 with another 



β Έ?ίΐ πά,ντας πχςϊ,κχα-ί. This is rendered by D'Ab- 
lancourt, apres les avoir contemple. 

TieoZxKurbxt tx irr\x. There is a passage quoted 
by Suidas out of Demosthenes in his first Philippic, in 
which v(cZxkKi<r$xt is used in the same sense our au- 
thor uses it here, 3Γ{0?χλλ£(Γ.?χ< Si τϊ; %,ugx; xai £λ£- 
Trttv εναντίον curt 9*βί», »»« ibiKa, where Suidas ex- 
plains πξθΖχΚ\ι<Γ$χι τχ; χίΐξχ; by ϋ-ξθτ£»ν»ι τχ; χαςχ; 
J.•, ας μχγ,ν,ν ; SO that πξϊζχκκον τχ άπΧχ will be the 

same with χχ$ί> τχ είςχτχ, a word of command men- 
tioned by Arrian in his Tactics. D'Ablancourt has, I 
I think, said very properly qu'ils fissent baiseer les pi- 
ques. 

t θίττον. I am sensible that Άχττον is not always 
used in a comparative sense ; it sometimes, though 
rarely, signifies no more than Λ W«, τχχ<ως, as Hesy- 
chius explains it; however, it is generally used in the 
sense I have given it by the Attic writers, ©xttcv 'At. 
τιι«ι• τχχιον, Έλλ^ι £-". Pbavorinus. 

s Φοίνίχιο-τκν ρ*ο-ιλ£*ον. I have never met with the 
word φο&ιχισ-τν.ς in anyauthor butXenophon,orin any 
Lexicon ancient or modern, but Hesychius, whoqwoies 
this passage without explaining it; so that the readers 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



173 



person who had a principal command, accus- 
ing them of treachery. Thence they prepared 
to penetrate into Cilicia ; the entrance l was 
just broad enough for a chariot to pass, very 
steep, and inaccessible to an army, if there had 
been any opposition ; and, Syennesis was said 
to have possessed himself of the eminences, 
in order to guard the pass ; for which reason, 
Cyrus staid one day in the plain. The day 
after, news was brought by a messenger that 
Syennesis had quitted the eminences, upon 
information that both Menon's army were in 
Cilicia, within the mountains, and also that 
Tamos was 2 sailing round from Ionia to 
Cilicia with the galleys that belonged to the 
Lacedaemonians, and to Cyrus, who immedi- 
ately marched up the mountains without op- 
position, and 3 made himself master of the 
tents, in which the Cilicians lay to oppose his 
passage. From thence he descended into 
a large and beautiful plain, well watered, and 
full of all sorts of trees and vines ; abounding 
in 4 sesame, panic, millet, wheat, and barley ; 
and is surrounded with a strong and high ridge 
of hills from sea to sea. 



and translators are left to shift for themselves as well as 
they can. Leunclavius and Hutchinson have said re• 
gium purpuras tinctorem, which I can by no means 
approve of, since the king's purple dyer does neither 
seem to be a proper person to attend Cyrus in a mili- 
tary expedition, neither does' he appear a proper ac- 
complice in a design of this nature, with so considerable 
a person as the other is represented. D'Ablancourt 
has said maitre de sa garderobe; this indeed answers 
the two objections I made to the other interpretation, 
but I am apt to believe, if Xenophon had designed to 
denote any particular notice, he would have made use 
of the article, and have said τοι» φοιν»χ,ισ•την βχ<π\ειον, 
Η. Stephens has employed a very classical word, purpu- 
ratus, which answers properly to φ ο < ν» ξ, whence, φο«- 
νι*.ι<π*,ς is derived ; this is the sense I have given to the 
word, though I am very far from being fond of it. 

» Λ Η Si Ε»<τβολ>ι. This is the pass which Arrian calls 
t«s πυ\ας t>ij ΚιΚιχιχς, which Alexander possessed 
himself of, as he marched into Cilicia to engage Darius. 
The day before, he encamped in the place, where we 
now find Cyrus, χφιχομενος, says Arrian, επι το Κυ^ου 
του ζυν =svo<»>cuvti (ττςατοπίδον, where he left Parmenion, 
when he went himself to attack the pass. 

a Ιϊίςιπ\ίϊυ(τχς. Hutchinson very justly observes, 
that πίξ>π\ιιν is properly used by Xenophon to describe 
the course a ship must take from the coast of Ionia to 
that of Cilicia ; but this has not been preserved either in 
his or Leunclavius's translation, any more than in that of 
D'Ablancourt. 

» Έ'λΕ. I have followed the conjecture of Muretus, 
who reads *u\t instead of ει$ε, in which I am supported 
by Hutchinson. 

* Σγισ-χμον. This plant is common in the Levant, 
and is called by Tournefort, digitalis orientalis ; of the 
seed of which they make an oil, that is good to eat, and 
15* 



After he had left the mountains, he advanced 
through the plain, and having made five and 
twenty parasangs in four days' march, arrived 
at 5 Tarsus, a large a/id rich city of Cilicia, 
where stood the palace of Syennesis king of 
Cilicia ; having the river 6 Cydnus running 
through the middle of it, and is two hundred 
feet in breadth. This city was 7 abandoned by 
the inhabitants, who, with Syennesis, fled to a 
fastness upon the mountains, those only except- 
ed who kept the public houses : but the inhabi- 
tants of 8 Soli and Issi, who lived near the sea, 
did not quit their habitations. Epyaxa, the 



for several other uses. Panic and millet are so like one 
another, that they are scarce to be distinguished but by 
the manner in which they bring forth their grain, the 
former bearing it in ears, and the latter in bunches ; 
they both make very bad bread, and are chiefly used to 
fat fowls. D'Ablancourt has thought fit to render this 
period by remplie de toutes sortes de.fruits et de grains ; 
but his reason for it is still more curious than his trans- 
lation. I was so much entertained with the vivacity of 
it, that I cannot help transcribing his words: Je Vai 
tranche, says he, en deux mots, pour ne pas venir a un 
detail ennutyeux. 

ϊ Τχςσ-ους. Tarsus, a considerable c\ty of Cicilia, was 
built by Sardanapalus, who built both that and Anchia- 
lus, another city not far from it, in one day; which, 
though incredible to those who do not consider how 
many millions of men the Assyrian kings had at their 
command, is however attested by an Assyrian inscrip- 
tion, which Arrian has translated. This inscription was, 
it seems, engraved on the monument of this prince, upon 
which stood his statue, in the attitude of a person who 
expresses a contempt, with his hands clapped together, 
or, as Strabo says, I think more probably, by seeming to 
snap his fingers. The sense of this inscription is so very 
philosophical, that I cannot omit it, though at the same 
time, the phrase is so very libertine, that I shall not 
translate it. Σχς$χνχπχ\ος Λ ο Ανχχυνδχξχζον παις, Αξ• 
%ixXov χχι Τχξθ -ov ευ ^μεςχ μιχ εδε ιμχτο. <τυ St, ω ξίνί, 
(<τβιε, χχι ττινί, χχι ττχιζε,^ως τ' χ\\χ τχ χν$ρω7Γΐνχ ουχ 

οντχ τούτου χζιχ: instead of πχιζι, others read οχευε, 
which Arrian says is the sense of the Assyrian word : 
and which Plutarch, speaking of this inscription, has 
rendered by «φροΑΝο*»*^. 

β Kuivof. This river rises out of mount Taurus and 
running through a clean country, is remarkable for the 
coldness and clearness of its stream ; this tempted Alex- 
ander after a long and sultry march to bathe in it, which 
had like to have put an end both to his life and his vic- 
tories; but the care of his physician, or the strength of 
his constitution, soon recovered him, and once more let 
him loose upon mankind. 

ι Εξ£λ«5Γον, &c. I agree entirely with Hutchinson 
against Leunclavius and Stephens, that there is no neces- 
sity of having recourse to ςυγοντες or of any thing of that 
kind to perfect this sentence. These aposiopeses are 
frequent in the Attic writers. 

β Xo\oif. This city was afterwards called Pompeiopo- 
lis. It was formerly a colony of the Athenians, who for- 
getting by length of time their mother-tongue, or at 
least the grammar of it, spoke a barbarous language, 
from whom the word solecism, so dreadful in the ears 
of school boys, took its name. 



174 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



wife of Syennesis came to Tarsus five days 
before Cyrus. In the passage over the moun- 
tains into the plain, two companies of Menon's 
army were missing. It was said by some, that, 
while they were intent on plunder, they were 
cut off by the Cilicians, and by others, that 
being left behind, and unable to find the rest 
of the army, or gain the road, they wan- 
dered about the country, and were destroyed. 
1 The number of these amounted to one hun- 
dred heavy-armed men. The rest, as soon as 
they arrived, resenting the loss of their com- 
panions, plundered both the city of Tarsus, 
and the palace that stood there. Cyrus, as 



I had received this money, I did not treasure 
it up for my own use, or 3 lavish it in pleasures, 
but laid it out upon you. And first, I made 
war upon the Thracians, and with your assis- 
tance revenged the injuries thay had done to 
Greece, by driving them out of the Chersone- 
sus, where they were endeavouring to dispossess 
the Greek inhabitants of their lands. After 
that, when I was summoned by Cyrus, I carried 
you to him with this view, that, if there were 
occasion, I might in return for his 4 favours be 
of service to him ; but, since you refuse to go 
on with me, and I am under a necessity either, 
by betraying you, to rely on the friendship of 
Cyrus ; or, by being false to- him, to adhere to 



soon as he entered the city, sent for Syennesis ; 
but he alleging that he had never yet put him- j yo«, though I am in doubt whether I shall do 
self in the hands of any person of superior i right or not. However, I have determined to 
power, declined coming, till his wife prevailed . give you the 5 preference, and with you to suf- 
upon him, and received assurance from Cyrus, fer every thing that may happen. Neither 
After that, when they met, Syennesis gave ι shall any one say, that» having led the Greeks 
Cyrus great sums of money to pay his army, among Barbarians, I betrayed the Greeks, and 



and Cyrus made him such presents as are of 
great value among kings ; these were a horse 
with a golden bit, a chain, bracelets, and a sci- 
mitar, of gold,' with a Persian robe, besides 2 
the exemption of his country from further plun- 
der ; to this he added the restitution of the pris- 
oners they had taken, wherever they were found. 
Here Cyrus and the army staid twenty days, 
the soldiers declaring they would go no further ; 
for they suspected he was leading them against 



preferred the friendship of the Barbarians; 
but, since you refuse to obey me, and to follow 
me, I will follow you, and share in all your 
sufferings ; for I look upon you as my country, 
my friends, and fellow-soldiers, and that with 
you I shall live in honour wherever I am ; but 
without you, that I shall neither be useful to 
my friends, nor formidable to my enemies. 
Be assured, therefore, that whithersoever you 
go, I resolve to go with you." Thus spoke 



the king, and said they were not raised for that , Clearchus. The soldiers, both those who be- 
service. Clearchus was the first who endeavour- j longed to him and the rest of the army, hear- 
ed to force his men to go on ; but as soon as he I iug this, commended him for declaring he would 
began to march, they threw stones at him and at j not march against the king : and above two 



his sumpter horses, so that he narrowly escaped 
being then stoned to death. Afterwards, when 
he saw it was not in his power to prevail by force, 
he called his men together, and first stood still a 



thousand left Xenias* and Pasion, and taking 
their arms and 6 baggage with them, came and 
encamped with Clearchus. 



* Oufs χ*3•>)ίυ5Γχθ>!(Γ*. Quejen'aipasemploieamea 
considerable time, shedding many tears, while piaiairs, in D'Ablancourt, does not, I think, come up to 



the soldiers beheld him in amaze and silence : 
then spoke to them in the following manner : 

" Fellow-soldiers : wonder not that I am 
concerned at the present posture of affairs : for 
I am engaged to Cyrus by the rights of hospi- 
tality, and when I was banished, among other 
marks of distinction with which he honoured 
me, he gave me ten thousands daricks. After 



Hrxv St cuto» ix*rcv ίνκϊται. By this passage it 
that tbeir companies consisted of fifty men each. 
*κ*. τ^ν '/.-J:g*y μκ,κίτι, &c. This period is celebrated 
by Demetrius Phalareus for the proper placing of this 
uncommon gift, which, he says, if it had been placed 
either in the beginning, or in the middle, would have 
been disagreeable, but is graceful at the close of it. 



the strength of the Greek word : nee per voluptatem et 

luxum absumpsi, in Hutchinson, is far better. Sure this 

word, which has great energy, was never more properly 

; employed than by Plutarch to Mark Antony's lavish- 

' ing the most precious thing he could throw away, his 

I time, in the arms of Cleopatra, κ*θ•>ίϊυ5Γα3•ίΐν τΌ πζκν- 

I τ£λί(ττ*τον 'ηνίκνμ*, τον %govov, where by the way 

Plutarch has taken that fine application of ττοκυτίκίί 

ίνίκωμΛ to time, from Tbeophrastus. 

| 4 εΐφιχο^ναύτίν. Leunclavius and Hutchinson have 

said, ut ei commodarem, which is not only the sense, but 

elegantly expresses ut ei commodo essem ; Tully use* 

j the word in the same sense in his Epistles. D'Ablan- 

court has said, pour payer sea faveura de quelque ser- 

j vice, which I think, at least, equal to the other. 

i * A'eie-e/!**' Ϊ' ouvj/ua{. αΙςουμχί,πςαχ.ςίνια. PhaVO- 

| rinus. 

| < Σχινοφό^β. The passage quoted by Hutchinson out 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



175 



These things gave Cyrus great perplexity 
and uneasiness : so he sent for Clearchus, who 
refused to go, but despatched a messenger to 
him, unknown to the soldiers, with encourage- 
ment that this affair would take a favourable 
turn. He advised Cyrus to send for him, but 
at the same time let him know that he did not 
design to go to him. After this, assembling 
his own soldiers, with those who were lately 
come to him, and as many of the rest as 
desire to be* present, he spoke, to them as 
follows : 

" Fellow-soldiers ! it is certain the affairs of 
Cyrus are in the same situation in respect to 
us, with ours in regard to him ; for neither 
are we any longer his soldiers, since we refuse 
to follow him, neither does he any longer give 
us pay. I know he thinks himself unjustly 
treated by us ; so that, when he sends for me, 
I refuse to go to him, chiefly through shame, 
because I am conscious to myself of having 
deceived him in every thing ; in the next place, 
through fear, lest he should cause me to be 
apprehended and punished for the wrongs he 
thinks I have done him. I am therefore of 
opinion, that this is no time for us to sleep, or 
to neglect the care of ourselves, but to consult 
what is to be done. If we stay, we are to con- 
sider by what means we may stay with the 
greatest security ; and if we resolve to go away, 
how we may go with the greatest safety, and 
supply ourselves with provisions; for without 
these, neither a commander, or a private man, 
can be of any use. Cyrus is a very valuable 
friend, where he is a friend ; but the severest 
enemy, where he is an enemy. He is also 
master of that strength in foot, horse, and at 
sea, which we all both see and are acquainted 
with, for truly we do not seem to be encamped 
at a great distance from him ; so that this is 
the time for every one to advise what he judges 
best." Here he stopped. 

Upon this some rose up of their own accord 
to give their opinions ; others, by his direction, 
to show the difficulties either of straying, or 
going without the approbation of Cyrus. 
One, pretending to be in haste by returning 
to Greece, said, that if Clearchus refused to 
conduct them thither, they ought immediately 
to choose other generals, to buy provisions 



of Herodian, which is also quoted by Constantine in his 
Lexicon, plainly shows, that rxsuatpogx signifies both 
the carriages and the beasts of burden. 



(there being a market in the Barbarians' 
camp) and pack up their baggage ; then go to 
Cyrus and demand ships of him to transport 
them ; which if he refused, to desire a com- 
mander to conduct them, as through a friend's 
country ; and, if this also be refused, continued 
he, we ought forthwith to draw up a declara- 
tion of battle, and send a detachment to secure 
the eminences, that neither Cyrus, nor the 
Cilicians (many of whom we have taken pri- 
soners, and whose 1 effects we have plundered, 
and still possess) may prevent us. After him 
Clearchus spoke to this effect : 

" Let none of you propose me to be general 
in this expedition, (for I see many things that 
forbid it,) but consider me as one resolved to 
obey, as far as possible, the person you shall 
choose, that you may be convinced I also 
know, as well as any other, how to submit tc 
command." After him another got up, show- 
ing the folly of the man who advised to de- 
mand the ships, as if Cyrus would not resume 
his expedition. He showed also how weak a 
thing it was to apply for a guide to that person 
whose undertaking we had defeated. ** If," 
says he, " we can place any confidence in a 
guide appointed by him, what hinders us from 
desiring Cyrus himself to secure those emi- 
nences for us 1 I own I should be unwilling 
to go on board the transports he may give us, 
lest he should sink the 2 ships. I should also 
be afraid to follow the guide he may appoint, 
lest he should lead us into some place, out 



ιΧ(Ί)μ»τ«. This word in this and in many other 
places in Xenophon as well as in other good authors, 
signifies effects rather than money : in this sense it is 
explained by Hesychius, χ^^ατα, 5»? τις Suvxrut xrf. 
a-Srctt, κτήματα, βαβ-χηματ». This explains a passage hi 
Homer, where Eurymachus, one of the suitors, tells 
Halitherses, that, if Penelope continues to amuse them, 

Χξ ήματα $' αιιτί χχχως /3ίβί>«)<Γ£Τ««. 

Hutchinson has rendered χςνματχ here bona, and 
Leunclavius, opes, the latter not so properly. D'Ab- 
lancourt has said ceux du pais quOn avoit pille, which, 
in my opinion, is too general, because it is applicable 
both to their money and effects : on the other side it is 
not applicable to the seizing their persons ; for I dare 
say those who are critics in the French language will 
own, that piller quelqu'un does not signify to seize a 
man's person. 

»Αυτίίΐ{ Toeij Tg(nf£<ri καταίυσ-ιι. This ellipsis is very 
frequent in Thucydides and Homer ; the latter speaking 
of the waste made by the wild boar on the lands of 
CEneus, says, in the same figure, 

Πολλ* ί' bye τςοϊίΚυμνα %α.μχι βαΚι &ιν$ς(» μ»*ξ» 
Αυτ^ιτιν ριζι\<τι, ΧΛΙ *ϋΤ0ΐ{ «v^so - » μηΚων. 



176 



XENOPHON ON THE 



of which we could not disengage ourselves ; 
and since it is proposed we should go away 
without the consent of Cyrus, I wish we 
could also go without his knowledge, which is 
impossible. These then are vain thoughts ; 
I am therefore of opinion that proper persons, 
together with Clearchus, should go to Cyrus, 
and ask him in what service he proposes to 
employ us ; and to acquaint him, that, if the 
present undertaking be of the same nature with 
that in which he before made use of foreign 
troops, we will follow him, and behave our- 
selves with equal bravery to those who 1 at- 
tended him upon that occasion ; but if this 
enterprise appears to be of greater moment 
than the former, and to be attended with 
greater labour 2 and danger, that we desire he 
will either prevail on us by persuasion to fol- 
low him, or suffer himself to be prevailed upon 
to allow us to return home. By this means, 
if we follow him, we shall follow him as 
friends, with cheerfulness ; and if we return, 
we shall return with safety. And let them 
report to us what he says, which we may then 
consider of." This was resolved. 

Having chosen the persons therefore, they 
sent them with Clearchus, who asked Cyrus 
the questions appointed by the army ; to 
which he made this answer : " I am informed, 
that Abrocomas, my enemy, lies near the 
Euphrates, at the distance of twelve days' 
march : therefore, my intention is, if I find 
him there, to punish, by leading my army 
against him ; but if he flies from the place, I 
will there consider what we are to do." This 
coming to the ears of those who were ap- 
pointed to attend Cyrus, made their report to 
the soldiers, who suspected his design was to 
lead them against the king ; yet they resolved 
to follow him ; and when they demanded an 
increase of pay, he promised to give them half 
as much more as they had already ; that is, 
instead of one darick, a darick and a half 
every month to each man. But it was not 
even then known that he intended to lead them 
against the king, at least, it was not public. 

IV. Hence he made in two days' march ten 



ι Σννχνχζχντων. This relates to the three hundred 
Greeks, who, as our author tells us, attended Cyrus to 
court under the command of = tv«*s of Parrhasie. 

ΐΕπιπΟνωτιςχ χχι ίττικυνίυνωτί^ χ. These are the 

proper characters that distinguish this expedition from 
the former: however, D'Ablancourt has not taken the 
least notice of it in his translation. 



[book I. 

4 
parasangs, to the river Pharus, which was 
three hundred feet broad ; from thence to the 
river Pyramus, which is one stadium in 
breadth, making in one march five parasange ; 
from which place he made, in two days' march, 
fifteen parasangs, and arrived at Issus, 3 the 
last town of Cilicia, situated near the sea ; a 
large city, rich, and well inhabited ; where he 
staid three days, during which time, five-and- 
thirty ships, with Pythagoras, , a Lacedaemo- 
nian, (the admiral) at the head, sailed from 
Peloponnesus, and came to Cyrus, being con- 
ducted from Ephesus by Tamos, an Egyp- 
tian, who carried with him five-and-twenty 
other ships belonging to Cyrus, with which he 
had besieged Miletus, because that city was 
in friendship with Tissaphernes, against whom 
Tamos made war in conjunction with Cyrus. 
With these ships also came Cheirisophus, the 
Lacedaemonian, whom Cyrus had sent for, 
with seven hundred heavy-armed men, which 
he commanded under Cyrus, before whose 
tent the ships lay 4 at anchor. Hither also 
four hundred heavy-armed Greeks came to 
Cyrus, (leaving Abrocomas, in whose service 
they were,) and marched with him against the 
king. 

Hence Cyrus made in one march five para- 
sangs to the 5 gates of Cilicia and Syria. 



a 'lo-o-ouj. Hard by stands a town now called Scan- 
deroon, a place very well known to our Turkey mer- 
chants, built by Alexander in memory of the great vic- 
tory he obtained there over Darius,whose mother, wife, 
and children were taken prisoners in the action. The 
bay called by Strabo χολττοί'ΐο-ο-ίχο;, took its name from 
this town, and is now called the Bay of Scanderoon. 

« A» Se νΐ)ί; ώξμουν, &χ. I will not say that όςμι» 
is never used to signify a ship that comes to land, but I 
am sure it is generally applied to a ship that lies at an- 
chor, and that eeA"Ois almost universally the word 
made use of to express the former : the difference be- 
tween the two words is particularly set forth by Pha- 

VOrinUS,5f μιω, says he, £* τω Κιμινι Ιττχμχι,ίςμιζω ίί τ» 

eis τον \ιμεν» ικΓχγομχι. I will not therefore absolute- 
ly say that the French and Latin translators have mis- 
taken this passage, but wish the former, instead of'say- 
mg,elles vinrent mouiller Vancre, had said, elles etoient 
a Vancre pres de la tente de Cyrus ; and that the lat- 
ter, instead of saying naves propter Cyri tentorium ad• 
pullerant, had said) in anchoris stabant. 

ί Επί 55-υλ*ςτΐ)ί ΚιΧι/.ίχς y.xt της Σνξΐχς. There 3Γβ 

two passes upon the mountains that divide Cilicia from 
Syria, as we find in Pliny and Tully's Epistles, where 
the latter gives the reason why he led the army, which 
he commanded as proconsul, into Capi adocia rather 
than into Cilicia ; duo enim sunt aditut in Ciliciam ez 
Syria : one of these is called πυκχι Α^*ν«χα<, by Pliny 
porta Amani montis, and the other simply *™λ*<, or, as 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



177 



These were two fortresses, of which the inner 
next Cilicia was possessed by Syennesis with 
a guard of Cilicians, and the outer next to 
Syria, was said to be defended by the king's 
troops. Between these two fortresses runs a 
river called Kersus, one hundred feet in breadth. 
The interval between them was three stadia in 
the whole, through which it was not possible 
to force a way ; the pass being narrow, the 
fortresses reaching down to the sea, and above 
were inaccessible * rocks. In both these for- 
tresses stood the gates. In order to gain this 
pass, Cyrus sent for his ships, that, by landing 
his heavy-armed men both within and without 
the gates, they might force their passage through 
the Syrian gates, if defended by the enemy ; 
which he expected Abrocomas, who was at the 
head of a great army, would attempt : however, 
Abrocomas did not do this, but as soon as he 
heard Cyrus was in Cilicia, he suddenly left 
Phoenicia, and went back to the king, with an 
army consisting, as it was said, of three hun- 
dred thousand men. 

Hereupon Cyrus proceeded through Syria 
and, in one march, made five parasangs to 
Myriandros, a city near the sea, inhabited by 



the last mentioned author calls them, porta Cilicia: ; the 
former are to the eastward of the latter, which, as we 
find in this account of Xenophon, lie close to the sea. 
There is a doubt which of these is meant by our author ; 
but this will be clearly rectified, if we look into Arrian 
where we shall find" Alexander to have taken the same 
route with Cyrus for a great way. and to have often 
encamped in the same places. After that prince had 
passed these πχΚχ\, mentioned by Xenophon, and while 
he lay with his army at Myriandros, the same place 
where Cyrus encamped after he had passed them, he 
received advice that Darius had left his camp at Sochi, 
within two days' march of the Πυ*.»ι ; and having passed 
the mountains at the• Πυλαι ΑμΆνιχχ], or the eastern 
pass, was got behind him, and marching to Issus. Alex- 
ander was pleased to find his enemy had abandoned the 
advantage of a champaign country and shut up his nu- 
merous army, the chief strength of which consisted in 
horse, between the mountains and the sea ; and, march- 
ing back, possessed himself again of the πυΚχι that night; 
the next day he engaged Darius, and the ground be- 
neath this pass and Issus was the scene of that memor- 
able victory. This happened in the 4th year of the 
Π lth Olympiad, 68 years after Cyrus marched through 
Cilicia. 

ιΠίτίχι ίλι3*το». This expression is very poetical, 
and often made use of by Homer, whose scholiast ex- 
plains it in this manner, ί:\- ό ί)λ»ο; μονός eV»/3«»vs«,a rock 
inaccessible to every thing but to the rays of the sun. 
When Patroclus reproaches Achilles with his cruelty by 
suffering the Greeks to be slain in such numbers for 
want of his assistance, he tells him, 

— our. xgx fl-oi yt ττΛτγ,ς jjv Ιπποτχ Π^λεΰς, 
OOi'i θίτι;/<ήτ)|ξ• γΚχνχ) St tre tikts SxKottro-x. 



the Phoenicians, 2 which being a mart-town 
where many merchant ships lay at anchor, they 
continued seven days; during which Xenias 
the Arcadian general, and Pasion the Mega- 
rean, took ship, and putting their most valuable 
effects on board, sailed away. It was the ge- 
neral opinion, that this was owing to their re- 
sentment against Clearchus, whom Cyrus had 
suffered to retain the troops that left them, and 
put thenreelves under his command with a view 
of returning to Greece, and not of marching 
against the king. As soon therefore as they 
disappeared, a rumour was spread that Cyrus 
would follow them with his galleys. Some 
wished that, having acted perfidiously, they 
might be taken, others 3 pitied them, if they 
should fall into his hands. 

Cyrus immediately assembled together the 
general officers, and spoke thus to them : " Xe- 
nias and Pasion have left us, but let them be 
assured that they are not 4 gone away so as to 
be concealed (for I know whither they are 



IleT^cet τ' ηΚφατοι, eVi τοί νόος £<ττίι> απηνής. 

2 Έμπος ιον ί' γ\ν το χωρίον, και ώξμουν αυτοί"» ολκάίες . 

5τολλα«. Here Hutchinson has translated ΐύξμονν in the 
manner I have contended for in note, page 176. Leun- 
clavius has still adhered to adpullerant. D'Ablancourt 
has left out the whole period in his translation, όλκ*;, 
πχζΆ Θουκυίιί»), ή ΐμποςιχη νχυς. Suidas. 

3 Οι* ί' αιΧ,ταξΟν ει «λωιτοιντο. I own I Cannot, With 

the Latin translators, see the necessity of supplying this 
sentence with any word in order to complete it: I think 
the expression elegant, the sense plain, and the eventual 
commiseration fully pointed out by the conditional par- 
ticle ί«. 

* Αττο$ε$ξύχ.ωο-ιν. Ammonius and Phavorinus are 
quoted upon this occasion by Hutchinson, to show the 
difference between «ττοίςάναι and «.ποςίυγαν • the first, 
say they, signifies το άνχχωξ^σ-χνά rtvx svSttKov tlvxi 
'όπου «γτι, the Other το μη SvvxtrSxi ίπίΧν^^ηνχι and, to 
support this, the passage now before us in Xenophon is 
cited by Ammonius. Now I own, that, notwithstanding 
the very great deference which I have and which every 
one ought to have, for those two grammarians, and the 
person who quotes them, yet I cannot help thinking that 
the very passage they quote destroys the difference they 
have established; for if u-roSgivxt signifies, as they say, 
to retire in such a manner that the place of retreat is 
knpwn, xttoSiS^uxxo-i here must signify, the reverse; for 
Cyrus tells the Greeks that they have not retired to a 
place unknown to him, ούίε Kjroiiu^ixoeo-ijbecause he 
says he knows whither they are going. Hutchinson 
himself confirms what I say by his translation, even 
against his own quotation ; for he says, nee clam se 
anfugisse; whereas, if the observation of the authors he 
quotes is just, and that r.voSgxvai signifies κνχχωξν,σ-χντί 
n-tvxiuSxiKov tlvxi, he should have translated it, ncc palam 
se aufugisse. I wish, I do not say for the advantage of the 
senee, but for the ease of the translator, that Xenophon 
had said xTroSiogxuxirt μίν,ούχ 1/.πο7π<α\>γν.<π it; I should 
then have translated it, they are fled, but not escaped. 
» X 



178 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



going, neither are they escaped (for my galleys 
van come up with their ship.) But I * call 
the gods to witness that I do not intend to 
pursue them, neither shall any one say, that 
while people are with me, I use their service ; 
but that, when they desire to leave me, I seize 
them, treat them ill, and rob them of their 
fortunes. 2 Let them go therefore, and remem- 
ber they have behaved themselves worse to me 
than I to them. Their wives and*children 
are under a guard at Tralles ; however, not 
even these shall they be deprived of, but shall 
receive them in return for the gallant behaviour 
they have formerly shown to my service." 
The Greeks, if any before showed a back- 
wardness to the enterprise, seeing this instance 
of Cyrus's virtue, followed him with greater 
pleasure and cheerfulness. 

After this, Cyrus, in four days' march, made 
twenty parasangs, and came to the river 
Chalus, which is one hundred feet broad, and 
full 3 of large tame fish, which the Syrians 



ι M* τΒ -jg Seov;. M* is a negative asseveration, and 
yxi an affirmative one. 

» Ιόντων. The use of the genitive case plural of the 
participle is very common with the Attic writers, in- 
stead of the third person plural of the imperative mood 
in the same tense, unless 'Γτ«κτί«, according to the opin- 
ion of some critics, is upon those occasions to be under- 
stood. Diogenes Laertius gives a remarkable instance of 
something like this : it relates to the trial of Socrates, 
where Plato offering to speak to the judges in defence of 
his master, began his speech in this manner: Νίώτχτβί 

<uv, m ανδξίς A j^vxToi, raiv ewi το β^,μα ανχβχντων, upon 

which the judges interrupted him by calling out χχτχ. 
βίντων for χχτ»3ν,ϊι, and made him come down. But 
the Attic authors are not singular in the use of this 
phrase : Homer says, 

— χηςυχε; μίν A%xiu>v χ,χΚχοχιτώτων 
Λχ'ον χ?,ξυο~ο-ΐντες »γαςοντων χχτν. vijaif, 
for χγαξίτνο-χν. This atticism is often made use of by 
the best authors. 

» Πλ>)^)ΐ S' ϊ as fro ιο ν μιγίΚνν, &c. Lucian, in his trea- 
tise of the Syrian goddess, has a passage that will ex- 
plain this of Xenophon ; he says, the Syrians looked 
upon fish as a sacred thing, and never touched them ; 
and that they ate all birds but pigeons, which they es- 
teemed holy : he adds, these superstitions were owing 
to their respect for Derceto and Semiramis, the first of 
whom had the shape of a fish, and the other was changed 
into a pigeon. That author has affected to write this 
treatise in the Ionic style, his words are these : ιχ^νχς 

■/^■t'/.r. ifcv v.y.i^'.'jTi xxl ουκοτ£ ιχ,$νων ψαυουιτν χχι 
efi-i-7sc; T5-j; μίν κΚΚους <τ<τ£θντ«ι, ττίξία-τίζΥ,ν Si μουνην 
βύ (TiTfOVTXi, χΚ\ν. (TSirt r,St Ιξη. Τχ Si γιγνομίνχι So- 
y.isi χντοΓ; π ο litrbxt Αΐξ%ιτους } xxl 'Σι^ίΐξχμιζς tlvexx τ Ό 
μϊν ί 'ότι Δίξχιτΐα μοξςϊ,ν ΐχ,ΪΤυας Ι'/,ιι' το Si } 'ότι το Σίμΐ- 

ζίμΐ'ίς TtXoj Ις ιηρ"ττΐ(Υ\ν sW*«er». This tradition is 
somewhat varied by Diodorus Siculus ; who says, that 
Derceto being brought to bed of Semiramis, threw herself 
into a lake, and waa changed into a fish ; for which reason, 



look upon as gods, and do not suffer them to 
be hurt any more than pigeons. The villages 
in which they encamped belonged to Parysa- 
tis, and were given to her for her table. 4 
Thirty parasangs more, in five days' march, 
brought him to the source of the river Dara- 
dax, the breadth of which was one hundred 
feet, having near it the palace of Belesis, who 
was formerly governor of Syria, with a very 
large and beautiful park, producing every 
thing proper to the season. Cyrus laid waste 
the park, and burned the palace. From 
thence, in three days' march, he made fifteen 



he says, the Syrians worship fish as gods. The same au- 
thor adds, that Semiramis, when a child, was fed by pige- 
ons till a person who had the superintendency over the 
king's herds, took her home to his own house, and cal- 
led her Semiramis, a name derived, as he says, from 
pigeons, in the Syrian language ; and that this was 
the occasion of the worship the Syrians paid to pigeons. 
It may not be improper to acquaint the reader, that the 
goddess called Derceto by the Greeks, and Atargatis by 
the Syrians, was looked upon by the last as the mother 
of Semiramis, and worshipped as a goddess in Bambyce, 
by them called Magog. Lucian says she was represent- 
ed in Phoenicia as a woman to the waist, and from 
thertce as a fish ; which made Selden of opinion, that 
Derceto and Dagon who was also represented in the 
same manner, were the same divinity, though it is cer- 
tain that Dagon was looked upon as a god, and Derceto 
as a goddess. Had D'Ablancourt considered these 
matters, be would not have been so hasty in condemn- 
ing Xenophon of too great credulity ; neither would 
he have thought himself under any obligation of soften- 
ing, as he calls it, these facts, for fear of corrupting the 
truth of history : particularly since Diodorus Siculus 
also says, the fabulous tradition of Derceto being 
changed into a fish, prevailed so far, that the Syrians, 
even in his time, abstained from fish, and honoured them 
as gods. 

* Ei; <fcuijv itio/ctivsti, Sec. Hutchinson has departed 
from the text, and without the authority of any manu- 
script, has followed Muretus and Jungermannus in read- 
ing ξάννιν instead of ζν^ν. Indeed the passages he has 
supported this correction with, out of Tully, Plato, and 
Herodotus, show plainly that the kings of Persia used 
to give some particular cities to their queens to find 
them in girdles, others to find them in necklaces, and 
others in shoes: so that it cannot be denied but ιΐ; 
<ων»ν is h#re very proper : but it is as certain from those 
authors he has quoted, and indeed from every author 
who has treated of the affairs of Persia, that the Per- 
sian kings also assigned particular cities to those whom 
they had a mind to honour, to find them in bread, others 
to find them in wine, and others in meat, or, as some 
will have it, in fish. In this manner Artaxerxes M«- 
κ'?ο%£<« distinguished Themistocles, eig ««τον x»i oiVc,» 
xx) ov"f, as Plutarch and Thucydides say ; so that it is 
not at all improbable the villages our author here speaks of, 
might be assigned to Parysatis to supply her table : but 
if the reader prefers ζώννιν it must then be translated, 
that these villages were given to Parysatis to find her . 
in girdles. 






EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



179 



paTasangs, and came to the river Euphrates, 
which is four stadia in breadth ; where, being 
the large and flourishing city of ' Thapsacus, 
they remained five days ; during which, Cyrus, 
pending for the generals of the Greeks, told 
them that he proposed marching to Babylon 
against the great king, and ordered them to 
acquaint the soldiers with it, and to persuade 
them to follow him. Hereupon, they called 
them together, and informed them of it ; but 
the soldiers were angry with their generals, 
saying, they knew this before, but concealed it 
from them ; therefore refused to march unless 
they had money given them, as the other 
soldiers had, who before attended Cyrus to his 
father, and that not to fight, but only to wait 
upon him when his father sent for him. The 
generals immediately gave an account of this 
to Cyrus, who promised to give every man five 
*minas of silver as soon as they came to 
Babylon, and their full pay, till he brought 
them back to Ionia; by which means great 
part of the Greeks were prevailed upon: but 
Menon, before it appeared whether the rest 
of the soldiers would follow Cyrus or not, 
called his own men together apart, and spoke 
thus to them : 

" Fellow-soldiers ! if you will follow my 
advice, you shall, without either danger or la- 
bour, be in greater esteem with Cyrus, than 
the rest of the army. What then do I advise] 
Cyrus is this minute entreating the Greeks to 
follow him against the king. I say, therefore, 
we ought to pass the Euphrates, before it ap- 
pears what answer the rest of the Greeks will 
make to him ; for if they determine to follow 
him, you will be looked upon as the cause of 
it by first passing the river, and Cyrus will not 
only think himself under an obligation to you, 
as to those who are the most zealous for his 
service, but will return it (which no man bet- 
ter understands ;) but if the rest determine 
otherwise, we will 3 then all return. As you 
only are obedient to his orders, he will look 
upon you as persons of the greatest fidelity, 
and as such employ you in the command both 
of garrisons and of companies ; and I am con- 



j @x-oxx.c s . Here Darius passed the Euphrates with 
the broken remains of his army, after his defeat at Issus. 

» lisiVs χςγυςηυ μν»ς. See note, page 169. 

3 Αττιμεν. Hutchinson has observed from Stephens, 
'.hat αμι is remarkable among those verbs which the 
Attic writers use in the present tense instead of the fu- 
ture. 



fident you will find Cyrus your friend 4 in 
whatever else you desire of him." The sol- 
diers, hearing this, followed his advice, and 
passed the Euphrates, before the rest had re- 
turned an answer. When Cyrus heard they 
had passed the river, he was pleased, and 
sending Glus to them, ordered him to say to 
them, in his name, " Soldiers ! I praise you 
for what you have done, and will take care 
that you also shall have reason to praise me ; 
if I do not, think me no longer Cyrus." 
Hereupon, the soldiers conceiving great hopes, 
prayed for his success ; after which, having, 
as it was reported, sent magnificent presents 
to Menon, he, at the head of his army, passed 
the river, the water not reaching above their 
breasts, notwithstanding the inhabitants of 
Thapsacus declared, that the river was never 
fordable before, or passable but in boats, 
which Abrocomas had burned, as he marched 
before them, to prevent Cyrus from passing 
over ; it seemed therefore providential, 5 and 
that the river visibly submitted to Cyrus, as 
to its future king. 

V. From thence he advanced through 
6 Syria, and, having in nine days' march made 
fifty parasangs, came to the river 7 Araxes ; 
where, being many villages full of corn and 



* '£ls φίλου. I agree with Hutchinson that this is an 
ellipsis, and that '««, or something like it, is to be under- 
stood ; without condemning 'υπ-ο, I should like ttv^u. full 
as well: thus Telemachus tells Menelaus in the same 
phrase, 

πχξΆ (Γ£<ο τυχών φ«λοτΐ)τος α,πχα-ής 

Έ,ξχομνΛ. 

ι EJexs< ί« θίΐον ιιναι. I make no doubt but what 
Xenophon says concerning this submission of the Eu- 
phrates was the style of Cyrus's court upon this occa- 
sion. It seems that the Euphrates was not endued 
with the same spirit of prophecy that Horace gives to 
Nereus; otherwise, like him, he would have cried out 
malt ducts avi; and not have suffered his army to have 
forded him so easily, a favour he afterwards denied to 
Alexander, whose success might have given him a bet- 
ter title to it, and who was obliged to pass this river at 
the same place over two bridges. 

β αϊ» τη; Συζίας. Let not the reader be surprised to 
find Xenophon mention Syria in Mesopotamia, through 
which he is now conducting Cyrus ; for it appears both by 
Pliny and Strabo, that the country lying between Thap- 
sacus and the Scenite Arabians, of whom he will speak 
presently, was part of Syria. 

ι Ά^αξιτν. I never yet could find this river in any 
other author but Xenophon ; I mean a river called 
Araxes, that runs through this part of Syria: for every 
body knows there are rivers of this name in other parte 
of Asia, so I must submit it to the learned, whether this 
river ie the Aboras of Marcellinus, which Strabo calls 



180 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book 



wine, they staid three days, made their provi- 
sions, and then proceeded through 'Arabia, 
keeping the river Euphrates on his right hand, 
and in five days' march through a desert, made 
thirty-hve parasangs. The country was a 
plain throughout, as even as the sea, and full 
of wormwood ; if any other kinds of shrubs or 
reeds grew there, they had all an aromatic 
smell ; but no trees appeared. Of wild crea- 
tures, the most numerous were wild asses, 2 
and not a few ostriches, 3 besides 4 bustards 



Αβορρχ;, and Ptolemy Χ»3ωξ*.-, and the Arabians Al 
Ohabur. 
χ Δ>3 τ»•; Afao.x,-. The inhabitants of this part of 



Arabia are called by Strabo 



Ι^αό:,- ; they 



were a vagabond people, and, like most of their country- 
men, great robbers. Nomades, infe^tioresque Chaldceo- 
rum, Scenita, says Pliny, a tabernacvlis cognominati : 
they were afterwards called Saracens, which name Scal- 
iger derives from Saric, which, in Arabic, signifies a rob- 
ber. Those who have travelled through Asia will not 
think this etymology forced. 

% Aygtot o»ci. All authors, both ancient and modern, 
agree, that wild asses are exceeding swift. Appian, in 
his Treatise of Hunting, calls the wild ass asXKoTroSnv, 
swift as the wind, an epithet given by Homer to the 
horses which Jupiter bestowed on the father of Gany- 
mede, to make him some amende for the loss of his son. 
The wild as3 is very different, both in its 'shape and 
colour, from the common ass. There is a skin of this 
animal at the college of Physicians in London ; another 
I have seen among many other curiosities, natural and 
artificial, ancient and modern, belonging to my neigh- 
bour Sir Andrew Fontaine. The first of these is stuffed, 
and by that the creature appears to have been between 
twelve and thirteen hands high ; the colour of every 
part about him is composed of white and chesnut stripes, 
his ears, mane, and tail, like those of a common ass ; 
his forehead is long and thin, his shoulders fine, his 
back straight, his body full, his hoofs a little bound, his 
legs perfectly fine ; seems a little goose-rumped ; his 
quarters are thiu, and lying under him, and bis hams 
bent inward ; to these three last shapes he very proba- 
bly owes his speed.. This doctrine Τ know all sportsmen 
vrill not allow ; but many observations in sporting have 
convinced me of its truth. Wild asses were sometimes 
made use of by the ancients to cover mares, in order to 
breed mules : but all their authors agree, that the best 
stallion for that purpose was an ass bred between a 
wild male ass, and a female of the common kind. Pliny 
tells us also, that the foals of wild asses were called 
lalisiones. and were delicate meat. Wild asses are 
common in the deserts of Numidia and Libya, and par- 
ticularly in Arabia; they are sold at an excessive price 
wheu reclaimed, and it is said the kings of Persia have 
always stables of them. When they are young, their 
flesh is like that of a bare, and when old, like red 
venison. 

» Στ ? ο«5α• 'χι μίγχκχι. Ostriches are animals very 
well known ; they are common in Africa, South Amer- 
ica, and many parts of the Levant, as Arabia and Me- 
sopotamia, Sec. I remember to have seen two that 



and roe-deer 5 which our horsemen sometimes 
chased. The asses, when they were pursued, 
having gained ground of the horses, stood still 
(for they exceeded them much in speed,) and 
when these came up with them, they did the 
same thing again ; so that our horsemen could 
take them by no other means but by dividing 
themselves into relays, and succeeding one 
another in the chase. The flesh of those that 
were taken was like that of red deer, but more 
tender. None could take an ostrich ; the 
horsemen, who pursued them, soon giving it 
over : for they flew far away, as they fled, 
making use both of their feet to run, and of 
their wings, when expanded, as a sail to waft 
them along. As for the bustards, they may be 



were shown at London; we were informed they came 
from Buenos Ayres ; they answered the description giv- 
en of them in books. Their feathers, in so great re- 
quest for several kinds of ornaments, particularly upon 
the stage, and anciently in war, conos galeasque ador- 
nantes pennce, says Pliny ; these, I say, come from their 
tail and wing, and are generally white. The feather of 
an ostrich was among the Egyptians the emblem of 
justice. All authors agree, that in running they assist 
themselves with their wings, in the manner described 
by Xenophon. Some have thought that this compound 
motion, which consists both of flying and running, gave 
occasion to the fiction of the poetical horse, Pegasus. 
It is said they eat iron, which is so far true, that in 
those dissected in the Academy of Sciences at Paris, 
they found several pieces of iron-money in them more 
than half diminished ; but this was occasioned by the 
mutual attrition of those pieces, and not by digestion, 
for they swallow iron to grind their meat, as other birds 
swallow pebbles for the same purpose. 

* iirii;;. Bustards are very well known to sports- 
men ; we bave great numbers of them in Norfolk; they 
are remarkable for having no more than three claw6, 
like the dotterel, and some few other birds : they are 
scarce to be approached by any contrivance, as I have 
been taught by many disappointments : possibly this 
may be owing to their exquisite sense of hearing; no 
bird having, in proportion to its size, so large au aper- 
ture to convey it. What Xenophon says concerning 
their short flights, ran only be understood of them be- 
fore they are full grown ; for, when they are eo, they 
make flights of five or six miles with great ease. Pliny 
and Xenophon, like many other people, differ in 
their taste with relation to bustards ; the first calls 
them damnatus in, cibis, the last, we find, commends 
them. 

* Aofxaii?. We have no roe-deer in the south of 
England. They are common in France, des chevreuUs: 
I have often seen them huuted there ; they run the foil 
more than a hare, and hunt shorter; they have great 
speed, but, as they do not run within themselves, but 
often tapise, and consequently give frequent views, they 
seldom stand long even before their hounds. Tbey are 
vastly less than our fallow deer, and are very good meat, 
when fat, which seldom happens. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



181 



taken, if one springs them hastily, they making 
short flights, like partridges, and are soon tired. 
Their flesh was very delicious. 

In marching through the country they came 
to the rivfer Masca, a hundred feet in breadth, 
surrounding a "large' city uninhabited, called 
Corsote ; whence, after continuing three days, 
making their provisions, he made ninety para- 
sangs, in thirteen days' march, through a de- 
sert, still keeping the Euphrates on his right, 
and came to Pylae ; during which marches, 
many sumpter horses died of hunger, there 
being no grass, nor any other plant but the 
whole country entirely barren ; the inhabitants 
being employed near the river with digging 
1 mill-stones, which they afterwards fashioned 
and conveyed to Babylon for sale, to buy pro- 
visions for their support. By this time the 
army wanted corn, and there was none to be 
bought, but in the Lydian market, which was 
in the camp of the Barbarians, belonging to 
Cyrus, where a 2 capithe of 3 wheat or barley- 
meal was sold for four 4 Sigli. The Siglus is 
worth seven Attic oboli 5 and a half ; and the 
capithe holds two Attic 6 choenixes ; so that 
the soldiers lived upon flesh. Some of these 
marches were very long, when Cyrus had a 
mind his army should go on till they came to 
water or forage. And once where the road 
was narrow and so deep, that the carriages 
could not pass without difficulty, Cyrus stopped 
with those about him of the greatest authority 
and fortune, and ordered Glus and Pigrea to 
take some of the Barbarians belonging to his 



ι "Οι/ους «λ£τ«ί. * Ονο; ό άνωτί^ο; X<3o; του μύλου. 

Phavorinus. So that όνοι *\tr»i signify properly the 
upper mill-stones. 

n Ksijridi). From this passage it appears that the 
KX7ri5ii held two Attic choenixes. 

3 Axlignv, Hutchinson has, with great judgment, 
supported the Greek text against Muretus, who wanted 
to strike out χκιϋς w, as signifying the same thing with 
«λςκΓ^μ; whereas Phavorinus, from the scholiast of 
-lEschylus, plainly distinguishes x\svgx from χκφιτχ, 
showing that the first signifies the flour of wheat, and 
the other that of barley. "Ακιυρχ κυρίως τ» !κ ο-<του, 



ιλφιτ: 



εχ. Χ£ IC7u 



>e*. Phavorinus. 



« Ξ<> λο?. This was a Persian coin. Hesychius and 
Phavorinus make it worth eight oQokoi, but this passage 
shows it was worth but seven and a half. 

s Ο3ολου ; . The 5/3ολοί was the sixth part of a 
drachm ; it was called so from its resemblance to a spit. 
See in a preceding note concerning the Greek coins. 

β χ 3 ;ν.ξ. A dry measure containing three κοτυλαι, 
which were equal to one and a half of the ξιο-τικ ; the 
*»7νΐζ contained 49,737 solid inches. 
16 



army, and help the carriage's through ; but, 
thinking they went slowly about it, he com- 
manded, as in anger, the most considerable 
Persians, who were with him, to assist in hast- 
ening on the carriages, which afforded an in- 
stance of their ready obedience ; for throwing 
off their purple 7 robes, where each of them 
happened to stand, they ran, as if it had been 
for a prize, even down a very steep hill, in their 
costly vests, and embroidered 8 drawers, some 
even with chains about their necks, and brace- 
lets round their wrists ; and, leaping into the 
dirt with these, they lifted up the carriages, 
and brought them out sooner than can be 
imagined. Upon the whole, Cyrus appeared 
throughout to hasten their march, stopping no 
where unless to get provisions, or for other 
things that• were very necessary ; he judging 
the quicker" he marched, the more unprepared 
the king would be to encounter him, and the 
slower, the more numerous would be the king's 
army ; for it was obvious to any person of atten- 
tion, that the Persian empire, though strong 
with regard to the 9 extent of country, and 
numbers of men, was however weak by reason 
of the great distance of places, and the division 
of its forces, when surprised by a sudden 



invasion. 



In their march through the desert, they dis- 
covered a large and populous city situated on 
the other side of the Euphrates, called Car- 



i Kii/iuj. Κάνίυ;, χιτών Π.ίζτι*.ος. A Persian robe. 

β Ακοίξι^ιίαί. Ai/ot^ufiisi were also part of the 
dress of the old Gauls, according to Diodorus Siculus, 
who says, they called them Β^χχχι, which Bracca, it is 
certain, gave name to a very considerable part of France. 
called from thence, Gallia Braccata, the same with 
Gallia Narbonensis. The French language has retain- 
ed this word, Bragues, which is softened into a more 
modern one, Brayes. I leave it to some profound anti- 
quary, who may be disposed to employ his idle labour in 
this inquiry, to consider how far this dress, from which 
Persius calls the Medes, Medos Braccatos, and which 
Ovid calls Persica Bracca ; how far, I say, this dress, 
which we find to have been common both to the Per- 
sians and Gauls of old, may be a ρ oof of their being 
descended originally from the same people, that is. the 
Scythians, who, after they had conquered the Medes, 
continued masters of that part of Asia for eight and 
twenty years : particularly since we find in Herodotus, 
that among the Persians there was a people called 
Τιςμίίνιοι, Germans. 

eiUijoV. This word signifies quantity in this place, 
when applied to the country; and number, when np- 
plied to the men ; it is frequently used, by the best 
authors, in the first sense as well as the last. 



182 






XENOPHON ON THE 






[book I. 



mantle, where the soldiers bought l provisions, 
having passed over to it upon - rafts, by filling 
the 3 skins, which they made use of for tents, 
with dry hay, and sewed them together so close, 
that the water could not get therein : these 
provisions were such as wine made of the 4 fruit 
of the palm-trees and panic, there being great 
plenty of this in the country. It was here 
that a dispute arose between Menon's soldiers, 
and those of Clearchus ; the latter, thinking one 



1 Ήγ'ζξχξον. Somebody has violently provoked Hut- 
chinson, by finding fault with the Scripture writers, for 
making use of this word in the sense Xenophon uses it 
upon this occasion. There can be no doubt but αγοξίζαν 
is to be found in the best authors in this sense. Ire- 
member a passage in Isocrates to Nicocles, which will 
not only support what I have said, but may well deserve 

translating: δοξίχς Ιμΰς ;τολ.ϋ jtXeiovoj «.γνξίζπί srxgx 

Taov iiiovTMV >j jr.-ej i παν ττωΚοΰντων. You (men of for- 
tune) purchase presents much dearer from those who 
give, than from those who sell. 

a Z%siix»,-. Whenever Homer speaks of the boat 
which Ulysses built with his own hands, in four days, 
in Ogygia, Calypso's island, he calls it ο-%εο\χ, which is 
thus explained by the scholiast, eIkwico; χχτχο-χευχο-θ-εϊΌ-!* 
► χυς, a boat built on a sudden ; it signifies also an ex- 
temporary bridge; in which sense Herodotus applies it 
to the two bridges of boats, over which Xerxes passed 
the Hellespont. Here Xenophon uses it for a raft (if I 
may be allowed to make use of that word upon this oc- 
casion) made of skins stuffed with hay. 

»Αιφάίς»ς. This method of passing rivers was for- 
merly much in use ; as the soldiers' tents were general- 
ly made of skins, instead of canvass, they had always 
great numbers of them at hand; the tents of the Ro- 
mans were also made of skins, whence come these 
phrases, sub pellibus durare, and sub pellibus contineri, 
which we find in Livy and Caesar. Alexander, in his 
victorious march through Asia passed several rivers in 
this manner, particularly the Oxus, the passage of which 
is described by Arrian, in such a manner, that it is ob- 
vious to any one he had this description of Xenophon in 
his eye, which, I think, he explains miich better than I 
can. His words are these : Ιννχγχγϊ,ν c£v τίς ί($5αςχς 
υθ' *U itrxnveo* οί <rrf*r»^Ta«. φούντου ΙμττΧ^νχι. έκελε- 
υσ -sv ώί ξινότατου, χχι χχτχο/,ιτχί Τ£ %χ\ ξυρράψα» χχξΐ. 
iSoof του μ•/ι tvSurt&ut ίς χϋτχς του υίχτος. 

* τ κς β*λ.ί»ον. The fruit of the palm tree is proper- 
ly called dates, of which there is an infinite variety. Of 
these they make in Persia a wine, which is very agree- 
able, but does not keep well. Of this wine Cambyses, 
when he was in Egypt, sent a hogshead to the king of 
the Ethiopians, as a present ; with this wine, the Egyp- 
tians washed their dead bodies before they embalmed 
them By. the way, I have always thought, that the 
fruit of a certain palm-tree, described by Pliny, who 
calls the trees syagri, answers exactly to the cocoa nut. 
This palm-tree, he gays, grew in that part of the Lower 
Egypt which he calls C/tora Alexandria; the descrip- 
tion he gives of its fruit is as follows: Ipsum pomum 
grande, durum, horridum et a cmteris generibus distans 
sapore ferino, quern fermc in apris novimus, evideritis- 
simeque causa est nominis. 



of Menon's men in the wrong, struck him ; the 
soldier thereupon informed his companions 
of it, who not only resented it, but were 
violently incensed against Clearchus, 5 who, 
the same day, after he bad been at* the place 
where the men passed the river, and inspected 
the provisions, rode back to his own tent with 
a few attendants through Menon's army ; and 
before the arrival of Cyrus, who was on his 
way thither, it happened that one of Menon's 
soldiers, as he was riving wood, saw Clearchus 
riding through the camp, and threw his axe at 
him, but missed him ; then another, and 
another threw stones at him, upon which, a 
great outcry ensuing, many did the same. 
However, Clearchus escaped to his own quar- 
ter, and immediately ordered his men to their 
arms ; commanding the heavy-armed soldiers 
to stand still resting their shields against their 
knees, and taking with him the Thracians, 
and the horse, of whom he had above forty in 
his army, the greatest part Thracians, he rode 
up to Menon's men, who thereupon were in 
great consternation, as well as Menon himself, 
and ran to their arms, while others stood 
amazed not knowing what to do ; Proxenus, 
for he happened to be coming after them at 
the head of his heavy-armed men, advanced 
between them both, and 6 making his soldiers 



« ΚΚεχξ%ος έλθών eVi τήν StxSxiriv tow 7τοτχμου 1 χχί 
l/.tl χχτχτχ.ίψχμίνος ty,v χγοςχν. D'Ablancourt has left 
out all this in his translation, as he has this parenthesis 
also, Kugoj J' ov7Tji r,x.iv } *λ.λ' ?τ» ττς οτηΧχννι. 

β 'Ejeto τχ ΌτγΧχ. Hutchinson, with great reason, 
finds fault with Leunclavius for translating this arma 
deponebat; it really signifying the reverse, as he has 
very properly rendered it armis rite dispositis, and as 
Harpocration explains this phrase, δίμινος τί όττλχ 
7rtg»Sfi/ifvo;, όπΧκΓχμινος ; and as Shakspeare has said, 
according to his custon, more beautifully than any other 
author, " the powers above put on their instruments." 
Not that I imagine Proxenus, when he advanced be- 
tween Menon and Clearchus, had his armour to put on, 
but that he ordered his men to stand to their arms, that 
he might be prepared to prevent their engaging by 
force, if he could not prevail by fair means. Upon the 
whole, I look upon it, that Proxenus put his men in the 
same posture, into which Eurypylus, in Homer, threw 
the Greeks, in order to secure the retreat of Ajax, when 
he was pushed by the Trojans, 



Πλ>)ο 



01, Se 7TXg' «Ot«v 

£<ττ>)θ-αν ο-άχε ωμοκτι χλι 



Δού^χτ' ΰ,νχσ-χίμινα. 

D'Ablancourt foresaw the difficulty of this passage, and 
prudently avoided it by leaving it quite out: a conduct 
he observed about three lines above, where he also 
omitted to translate βί ίί χ*ι ίο-ταο-χν χ,π-ΟξΟυνπ; τ μ ττ^χγ. 
μχτί. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



183 



stand to their arms, begged. of Clearchus to 
desist. But he took it very ill, that, having 
narrowly escaped being stoned to death, the 
other should speak tamely of his grievance ; 
and therefore desired he would withdraw from 
between them. In the meantime Cyrus came 
up, and being informed of what had happened, 
immediately took his arms, and with the Per- 
sians who were present, rode between them 
and, spoke to them in the following manner: 
" Clearchus ! and ProxenUs ! and you Greeks 
who „ are present ! you are not sensible of 
what you are doing ; for, if you fight with one 
another, be assured, that I shall this day be 
destroyed, and you not long after ; for., if our 
affairs decline, all these Barbarians, whom you 
see before you, will be greater enemies to you 
than those belonging to the king." Clearchus, 
hearing this, came to himself, and both sides 
resigning their anger, laid up their arms 1 
where they were before. 

VI. While they were marching forward, 
there appeared the footing and dung of horses, 
which, by the 2 print of their feet, were judged 
to be about two thousand, marching before, 
burning all the forage, and every thing else 
that could be of any use. There was a Per- 
sian, by name Orontas, a prince of the blood, 
and of reputation in military affairs, equal to 
the most considerable among the Persians ; 
having formed a design to betray Cyrus, with 
whom he had before been at war ; but, being 



ι K«ri χύςΛν. I own I cannot agree with Hutchin- 
son, that κατ» χωςχν, in this place, signifies suo ordine 
et loco, ubi arma iter facientium disponi par est: I 
think that is rattier the signification of i« %ώς*, than 
of χ*τα %ω£ϋν, the last implying no more than that a 
thing remained in the same place it was in before. In 
this sense Aristophanes says, »*a' ούίϊ το βλ,ίμμ' *ύτϊ 
κχτλ χωξχν £χί», his look even is not the same. So that 
a thing may be χ*τ* χώςχν, and not iv γ,ύςχ, In the 
place it was, and not in the place it ought to be. 

α Ό 0-τ*£ο;. I make no doubt but <rr»,3<>; signifies, as 
Hutchinson has translated it, βίος : but I hope it will 
be allowed that it signifies also the print of feet : there 
being a passage in Homer, in his Hymn to Mercury, 
which plainly proves thato-Ti^o; has both these signi. 
fications, for which reason I shall transcribe it. 

"Opgx μ\ν ουν jiituxs ί»α -^/χμχ$ω$ίχ %ω£ίν, 
'Ρί7« μίλ. 1 ι%νι* πχ,ντ» Sit7rgi7rev ίν κονιΐ)θ•«ι•• 
Αύτκ^ S7TH ψαμκ&οΓο μίγχν σ-πβον έξίττί^ιτιν, 
"ΑςξοΜΓτος ytvsr' <2χχ βιΟων «ττιβος, >\$e χχι cotou 
XjjfOi» l.v'x χρχτιρΟν. 

I hazard an observation, to show, that our author uses 
the word here to signify the print of the horses' feet; 
it is this: the article c, before ο-τίβος, seems to mc to refer 
to »χν>, ?snr»v, mentioned in the foregoing line. 



riow reconciled, told Cyrus, that, if he would 
give him a thousand horse, he would place 
himself in ambuscade, and either destroy those 
horse that burned all before him, or take many 
of them prisoners, which would prevent them 
both from burning the country, and from being 
able to inform the king that they had seen his 
army. Cyrus thinking this proposal for his 
service, ordered him to take a detachment out 
of every troop belonging to the several com- 
manders. 

Orontas, presuming the horse were ready, 
wrote a letter to the king, acquainting him, 
that he should come to him with as many 
horse as he could get, and desiring him to 
give orders at the same time, to his own horse, 
that they 3 should receive him as a friend ; 
reminding him also of his former friendship 
and fidelity. This letter he gave to a trusty 
person, as he thought, who, as soon as he had 
received it, delivered it to Cyrus : who im- 
mediately commanded .Orontas to be appre- 
hended, and caused 4 seven of the most con- 
siderable Persians about him to assemble in his 
tent ; and, at the same time, upon giving or- 
ders to the Greek generals ' for bringing their 
heavy-armed men, and place them round his 
tent, with their arms in their hands, they 
obeyed his commands, and brought with them 
about three thousand heavy-armed men. He 
also called Clearchus to the council, as a man, 
whom both he and the rest looked upon to be 
of the greatest dignity among the Greeks. 
When he came out, he gave his friends an ac- 



3'Αλλώ, 'Αλλά. is here, as Hutchinson has observed, 
7rciee6X£\£oo-T<xov,an exhortative particle; in which sense 
it is frequently used by Xenophon, and indeed by all au- 
thors, particularly by Homer. There is a necessity of 
so frequent a repetition in this place, that it unavoida- 
bly renders the translation disagreeable: the difference 
in the termination of iV^acand ia-wsutr. ,and in the La- 
tin of equites and equitibus, makes the reader insensi- 
bly of this repetition ; this is one disadvantage, among 
many others, to which a literal translation, in a modern 
language, is subject. D'Ablancourt always avoids thcs:i 
repettions, and every thing else that lays him under 
any restraint, whatever violence he may do to the au- 
thor's sense ; it must be owned, his method gives a 
translation the air of an original, but then it often makes 
it one. 

4 Tou; «.g iVtou; των 7regl αυτόν Ίτττχ, We often find a 

council of seven mentioned by the writers, who treat of 
the arTairsof I'ersia ; which council seems to have been 
instituted in memory of the seven Persian noblemen, 
who put the Magi to death : of whom Darius HysUispes, 
afterwards king of Persia, was one. 



184 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



count of the l trial of Orontas, (for secrecy was 
nut enjoined,) and of the speech which Cyrus 
made, as follows : 

•• Friends ! I have called you hither to the 
end that I may consider with you of what is 
most just both in the sight of gods and men, 
and accordingly proceed against this criminal 
Orontas. In the first place, my father ap- 
pointed 2 this man to be my subject ; 3 after- 
wards, by the command, as he says, of my 
brother, he made war upon me, being then in 
possession of the citadel of Sardes ; this war 
I prosecuted in such a manner, as to dispose 
him to desire an end of it, and I received his 4 
hand, and gave him mine ; since that time, 
say, Orontas, have I done you any injury 1" 
To which he answered, " None." Cyrus again 
asked him, " Did not you afterwards, without 
any provocation from me, as you yourself own, 
revolt to the Mysians, and lay waste my coun- 
try to the utmost of your power V Orontas 
owned it. " After that," continued Cyrus, 
" when you again became sensible of your 
want of power, did not you fly to the 5 altar of 
Diana, profess repentance, and having pre- 
vailed with me, give me again your faith, and 
received mine?" This also Orontas con- 
fessed. " What injury, then," says Cyrus, 
" have I done you, that you should now, for the 



ι Tij» xfiVtv του Ogivrov. Sure, comme le proces d' 
Oronte avoit ete juge, would have been as proper a 
translation of theee words, as comme le chose s'etoit 
passee, in D'Ablancourt. 

a Toutov γίζ . Γίς in this place is not designed to in- 
troduce a reason for what precedes, but to enforce what 
follows, as in Homer, 

Avr^Tau γχ-ξ iy<a του ί' ίνεςος , ο <$ς χ Sana, 
'Όστις oSi χίχται. 

D'Ablancourt has rendered i*y,x.ocv εμοί ιΓνβ» in the 
same sentence, pour mO.ccompo.gner. 

3 Ettsi όί. I have translated this as if Xenophon had 
said fsr£«Tx Si, in which sense ϊ~ΰ S'= seems to answer 
better to πς-νταν μεν. Hutchinson has said posteaquam, 
which has no relation to primum. I think deinde would 
have been better. 

« Δεζ»χ ii.-j. l-.v. Hutchinson, in his annotations upon 
the Institution of Cyrus, has brought several authori- 
ties to prove, that the kings of Persia used to pledge 
their faitli v >y giving their right hands, which to be sure 
is true ; but the custom was also observed by all na- 
tions, and by the Greeks, so early as in Homer's days, 
as we learn from Nestor's speech to the Greek com- 
manders, 

Ση-ονϊκ» τ' ΛΧς-ήΤί ι, κχϊ ?»£»*». γ,ζ ϊκεπι^μεν. 

Which I r.eed not translate, because Ovid has almost 
done it for me : 

Jura, Fides ubi nuqc, commissaque deztera deztrce ? 

ttjr'i τ'β9ΐ1ί(ΆξημΛο( βώμον. Hutchinson isofopin- 



third time, be found endeavouring to betray 
me?" Orontas saying that he was not pro- 
voked to it by any injury, Cyrus continued, 
"You own then you have wronged me?" 
" I am under a necessity of owning it," replied 
Orontas : upon which Cyrus asked him again, 
" Can you yet be an enemy to my brother, and 
a -friend to me ?" " Though I should," says 
Orontas, " Ο Cyrus ! you will never think 
me so." 

Hereupon, Cyrus said to those who were 
present, " Such are the actions of this man 
and such his words:" at the same time, de 
siring the opinion of Clearchus, who deliver 
it as follows ; " My advice is, that this man 
be forthwith put to death, to the end that we 
may no longer be under a necessity of guard- 
ing against his practices, but have leisure, be- 
ing freed 6 from him, to do good to those who 
desire to be our friends :" after which, upon 
declaring the rest were unanimous in this 
advice, they all rose up, and, together with 
his relations, by order of Cyrus, laid hold on 7 
Orontas's girdle, as a token of his being con- 



ion, that this must be the altar of Diana at Ephesus : 
which to me seems very probable, for this reason, he- 
cause that altar was a very ancient sanctuary : so an- 
cient that Eustathius, in his annotations on Dionysius 
πίζΐ^γ^τνιζ, says, the Amazons being pursued by Her- 
cules, and flying to this altar, were protected by the 
religion of it. As the Persians worshipped the sun and 
moon, it is no wonder they had a respect for the altar 
of Diana, which may be the reason why they spared 
Delus and Ephesus, when they burned all the other 
Greek temples. It is equally certain this could not be 
a Persian altar, if what Herodotus says be true, that 
the Persians erected none to their gods. Though it is 
certain there was a temple in Ecbatana dedicated to 
Diana, under the name of Anitis ; since Plutarch tells 
us, that Artaxerxes made Aspasia a priestess of that 
goddess, to disappoint Darius, τήί Άςτεμιίος τ»,ς εν Ex.- 

/3*τάνο*;,ίν'Αι/£Γτ<ν χχλουο -i, h(xv ίπεΒειξεν χΰτην. (τϊ,Ϋ 

Άτττχα-ιχν. ) But, as Ecbatana was far distant from 
the government of Cyrus, it is not at all probable that 
Orontas fled to that temple for protection. However, 
the Persians had a particular respect for Diana of 
Ephesus, an instance of which may be seen in Tbucy- 
dides, where we find Tissaphernes offering sacrifice to 
that goddess. 

β To xxt* Tou-rot-Mva». This addition of m*, is very 
common in all the Attic writers. Herodotus has also 
admitted it into his Ionic style : thus he makes Dama- 
ratus say to Xerxes, Έ*»ν γε είνχι ούί' *v μεν*μχ•/,ε. 
οιμι : D'Ablancourt, I imagine, found some difficulty in 
this passage, for he has left it out. 

τ Ελχβοντο τ»,; ζών/,ς. Hutchinson has showed from 
a passage in Diodorus Siculus, in the affair of Charide- 
mus, who was ordered to be put to death by Darius, 
that it was a custom among the Persians to lay hold on 
a criminal's girdle when they condemned him to die. 



le- 
ed 
an 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



185 



demned ; and instantly led out by the proper 
officers ; when, although in that dishonourable 
situation, those who used to prostrate them- 
selves before him, even JLhen paid him the 
same 1 veneration, though they knew he was 
leading to death. He was carried into the 
tent of Artapates, who was in the greatest 
trust with Cyrus of any of his sceptre-bearers ; 2 
from which time, no one ever saw Orontas 
either 3 alive or dead, nor could any one cer- 



i Πξ οτίχύνηα-χν. Hence it appears, that this custom 
of adoration was not only used by subjects to the kings 
of Persia, but by subjects of an inferior degree to those 
of a superior. We have the whole ceremonial in Hero- 
dotus; if two Persians of equal degree met, says he, 
they kissed one another's mouths ; if one of them is 
something inferior to the other, he kisses his cheek: if 
much inferior, he falls down and adores him. When 
Alexander, intoxicated with success, endeavoured to 
prevail with the Macedonians to imitate the conquered 
Persians in their servility, Calisthenes opposed him to 
his face, with a spirit becoming both a Greek and a 
philosopher ; by what he says to Alexander upon that 
occasion, we find that Cyrus, the founder of the Persian 
empire, was the first of all mankind, to whom adoration 
was paid, which from thence was looked upon as a duty 
from the Medes and Persians to his successors. To this 
day the Greeks call the compliments they send one to 
another ^οο-κυν^κτα, adoratiojis. 

α Σχ^πτοΰχων. Sceptres, both in the ancient and 
modern world, are ensigns of great dignity. All au- 
thors agree, that they were borne by the kings of Per- 
sia; upon which occasion, I cannot help translating a 
fine sentiment made use of by the first Cyrus, (or rather 
by our author) in the speech he makes to his children ; 
" You are sensible," says he, " Ο Cambyses ! that this 
golden sceptre is not the support of the empire, but 
that faithful friends a»e the truest and securest sceptre 

of kings," οι'ο-θ•* μϊν ουν κχϊ οτϋ, ω Κχμβΰσ-η, οτ» ού τύ^Β 
το χ^υτουν ο-κητττ^ον το τι^ν βχ<τι\αχν &ίχσ•ωζον Icrriv 

»W θί Λ-»<ΓΤθί φ»λΟ« (ΓΧΙ^ΤΓΤξΟν /3«(Γ4λ6υ(Γΐν αλ>ΐθίΟ"Γ06Τθν 

κ*ί χτ^χκια-τχτον. This thought Sallust has paraphras- 
ed in the speech of Micipsa. JVon exercitus, neque the- 
sauri, prcesidid regni sunt, verum amici. Homer gives 
all his Greek commanders sceptres ; with him a king is 
ο-χ>ΐ7Γτουχοί βχτι\Βΰς ) which Milton has rendered, " scep- 
tred kings." By this passage in Xenophon, we find that 
Persian noblemen were also distinguished by this mark 
of dignity. However, I look upon the ο-χ^τττουχο», or 
sceptre-bearers, to have been a kind of guard attending 
upon the persons of the Persian kings, since we find in 
Xenophon, that three hundred of them, richly dressed, 
attended the first Cyrus upon a very solemn occasion, 

ίφίίΐτοντο οι 7T£fi αϋτον <ΓΧ.ηπτουχοι χίχ.ο<Γμ>\μ'ί\>οι — α/*φ» 

τοις Tfixxoo-ioui. D'Ablancourt has strangely mistaken 
this passage. He supposes Artapates to have been one of 
those whose duty it was to carry the sceptre of Cyrus ; 
but I do not think it fair to censure him, without quot- 
ing his words, " l'un des plus fideles serviteura de 
Cyrus, d'entre ceux qui portoient son sceptre." 

3 Miii, tjvh outs ζώντχ OgOvT.M, oots τι^νιωτχ 

βύ Sii's π-ώττοτΕ uZiv. Hutchinson has left out this line in 

his translation. When I jay this, Τ desire not to be 

mistaken ; I am convinced that his leaving it out. was 

16* 



tainly relate how he was put to death, though 
various conjectures were made about it ; nei- 
ther was it ever known that any monument 
was erected to his memory. 

VH. Cyrus next proceeded through the 
country of Babylon, and after completing 
twelve parasangs in three days' march, re- 
viewed his forces, both Greeks and Barba- 
rians, in a plain, about midnight, (expecting the 
king would appear the next morning, at the 
head of his army, ready to give him battle,) 
giving the command of the right wing to Cle- 
archus, and that of the left to Menon the 
Thessalian, while he himself drew up his own 
men. After the review, and as soon as the 
day appeared, there came• deserters from the 
great king, bringing an account of his army to 
Cyrus, who thereupon called together the gen- 
erals and captains of the Greeks, and advised 
with them concerning the order of battle ; at 
the same time encouraging them by the fol- 
lowing persuasions ; " Greeks ! it is not 
from any want of Barbarians, that I make use 
of you as my auxiliaries, but, because I look 
upon you as superior to great numbers of them; 
for that reason I have taken you also into my 
service : show 4 yourselves therefore worthy of 
that liberty you enjoy, in the possession of 
which I think you extremely happy : for be 
5 assured that I would prefer liberty before all 
things I possess, with the addition of many 
others. But, that you may understand what 



owiDg to some accident; for he is certainly not, like 
some others, a shy translator, where he meets with a 

difficulty. * 

4 'Osrcof olv £θ-£0"3•ε χν$ξίς λ£ιο» tvjs ίλιν^ίριχ;, &.C. 

These ellipses, as well in prohibitions as in exhortations, 
are often to be met with in the best authors, particularly 
the Attic writers: in the former $υλάττου, or some- 
thing like it, is to be understood, and in the latter -tie*, 
or something equivalent to it; and as οπαα leads to the 
ellipsis in exhortations, so μ^πως leads to it in prohibi- 
tions ; a remarkable instance of which we find in Homer, 
where Sarpedon says to Hector, 

Μήπως tvf *ψιο"» λ.ιι»ου άλοκτε πχνχγςου^ 
Avifoco-i $\>τμίνίί<Γ0-ιν ίλ,ωξ *χϊ Υ.νξμχ γΐν^(Γ7( } 

where, by the way, the dual number is used for the 
plural, which is not uncommon. 

* Ευ γχς <<ΓΤ£ ότι tJjv iKiu^egixv t>.oi/u>jv αν αντί ών (χω 
πίντων κ*ί xKkwv 7τοκχ.χπ\χ(ηων. Cyrus Avitli great 
judgment expresses himself with so much warmth upon 
the subject of liberty, which he knew to be the reigning 
passion of the people to whom he addresses his discourse. 
Whether D'Ablancourt found any difficulty in this sen- 
tence, or whether he was afraid of offending the tender 
ears of his monarch with the harshness of it, I know 
not ; but so it is, that he has left out every syllable of 
this period. 

Υ 



186 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



kind of combat you are going to engage in, I 
shall explain it to you. Their numbers are 
gro;it, and they come on with mighty shouts, 
which if you can withstand, for the rest, I am 
almost ashamed to think what kind of men you 
will find our country produces. But you are 
1 soldiers ; behave yourselves with bravery, and, 
if any one of you desire to return home, I will 
take care to send him back the envy of his 
country ; but I am confident that my behaviour 
will engage many of you rather to follow my 
fortunes than return home." 

Gaulites, a banished Samian, a man of fide- 
lity to Cyrus, being present, spoke thus : « It is 
said by some, Ο Cyrus L that you promise 
many things now, because you are in such im- 
minent. dangeV, which, upon any success, you 
will not remember ; and by others, that, though 
you should remember your promises, and de- 
sire to perform them, it will not be in your 
power." Cyrus then replied ; " Gentlemen ! 
my 2 paternal kingdom to the south, reaches as 
far as those climates that are uninhabitable 
through heat, and the north, as far as those 

.1 Αν$ξω7Γθνς•ΰμων Ss v.vSfxiv όντων. This opposition be- 
tween χνϊζΜ-π-οι and Άν£ςίς is finely supported in Hero- 
dotus, where he says that Leonidas and his four thou- 
sand Greeks, having repulsed the Persians in several 
attacks at Thermopylae, made it plain to all the world 
that they were many men but few soldiers, S^Kov ίπο^υν 

— Ότι πολλοί μίν ν.ν-^ξωτΓΟί thv, oKiyot $e χν$ς <;: I am apt 

to think our author had that passage of Herodotus in 
his eye upon this occasion. This opposition is preserved 
in Latin by homines et viri, of which Hutchinson and 
Leunclavius have very properly taken advantage in 
rendering this passage. I imagine D'Ablancourt thought 
his language would not support this distinction, having 
left out the whole passage : but fdo not see why the op- 
position which his language allows between des hommes 
and des soldats, might not have encouraged him to at- 
tempt it. There is a fine instance of that opposition in 
a very beautiful, though a very partial writer of his na- 
tion, Father D'Orleans, where, speaking of the French 
army at the ever memorable battle of Crecy, he says, 
les Francois avoient beaucoup de troupes ct point d y ar• 
mee, grand multitude d' hommes et pen de soldats, des 
rois a leur tete, et point de chefs. 

α Ή »ex*i ΐ "T f i.«. Plutarch has given us the sub- 
stance of a most magnificent letter, written by Cyrus 
to the Lacedaemonians, desiring their assistance against 
his brother ; he there tells them, that " if the men they 
send him are foot he will give them horses ; if horse- 
men, chariots; if they have country houses, he will give 
them villages; if villages, cities; and that they shall re- 
ceive their j>ay by measure, and not by tale." ofj <■<*>!) 

Oj'.thv iv.v u':v -ri-'-.i π-χξωτιν, 'ίππους, ixv ί; ίπ-ττιΤ;, <τυν. 
ωςί$χς' ixv S'i κγ-^ηύζ ίχ-ζΧΓ», χώμχς' ixv ie κημχς ?τίλΕΐς• 
μιτ^οΰ if τί»'; <rrg οιτινομίνοις ούκ «ο«3•μοι/ ;--./. it μ.ίτξον 

ίτιο-σχι. This letter seems'to be full of the same eas- 
tern Fast with the speech Cyrus makes to the Greeks 
upon this occasion 



that arc so through cold : every thing between is 
under the government of my brother's friends ; 
and if we conquer, it becomes me to put you, 
who are my friends, in possession of it : so that 
I am under no apprehension, if we succeed, 
lest I should not have enough to bestow on 
each of my friends : I only fear, lest I should 
not have friends enough, on whom to bestow 
it ; but to each of you Greeks, besides what I 
have mentioned, I promise a crown of gold." 
Hereupon, the officers espoused his cause with 
greater alacrity, and made their report to the 
rest ; after which, the Greek generals, and sor 
of the private men, came to him to know wl 
they had to expect, if they were victorious 
whom he sent away big with hopes, and all who 
were admitted, advised him not to engage per- 
sonally, but to stand in the rear. Clearchus 
himself put this question to him : " Are you 
of opinion, Ο Cyrus ! that your brother will 
hazard a battle 1 ?" " Certainly," answered Cy- 
rus : " if he is the son of Darius and Parysatis, 
and my brother, I shall never obtain all this 
without a stroke." 

While the soldiers were accomplishing them- 
selves for the action, the number of the Greeks 
was found to amount to ten thousand four 
hundred 3 heavy r armed men, and two thousand 
four hundred targeteers : and that of the Bar- 
barians in the service of Cyrus, to one hundred 
thousand men, with about 4 twenty chariots 
armed with scythes. The enemy's army was 
said to consist of twelve hundred thousand 
men, and two hundred chariots armed with 
scythes, besides six thousand horse, under the 
command of Artagerses, all which were drawn 
up before the king, whose army was com- 
manded by four generals, commanders and 
leaders, Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas, 
and Arbaces, who had each the command of 
three hundred thousand men : but of this num- 
ber, nine hundred thousand only were present 



» Ao-a-i's. Ατπϊς is taken in the same sense Suidas 
gives it, ί τ»ξ«ς, that is «α-^ίο-ταί, which is very prop- 
erly explained by the scholiast upon these words of Ho- 
mer, 

ΚξΧΤίξχ] ο-τ'ιχ,ις ασ•πι<ττα1>ν 

by πιζζν, oVmtwv, heavy-armed men. 

4 Άίμχτα Ιςητχν^ζζχ. Xenophon, in his Cyropssdia, 
ascribes tbe invention of these chariots armed with 
scythes to the |rst Cyrus ; though Diodorus Siculus, 
from Ctesias, says Ninus had greater numbers of them 
in his expedition against the Bactrians: it is certain they 
were not in use in the Trojan war, for which reason 
Arrian in his Tactics, opposes χώματα Τςαικχ to Πί(- 
o-iXK.as he does|t\i to $ξοτχνϊφ6ςχ. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



187 



at the battle, together with one hundred and 
fifty chariots armed with scythes; for Abro- 
comas, coming out of Phoenicia, arrived five 
days after the action. This was the account 
the deserters gave to Cyrus before the battle, 
which was afterwards confirmed by the prison- 
ers. From thence Cyrus, in one day's march, 
made three parasangs, all his forces, both 
Greeks and Barbarians, marching in order of 
battle : because he expected the king would 
fight that day ; for, in the middle of their 
march, there was a trench cut five fathom 
broad and three deep, extending twelve para- 
sangs upwards, traversing the plain as far as 
the wall of Media. In this plain are four 1 
canals derived from the river Tigris ; being 
each one hundred feet in breadth, and deep 
enough for barges laden with corn to sail there- 
in : they fall into the Euphrates, and are dis- 
tant from one another one parasang, having 
bridges over them. 

The great king hearing Cyrus was marching 
against him, immediately caused a trench to be 
made (by way of fortification) near the Euph- 
rates : close fo which, also, there was a narrow 
pass, through which Cyrus and his army march- 
ed and came within the trench ; when, finding 
the king did not engage that day, by the many 
tracks that appeared both of horses and men 
which were retreated, he sent for Silanus, the 
soothsayer of Ambracia, and, agreeable to his 
promise, gave him three thousand daricks, be- 
cause the eleventh day before that, when he 
was offering sacrifice, he tpld Cyrus, the king 
would not fight within ten days ; upon which, 
Cyrus said, " If he does not fight within that 
time, he will not fight at all ; and if what you 
say ptoves true, I will give you 2 ten talents." 
Since, therefore, the king had suffered the 
army of Cyrus to march through this pass un- 



i Αι" ίιω^υχβ; χ,πο τοΰ TiygnTO; ττοταμού feovtroit. Ar- 

rian differs very much from our author, in relation to 
these canals ; he says, that the level of the Tigris is 
much lower than that of the Euphrates, and conse- 
quently all the canals that run from the one to the other, 
are derived from the Euphrates, and fall into the Tigris. 
In this he is supported by Strabo and Pliny, who say 
that in the spring, when the snow melts upon the hills of 
Armenia, the Euphrates would overflow the adjacent 
country, if the inhabitants did not cut great numbers of 
canals to receive and circulate this increase of water in 
the same manner as the Egyptians distribute that of the 
Nile. • 

»Δ £ χ» τίκχντ*. By this it appears, as Hutchinson 
has observed, that three thousand daricks, and ten tal- 
ents, were of equal value. See note 2, page 169. 



molested, both Cyrus and the rest concluded 
that he had given over all thoughts of fighting : 
so that the next day Cyrus marched with less 
circumspection ; and the third day rode on his 
car, very few marching before him in their 
ranks ; great part of the soldiers observed no 
ordeTr," many of their arms being carried in wag- 
gons and upon sumpter horses. 

VIII. It was now about the time of day, 3 
when the market is usually crowded, the army 
being near the place where they proposed to 
encamp, when Patagyas, a Persian, one of 
those whom Cyrus most confided in, was seen 
riding towards them full speed, his horse all in 
a sweat, and he calling to every one he met, 
both in his own language, and in Greek, that 
the king was at hand with a vast army, march- 
ing in order of battle ; which occasioned a 
general confusion among the Greeks, all ex- 
pecting he would charge them, before they had 
put themselves in order: but Cyrus leaping 
from his car, put on his corslet, then mounting 
his horse, took his javelins in his hand, ordered 
all the rest to arm, and every man to take his 
post : by virtue of which command they quickly 
formed themselves, Clearchus on the right 
wing close to the Euphrates, next to him 
Proxenus, and after him the rest : Menon and 
his men were posted on the left of the Greek 
army. Of the Barbarians, a thousand Paphla- 
gonian horse, with the Greek targeteers, stood 
next to Clearchus on the right : upon the left 
Ariaeus, Cyrus's lieutenant-general, was placed 
with the rest of#the Barbarians : they had large 
corslets, and cuirasses, and all of them helmets 
but Cyrus, who placed himself in the centre 
with six hundred horse, and stood ready for 
the charge, with his head unarmed : 4 in which 



» Αμφϊ χγοξΆν 5τλ)ΐ&ουο•«ι\ It is very common with 
the Greek authors to denote the time of the day hy the 
employment of it; thus ws^i λύχνων «φ*; is often used 
by Dionysius Halicarnassensis to signify the evening, 
and κ^φι 7rKfi$ov<rxv «,γοξχν, as Kuster has proved in his 
notes upon Suidas, what they called the third hour, 
that is, nine o'clock with us. Possibly πχ^ουσ-* kyagl 
may not improperly be rendered in English Full Change. 
There is a very particular description of the evening 
in the Odyssey, where Ulysses savs he hung upon the 
wild fig-tree, till Charybdis had cast up his raft, which 
appeared at the time when the judge left the bench to 
go to supper, 

Ήμος S'jVi ίο^ 7τον άνης iyoj ίιθίν άνίΤτΐ), 

Kg ινών veixix 5Γ0λ.λ* S ιν,ι/,ζο μινιόν αίζιιων, 

Tij/uo; ίή τάγί ioug * Χ»^υ/3ίιος ΐζι<$χχν$η. 

* Atyerai is χ*ί τους χλ,Κονς ΧΙίξτα; ψ»λ*ϊί τχΐς χι*>*- 

κ»7ς iv τ«ι ποκίμω ii*xiv5WsuEiv.-D'Ablancoo,rt has left 



188 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



mdnner, they say, it is also customary for the 
rest of the Persians to expose themselves in a 
day of action : all the horses in Cyrus's army 
had both frontlets and breast-plates, and the 
horsemen Greek swords. 

It was now in the middle of the day, and no 
enemy was yet to be seen ; but l in the after- 
noon there appeared a dust like a white cloud 
which not long after spread itself like a dark- 
ness over the plain Iwhen they drew nearer, 
the brazen armour flashed, and their spears and 
ranks appeared, having on their left a body of 
horse armed in white corslets, (said to be com- 
manded by Tissaphernes,) and followed by 
those with 2 Persian bucklers, besides heavy- 
armed men with wooden shields, reaching down 
to their feet, (said to be Egyptians) and other 
horse, and archers, all which marched 3 accord- 



out ail this, unless he designed that selon la costume 
des Parses should be taken for a translation of it. I 
have said that Cyrus stood ready for the charge with 
his head unarmed, and not bare, in which I have dif- 
fered from all the translators, but am supported by Bris- 
senius, who in his third book de Regno Persarum, from 
whom Hutchinson has taken his whole annotation up- 
on this passage, is of opinion, which he proves from 
Herodotus, that both Cyrus and the rest of the Persians, 
though they had no helmets in a day of battle, wore 
however tiaras upon their heads. This is confirmed 
by Plutarch, who says, that in this battle the tiara of 
Cyrus fell from his head. Besides, ψ'λδ?, whichis the 
word our author uses upon this occasion, has a visible 
relation to what goes before ; after he has said, there- 
fore, that the six hundred horse had all helmets but 
Cyrus, when he adds that he had ψ<λίν ιν,ν χιφχκίιν, 
he does not mean that he stood with his head bare, but 
that he had no helmet: in the same manner when Ar- 
rian calls the light-armed men ψιλό•.?, he does not 
mean they were naked, but that they had neither cors- 
lets, shields, greaves, or helmets, which the reader 
will see in his own words in note G, page 167. 

ι Hv«k* oi ίί»^.)) tj'tviTo. Hutchinson quotes upon 
this occasion a passage out of Dio Chrysostomus, in 
in which he divides the day into five parts : 1. we»». 2. 

5τλί) jouc -αν Λγοξύν. 3. tAj μισ-/,μ£ςίχς. 4. ί£»λ.1)ν. 5. 

ίτνίξχν : this division of the day perfectly agrees with 
that of Xenophon: and, as πκ^ουτχ ίγοξί is the mid- 
dle hour between the morning and noon, so ίε»χ>ι will 
be the middle hour between that and the evening, that 
is, three o'clock. 

•Γιρ£οφΡ{0•, ΙΙίί«Γ»χ» μιν rtv* 'oirkx τ% γ-ιρρχ ίσ-τι. 

Harpocration. This kind of buckler is also mentioned 
by Hon»er in the following verse, 

It, ο' ίτί(>ι τχχος ίύ^ϋ, γίξθν πιπχλχγμίνον χζ»ι, 

where Eustathiue explains yip'p* by xc-viS>g Ut^a-tixl 
u λ -jycev Persian bucklers made of wickers. 

a Κατ» ibv*i. This seems to have been customary 
among the Persians : for we find in Herodotus, that in 
the prodigious army with which Xerxes invaded 
Greece, each nation was drawn up by itsolf, χ-χτχ »$νιχ 



ing to their respective countries, each nation 
being drawn up in a 4 solid oblong square ; and 
before them were disposed, at a considerable 
distance' from one another, chariots armed with 
scythes fixed aslant at the axle-trees, with 
others under the 5 body of the chariot, pointing 
downwards, that so they might cut asunder 
every thing they encountered, by driving them 
among the ranks of the Greeks to break them ; 
but it now appeared that Cyrus was greatly 
mistaken when he exhorted the Greeks to 
withstand the shouts of the Barbarians ; for 
they did not come on with shouts, but as 
silently and quietly as possible, and in an 
equal and slow march. Here Cyrus riding 
along the ranks with Pigres the interpreter, 
and three or four others, commanded Clearchus 
to bring his men opposite to the centre of the 
enemy, (because the king was there,) saying, 
" If we break that, our work is done ;" but 
Clearchus observing their centre, and under- 
standing from Cyrus that the king was beyond 
the left wing of the Greek army, (for the king 
was so much superior in number, that, when 
he stood in the centre of his own army he was 
beyond the left wing to that of Cyrus,) Clear- 
chus, I say, would not, however, be prevailed 
on to withdraw hi» right from the river, fearing 
to be surrounded on both sides ; but answered 
Cyrus, he would take care all should go well. 
Now the Barbarians came regularly on ; and 
the Greek army standing on the same ground, 
the ranks were formed as the men came up ; 
in the meantime, Cyrus riding at a small dis- 
tance before the ranks, surveying both the 
enemy's army and his own, was observed by 
Xenophon, an Athenian, who rode up to him, 
and asked whether he had any thing to com- 
mand : Cyrus, stopping his horse, ordered him 



* Ει/ πΚχι<Γΐ<α. As πλχκηον and nKtvbiav are disposi- 
tions often mentioned by Xenophon and other Greek 
authors, it may not be amiss to show the difference be- 
tween them. They are thus defined by Arrian in hi* 

Tactics, 5Γλκ»(Γ«ον Ινομχζιτχ», oa -οταν πςος πχτχς tx[ 
πΚιυξχς πχξχτχξ,ητχι τις Ιν ίτίξΟμ^χ-ίί <τχνμχτί• ττΚιν- 
θ»ον if, ϊτχν iv τιτςχγωνω (τχ,ί)μχτι χυτό τούτο •2Γ£«ξ>ι, 

(rather π£χγβ-* :) so that πλχισ-ιον is an oblong square, 
and !τλινθ»ον an equilateral square. Had D'Ablancourt 
attended to this, he would not have translated iv ττκχι- 
a-tai, avec autant de front que de hauteur. 

* Xjj-o to?{ Si^eo't. The grammarians derive ?'?(?; 
from Sttfcec;, because both' the.gvoxc;, the charioteer, 
and the πχξχΖχτ*ς, the soldiers, sat in the body of the 
chariot. This hint may be of use to historical painters, 
who oftentimes place the charioteer upon a seat by 
himself in the modem way. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



189 



to let them all know, that the * sacrifices and 
victims promise success. 

While be was saying this, upon hearing a 
noise running through the ranks, he asked him 
what meant it ? Xenophon answered, that ] 
the word was now giving for the second i 
time ; Cyrus, wondering who should give 
it, asked him what the word was: the 
other replied, " 2 Jupiter the preserver, and 
victory ;" Cyrus replied, Μ I accept it, let that 
be the word," after which, he immediately re- 
turned to his post, and the two armies being 
now within three or four stadia of each other, a 
the Greeks sung the paean, and began to ad- 
vance against the enemy ; but the motion occa- 
sioning a small 4 fluctuation in the line of battle, 
those who were left behind, hastened their 
inarch, and at once gave a general 5 shout, as 
their custom is when they invoke the god of 
war, and all ran forward, striking their shields 
with their pikes (as some say) to frighten the 
enemy's horses : so that, before the Barbarians 
came within reach of their darts, they turned 
their horses and fled, but the Greeks pursued 
them as fast as they could, calling out to one 
another not to run, but to follow in their ranks; 
some of the chariots were borne through their 
own people without their charioteers, others 
through the Greeks, some of whom, seeing 
them coming, 6 divided ; while others, being 



ι Ti is f i xxi -* σ-φάγιχ. The last of these properly 
signifies, victims, though I am sensible the first is some- 
times taken also for Ίίξΰχ • but in this place I should 
rather think it means some religious rites, upon which 
conjectures were formed of future events. 

»Zfu; ΣΜτϊρ jcsii Nixi•. Dion Cassius tells us, that 
at the battle of Phillippif Brutus's word was «λ^θ^»*, 
libertas ; at the battle of Pharsalia, Caesar's word was 
Άφ^οίιτ^ νιχιισ-αα-*, Venus victrix ; and that of Pompey, 
Ή^αχλίιΐί »nxui(, Hercules invictus. 

* 'Z7rativt(ov οί Έκλανες. Achilles, after he has slain 
Hector, says thus to his men, in Homer, 

VRv S' χγ', nstSovTcg 7rxr/\3vx, χοΰξΟί Άχκιαιν, 
Ni)UO-<v t7Ti γλ.χ$νξν.τι ν(ωμ$σχ 

whence the Greek Scholiast observes, that the ancients 
sung two preans; the first before the battle, to Mars; 
and the second after it to Apollo. 

«'Eifxu.uau's τι τγ.ς φίκχγγος. This expression is 
celebrated by Demetrius Phalereus, as an instance of the 
beauty which metaphors give, when they descend from 
greater things to smaller. 

• Έλίλίζουο-ί.' Έλ£λ£υ, ΐπκρωννμχ ποΧίμηαν. Hesy- 

rhius. From thence comes ίκ<.Κίζ Μ . I am at a loss to 
guess what D'Ablancourt means by translating this, 
comme on fait dans les solemnites de Mars. 



•ΟΊ AY ϊπαπι. 



Hutchinson has em- 



ployed his whole annotation upon this passage, in show- 
ing that »f S( in this place signifies cMnfj which to be 



amazed, like spectators in the 7 Hippodrome, 
were taken unawares , but even these were 
reported to have received no harm, neither 
was there any other Greek hurt in the action, 
except one upon the left wing, who was said to 
have been wounded by an arrow. 

Cyrus seeing the Greeks victorious on their 
side, rejoiced in pursuit of the enemy, and was 
already worshipped as king by those about him; 
however, he was not so far transported as to 
leave his post, and join in the pursuit: but, 
keeping his six hundred horse in a body, 
observed the king's motions, well knowing that 
he was in the centre of the Persian army , 
8 for in all Barbarian armies, the generals eve? 
place themselves in the centre, looking upon 
that post as the safest, on each side of which 



sure is so; but he has said nothing of a much greater 
difficulty that occurs in it. If we are to read Ί'σ-τχυτο in 
this place, as all the translators have rendered it, the 
sense will be, that when the Greeks saw the chariots 
coming towards them, they stood still, which surely was 
not the way to avoid them. I find in Leunclavius's 
edition the word £ι ο-ταντο in the margin, and also in the 
Eton manuscript, quoted by Hutchinson in his addenda, 
though neither of them have followed it in their trans- 
lations, or said any thing to support it ; however, I make 
no doubt but this is the proper reading, and then the 
sense will be very plain : the Greeks avoided the chari 
ots, by dividing. This is confirmed by a passage in 
Arrian which fully explains that before us. At the bat- 
tle of Arbela, or, as he will have it, of Gaugamela, Da- 
rius had placed before his left wing one hundred of 
these chariots armed with scythes, which proved of no 
greater effect than those of Artaxerxes; for Alexan- 
der, who was upon the right of his own army, and 
consequently opposite to the chariots, had ordered his 
men to divide, when they saw them coming, which 
they did accordingly, and by that means rendered them 
ineffectual. But the wordsof Arrian are the best com- 
ment upon this passage, which it is probable he had in 

view, 60-t» S'i oi χ,χι ί(£?ί7Γ£ΐτβ AY» Tuiv τχζεων ΑΥο-χοι/ 
γχς, ίοο-πις 7ΓΧξν,γγεΚτο αύτοι?, Ί'νχ 7Γξθ<Γίπ'πτε τχ 
χξμχτχ. 

i'Ev Ιππο$ξομω. This word is used also by Homer 
to signify the place where the chariots ran the lists : 

Aiioc £' 'ΐ7Γ7Γθ8(θμθζ χμφις. 

At the battle of Thurium, where Sylla defeated Arche- 
Jaus, one of.the generals of Mithridates,. the Roman 
soldiers treated these chariots armed with scythes, with 
so great contempt, that after the first which were sent 
against them had proved ineffectual, as if they had been 
spectators of a chariot race, they called out for more 
ίλλ* Krouv, as Plutarch says, Bi»*t< ιίω^χσ-ιν sv τ«Γ ; 

SiXTg ικχϊς ΐ7τπο$ξ ομιχις. 

β Κ=α rrxvTii St οί των BssfSxfiuv χς χοντις μαην ΓχοντΕ; 

το αίτιον φούντο. Thu9 Arrian tells us that Darius 
placed himself in the centre of his army at the battle of 
Issus, according to the custom of the kings of Persia . 
the reason of which custom, he says, Xenophon an 
signs in the passage now before us. 



190 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book 



their strength is equally divided ; and if they 
have occasion to give out any orders, they are 
received in half the time by the army. The 
king, therefore, being at that time in the cen- 
tre of his own battle, was, however, beyond the 
left wing of Cyrus ; and, when he saw none 
opposed him in front, nor any motion made to 
charge the troops that were drawn up before 
him, he wheeled to the left in order to sur- 
round their army ; whereupon Cyrus, fearing 
he should get behind him, and cut off the Greeks, 
advanced against the king, and charging with 
his six hundred horse, broke those who were 
drawn up before him, put the six thousand men 
to flight, and, as they say, killed Artaxerses, 
their commander, with his own hand. 

These being broken, and the six hundred 
belonging to Cyrus dispersed in the pursuit, 
very few were left about him, and those almost 
all persons who used to eat at his table : how- 
ever, upon l discovering the king properly 
attended, and unable to contain himself, im- 
mediately cried out, " I see the man !" then ran 
furiously at him, and striking him on the breast, 
wounded him through his corslet (as Ctesias 
the physician says, who affirms that he cured 
the wound,) having, while he was giving the 
blow, received a wound under the eye, from 
somebody, who threw a javelin at him with 
great force ; at the same time, the king and 
Cyrus engaged hand to hand, and those about 
them, in defence of each. In this action Ctesias 
(who was with the king,) informs us how many 
fell on his side ; on the other, Cyrus himself 
was killed, and eight of his most considerable 
friends 2 lay dead upon him. When Artapates, 



» I cannot help translating a very fine passage in Plu- 
tarch, in his Life of Artaxerxes, where he excuses him- 
self for not entering into the detail of this battle, be- 
cause Xenophon had already described it in so masterly 
a style, that he thinks it folly to attempt it after him ; 
he says, that "many authors have given an account of 
this memorable action, but thatXenophon almost shows 
it, and, by the clearness of his expression, makes his 
reader assist with emotion at every incident and partake 
of every danger, as if the action was not past but pre- 
sent." However, that I may neither rob Xenophon of 
he praise Plutarch gives him, or Plutarch of his man- 
ner of giving it, I shall transcribe the whole passage : 

t^v Ji μ&%η* ixt'tviiv, says Plutarch, πολλοί/ μιν απηγ- 
y£>.xOTaiw, Ξίνοφαιντος Si μονονονχι ίιικνυοντος οψί», χ,χ] 
ηΐς *ςχγμχσ->ν } ύς ού γιγΒνημινοις, άλλα yivo//£voif, i$i. 
ατχντος τϊψ χχζοχτχν iv iribu t χχι <τυγχιν$υνυοντχ } Stx, 
rrv ivigyttxv, ούχ ιο-τι νουν «χοντο; 'i7rt^)\yt'itrbxi J πΚγ,ν 

C9-* τ«» i%tm* xoyou. The same author calls the place 
where this battle was fought Cunaxa. 
«Extivro ϊπ> βΟτα». I am so much pleased with the 



who was in the gieatest trust with Cyme of 
any of his sceptred ministers, saw him fall, they 
say, he leaped from his horse, and threw him- 
self about him ; when (as some say) the king 
ordered him to be slain upon the body of 
Cyrus ; though others assert, that, drawing his 
scimitar, he slew himself; for he wore a 
golden scimitar, a chain, bracelets, and other 
ornaments which are worn by the most con- 
siderable Persians ; and was held in great 
esteem by Cyrus, both for his affection and 
fidelity. 

IX. Thus died Cyrus ! a man universally 
acknowledged by those who were well acquaint- 
ed with him, to have been, of all the Persians 
since the ancient Cyrus, endued with the most 
princely qualities, and the most worthy of em- 
pire. First, while he was yet a child, and 
educated with his brother, and other children, 
he was looked upon as superior to them all in 
all things. For all the children of the great 
men in Persia are brought up 3 at court, where 
they have an opportunity of learning great 
modesty, and where nothing immodest is ever 
heard or seen. There the children have con- 
stantly before their eyes those who are honour- 
ed and disgraced by the king, and hear the rea- 
sons of both ; so that, while they are children, 
they presently learn to command as well as to 
obey. Cyrus was observed to have more 
docility than any of his years, and to show 
more submission to those of an advanced age 
than any other children, though of a condition 
inferior to his own. He was also observed 
excel not only in his love of horses, but in 
management of them ; and in those exercises 
that relate to war, such as%rchery and lancing 
of darts, they found him the most desirous tc 
learn, and the most indefatigable. Wher 
in the flower of his age, he was, of 
others, the fondest of hunting, and in hunt 
ing, of danger: and once, when a be£ 
rushed upon him, he did not decline the 
counter, but closed with her, and was tor 
from his horse, when he received those wounc 

reason D'Ablancourt gives for not translating the 
words, that I must mention it; he says, le Orec dit, q*i 
se firent tous tuer sur lui, mais cela est repete ensuite 
dans son eloge, et favors besoin de cette expression la 
dix lignes apres. There is a frankness in this acknowl- 
edgement that has more merit in it than the best trans- 
lation. 

t Εν τχΐς βχτιΚιως Sugxtg ttxiSsmovtxi. Literally at 

the door of the king, concerning which, see note 9, 
page 172. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



191 



of which he ever wore the scars : at last he 
killed the bear, and the person that ran to his 
assistance, he made a happy man in the eyes of 
all that knew him. 

When he was sent by his father governor of 
Lydia, the greater Phrygia, and Cappadocia, 
and was declared general of all those who are 
obliged to assemble in the plain of Castolus, 
the first thing he did was to show, that, if he 
entered into a league, engaged in a contract, or 
made a promise, his greatest care was never to 
deceive ; for which reason, both the cities that 
belonged to his government, and private men, 
placed a confidence in him. And if any one 
had been his enemy, and Cyrus had made peace 
with him, he was under no apprehension of 
suffering by a violation of it. So that when 
he made war against Tissaphernes, all the 
cities, besides Miletus, willingly declared for 
him ; and these were afraid of him, because he 
would not desert their banished citizens ; for 
he showed by his actions, as well as his words, 
that after he had once given them assurance of 
his friendship, he would never abandon them, 
though their number should yet diminish, and 
their condition be yet impaired. It was evi- 
dent that he made it his endeavour to out-do 
his friends in good and his enemies in ill offices ; 
and it was reported, that he wished to live so 
long, as to be able to overcome them both, in 
1 returning both. There was no one man, there- 
fore, of our time, to whom such numbers of 
people were ambitious of delivering up their 
fortunes, their cities, and their persons. 

Neither can it be said that he suffered male- 
factors and robbers to triumph ; for to these 
he was of all men the most inexorable. It 
was no uncommon thing to see such men in 
the great roads deprived of their feet, their 
hands, and their eyes ; so that any person, 
whether Greek or Barbarian, might travel 
whithersoever he pleased, and with what- 
soever he pleased, through the country under 
his command, and provided he did no in- 



i Αλ£ξο/*ιι/ο,-. It is to be observed that « κίζχα-ϊχι, 
in this place, signifies to reward and to revenge, both 
which significations this word admits of. Άλίξιιο -ic, 
fiojjS•»».•» ««; κηίτυ-ι,•. Hesychius i,«0v£i---.i is usedin 
the same manner by Thucydides, where Hermocrates 
of Syracuse tells the inhabitants of Sicily, τον eu **ϊ 

χαχα); $ςΰ>ντ» ίξ i<rou αξίτη χμννουμεΆχ, where ν.μννου- 

m*>» is thus explained by the Greek Scholiast, evtotJ» 



jury, be sure of receiving none. It is univer- 
sally acknowledged that he honoured, in a par- 
ticular manner, those who distinguished them- 
selves in arms. His first expedition was 
against the Pisidians and Mysians, which he 
commanded in person ; and those whom he 
observed forward to expose themselves, he 
appointed governors over the conquered coun- 
tries, and distinguished them by other presents ; 
so that 2 brave men were looked upon as most 
fortunate, and cowards as deserving to be their 
slaves ; for which reason, great numbers pre- 
sented themselves to danger, where they ex- 
pected Cyrus would take notice of them. 

As for justice, if any person was remarkable 
for a particular regard to it, his chief care was, 
that such a one should enjoy a greater affluence 
than those who aimed at raising their fortunes 
by unjust means. Among many other instan- 
ces, therefore, of the justice of his administra- 
tion, this was one, that he had an army which 
truly deserved that name, for the officers did 
not come to him from countries on the other 
side of the sea, for gain, but because they were 
sensible that a ready obedience to Cyrus's com- 
mands was of greater advantage to them than 
their monthly pay ; and, indeed, if any one was 
punctual in execution of his orders, he never suf- 
fered his diligence to go unrewarded ; for which 
reason, it is said, that Cyrus was the best serv- 
ed of any prince in all his enterprises. If he 
observed any governor of a province joining the 
most exact economy with justice, improving 
his country, and increasing his revenue, he never 
took any share of these advantages to himself, 
but added more to them : so that they labour- 
ed with cheerfulness, enriched themselves with 
confidence, and never concealed their posses- 
sions from Cyrus, who was never known to 
envy those who owned themselves to be rich ; 
but endeavoured to make use of the riches of 
all who concealed them. It is univerally ac- 
knowledged, that he possessed, in an eminent 
degree, the art. of cultivating those of his friends, 
whose good-will to him he was assured of, and 
whom he looked upon as proper instruments to 
assist him in accomplishing any thing he pro- 



•»» των iuo ο-ημχσ-ι* 
MM». 



I'jto **i isri xi,\;u, kxi £?ri 



zilrrre Cx'vtirS-xt του? μιν α.γχ$ονς % ιυδχιμονισ-τχτονς, 
του? is καχου;" ίουλου; τούτων «ξιουο -S•»» . D'AblanCOUTt • 

has not taken the least notice of these lines in his trans- 
lation : if the reader will give himself the trouble of 
comparinghis version with theoriginal in this character 
of Cyrus, he will find many omissions, as well as 
Btrange liberties. 



192 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



posed ; as an acknowledgment for which, he 
voured to show himself a most powerful 

•it to them in every thing he found they 
desired. 

upon many accounts, he received, in my 
opinion, more presents than any one man ; so, 
of all men living, he distributed them to his 
friends with the greatest generosity, and in 
this distribution consulted both the taste and 
the wants of every one. And as for those 
ornaments of his person that were presented to 
him, cither as of use in war, or embellishments 
to dress, he is said to have expressed his sense 
of them, that it was not possible for him to 
wear them all, but that he looked upon a prince's 
friends, when richly dressed, as his greatest 
ornament. However, it is not so much to be 
wondered at, that, being of greater ability than 
his friends, he should out-do them in the mag- 
nificence of his favours; but that he should 
surpass them in his care and his earnestness 
to oblige, is, in my opinion, more worthy of 
admiration. He frequently sent his friends 
small ! vessels, half-full of wine, when he re- 
ceived any that was remarkably good, letting 
them know, that he had not for a long time 
tasted any 'that was more delicious; besides 
which, he also frequently sent them half-geese, 
and half-loaves, &c. ordering the person who 
carried them to say, Cyrus liked these things, 
for which reason he desires you also to taste 
of them. ' Where forage was very scarce, and 
he, by the number and care of his servants, 
had an opportunity of being supplied with it, 
he sent to his friends, desiring they would give 
the horses that were for their own riding their 
share of it, to the end they might not be oppres- 
sed with hunger, when they carried his friends. 
When he appeared in public upon any occa- 
sion, where he knew many people would have 
their eyes upon him, he used to call his friends 
to him, and affected to discourse 2 earnestly 



I Bir.iu,-. Bi*--c, (Γχχμνίς mtx "χχ•.'. HeSVChiu?. It 

was a wine vessel. 

a 'E<r^:v-:ai-^;y!?ro. Hutchinson has rendered this 

gravibus derebus sermonem Habe bat, which is,no doubt, 

the general sense of the Greek word, but doe? not. in 

my opinion, explain that which our author has (riven it 

- place. The sulject of Ibc discourse between 

Cyrus and hie friends was of little consequence ; to let 

?ators know how much he honoured them, his 

of conversing with them could only do it; and, 

ifies earnestness in the manner of speak- 

iii;;, rs well as the seriousness of the subject, I thought 



with them, that he might show whom he 
honoured. So that, by all I have heard, no 
man, either of the Greeks or Barbarians, ever 
deserved more esteem from his subjects. 
This, among others, is a remarkable instance : 
no one ever deserted from Cyrus, though a 
subject, to the king: Orontas alone attempted 
it, 3 yet he soon found, that the person on 
whose fidelity he depended, was more a friend 
to Cyrus than to him. Many who had been 
most in favour with Cyrus, came over to him 
from the king, after the war broke out between 
them, with this expectation, that in the service 
of Cyrus their merit would be more worthily 
rewarded than in that of the king. What hap- 
pened also to him, at his death, made it evi- 
dent, that he was not only himself a good man, 
but that he knew how to make choice of those 
who were faithful, affectionate, and constant ; 
even when he was killed, all his friends and 
his 4 favourites died fighting for him, except 
Ariaeus, who, being appointed to the command 
of the horse on the left wing, as soon as he 
heard that Cyrus was killed, fled with all that 
body which was under his command. 

X. When Cyrus was dead, his head and 
right hand were cut off upon the spot, and the 
king, with his men, in the pursuit, broke into 
his camp ; while those with Ariaeus no longer 
made a stand, but fled through their own 
camp to their former post, which was said to 
be four parasangs from the field of battle. 
The king, with his forces, among many other 
things, took Cyrus's mistress, a 5 Phocsean, who 



proper to give it that sense in the translation. This 
puts me in mind of a practice of some persons of quality 
in Scotland, when King Charles the First made a pro- 
gress thither : my Lord Clarendon s.iys, that in order 
to render themselves considerable in the eyes of their 
countrymen, they used to whisper the king when he 
appeared in public, though the subject of those whispers 
was often of very little consequence. I hnve known 
some men of gallantry sc happy in this practice, that, 
upon no other foundation than the art of whispering 
trifles, they have been thought to be well with women 
of distinction, which possibly was all they aimed at. 

* Outoc 5ΐ, &.c. The Latin translators have render- 
ed this parenthesis, as if cure? related to the king, for 
which, I think, there is no foundation. I have under- 
stood it of Orontas, who intrusted a person, in whom he 
thought he misht confide, with his letter to the king 
but soon found, to his cost, that he was more attached 
to Cyrus than to him, 

* Χυνίξίττίζ-,ι. Properly those who eat at his table 

* TV Φ*χ*ιί*. As this favourite mistress of Cyrus 
was afterwards very near being the cause of a revolu- 
tion in the Persian empire, it may not be amiss to five 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



193 



was said to be a woman of great sense and 
beauty. The other, a Milesian, who was the 
younger of the two, was also taken by the 
king's troops, but escaped naked to the quarter 
of the Greeks, who were left to guard the bag- 
gage. These, forming themselves, killed many 
of those who were plundering the camp, and 
lost some of their own men; however they 
did not fly, but saved the Milesian, with the 
men and effects, and, in general, every thing 
else that was in their quarter. The king and 
the Greeks were now at the distance of about 
thirty stadia from one another, pursuing the 
enemy that were opposite to them, as if they 
had gained a complete victory ; and the king's 
troops plundering the camp of the Greeks, as 
if they also had been every where victorious. 
But, when the Greeks were informed that the 
king, with his men, were among their baggage, 
and the king, on his side, heard from Tissa- 
phernes, that the Greeks had put those before 
them to flight, and were gone forward in the 



some account of her. She was of Phocea in Ionia (the 
mother-city of Marseilles,) and the daughter of Hermo- 
tymus, her name Milto; she was mistress of so much 
wit and beauty, that Cyrus, who was very fond of her, 
called her Aspasia, from Aspasia, the mistress of the 
great Pericles, who was so much celebrated for those 
accomplishments. After the death of Cyrus, she was 
in the same degree of favour with his brother Artaxer- 
xes, whose eldest son Darius had so unfortunate a pas- 
sion for her, that, upon his being declared by his father 
successor to the crown, when, it seems, it was custom- 
ary for the successor to ask some favour of the king, 
which was never refused, if possible to be granted, he 
demanded Aspasia. The king, though besides his wife 
Atossa, he had three hundred and sixty ladies in his 
seraglio, one for every night, according to the old Baby- 
lonian year, yet was unwilling to part with Aspasia, 
though she was now far from being young; so told his 
son that she was mistress of herself, and, if she con- 
sented to be his, he should not oppose it, but forbid him 
to use violence. It seems this caution was unnecessary, 
for Aspasia declared in favour of the son, which so dis- 
pleased Artaxurxes, that, though he was under a ne- 
cessity of yielding her to Darius, yet he shortly after 
took her from him, and made her a priestess of Diana. 
This exasperated Darius to that degree, that he con- 
spired with Teribazus to put his father to death; but 
his design being discovered, ended in his own destruc- 
tion. After this short account of Aspasia's adventures, 
I believe the reader will smile to find her called la belle 
and la sage by D'Ablancourt. She was the occasion of 
so much mischief, that Γ am persuaded even the Persian 
ladles could not refuse her the first of these qualities ; 
but there is little room to call her chaste, for that is the 
sense of the word sage in his language when applied to 
a woman. Had Xenophon designed to give her that 
character, he would have called her ο-ω^ρονκ, instead of 
ro?*» : the last of which, I should think, might be more 
properly translated in French by sensee than sage. 
17 



pursuit, he then rallied his forces, and put 
them in order. On the other side, Clearchus 
consulted with Proxenus, who was nearest to 
him, whether they should send a detachment, 
or should all march to relieve the camp. 

In the meantime, the king was observed to 
move forward again, and seemed resolved to 
fall upon their rear : upon which, the Greeks ' 
faced about, and put themselves in a posture 
to march that way, and receive him. How- 
ever, the king did not advance that way ; but 
as before, passed 2 beyond their left wing, led 
his men back the same way, taking along with 
him those who had deserted to the Greeks 
during the action, and also Tissaphernes with 
his forces ; for Tissaphernes did not fly at the 
first onset, but penetrated with his horse, 
where the Greek targeteers were posted, quite 
as far as the river. However, in breaking 
through, he killed none of their men, but the 



ι Συσ-τρχφινίίζ. I am sorry to find myself obliged to 
differ from Hutchinson in translating this. I agree with 
him that conglobali, the sense he has given of it, is the 
general sense of the word, as he has proved from Hesy- 
chius and Phavorinus ; as for those synonymous words 
he has quoted from Julius Pollox, I do not look upon 
them to concern the present case, since they relate only 
to the contraction of the human body, as the title of that 
chapter plainly shows, Π£^< του νυττςιψοιι το σ-ωμχ, xat 
'oiirKuxrctt. But, in order to form a right judgment of 
the sense of this word in this place, we are to consider 
the situation of the two armies ; the Greeks, after they 
had broken that part of the enemy's army that stood op- 
posite to them, were engaged in pursuing them; and 
the king, having plundered Cyrus's camp, followed the 
Greeks, in order to fall upon their rear, π-ςοσ-ΐων onia-Stv ; 
but the latter seeing this motion of the king, faced about 
to meet him. Now I believe it will be allowed, that it 
was not enough for the Greeks (though they had been 
dispersed, which we do not find) to get together in a 
body, in order to meet the king, who was following 
them; I say, I believe it will be thought that it was also 
necessary for them to face about, in order to put them- 
selves in a proper posture to receive him. This motion 
of facing about to receive the enemy, is often described 
by this verse in Homer, 

Ό* J' (Κι\ιχ$η<τχν και svxvrtoi «ο•τ«ν Αχαιών. 
Which the Greek Scholiast explains by the very word 
made use of by our author in this place, α-υνιττξ «φ>ιο-*ν, 
μιτΛ&χ\\ομίνοι 'hKh^tccv. It is with pleasure I lay hold 
on this opportunity of doing justice to D'Ablancourt, 
who had said, I think, in a very proper and military 
manner, " les Grecs fir ent la conversion pour Valler re• 
cevoir; cela s'appelle parler guerre." Leunclavius has 
also given it the same sense. 

3 λ Η is 7Τ*(ηΚ$ίν ίξω του ιναινυμον χιςχτος. Xenophon 

considers the Greek army as it stood when the battle 
began, otherwise after they had faced about, their left 
wing was become their right. This D'Ablancourt ha• 
observed, but Leunclavius and Hutchinson take no no- 
tice of it. 



194 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book 



Greeks ' dividing, wounding his people both 
with their swords and darts. Episthenes of 
Amphipolis commanded the targeteers, and is 
reported to have shown great conduct upon 
this occasion. Tissaphernes, therefore, as 
sensible of his disadvantage, departed, when 
coming to the camp of the Greeks, found the 
king there, and reuniting their forces, they ad- 
vanced and presently came opposite to the left 
of the Greeks, who being afraid they should 
attack their wing, by wheeling to the right 
and left, and annoy them on both sides, they 
resolved to open that wing, and cover the rear 
with the river. While they were consulting 
upen this, the king 2 marched by them, and 
drew up his army opposite to theirs in the 
same order in which he first engaged : where- 
upon, the Greeks, seeing they drew near in 
order of battle, again sung the paean, and went 
on with much more alacrity than before ; but 
the Barbarians did not stay to receive them, 
having fled sooner than the first time to a vil- 
lage, where they were pursued by the Greeks, 
who halted there : for there was an eminence 
above the village, upon which, the king's forces 
faced about. He had no foot with him, but 
the hill was covered with horse, in such a 
manner that it was not possible for the Greeks 
to see what was doing. However, they said 
they saw the royal ensign there, which was a 
8 golden eagle with its wings extended, resting 



ι Διχσ-ταντι;, This is the word contended for in note 
6, p. 189. The motion made by the Greeks to let Tissa- 
phernes and hi3 men pass through their body, upon this 
occasion, is the same they then made to let the chariots 
pass through them. 

« ΤΙχ'ζχμα^χμινος,ίΐς το αυτό ιτγ^μχ χατεττηο-εν tvxv- 
tixvtijv qxKxyya, ^ακτπίς , &c. I have translated this 
passage, as if there was a comma after -χξχμίΐ-γχμίνος, 
which I have rendered "marching by them," a signifi- 
cation wery common to the word ; for Xenophon does 
not say that the Greeks did actually open their wing ; 
but that, while they were consulting about doing so, the 
king drew up his army against theirs, upon which the 
Greeks advanced to attack him: this I do not under- 
etand how they could well do, while the enemy was 
upon their flank; but, if we suppose the king marched 
by them, and drew up upon the 6ame ground, and in 
the same disposition in which he first came on, we may 
easily understand how the Greeks, by facing about 
again, might put themselves again in a posture to at- 
tack him. And this seems to agree very well with their 
pursuing the king's troops to a village, which pursuit 
led them to some distance from their camp, since they 
made it a matter of consultation, whether they should 
send for their baggage, or return thither. 

3 ΑίτΐϊΤΐ'.ϊ Xfvc-svv tTrt ζυα-του χνχπτχμινον. I think, 

Hutchinson has been very happy in substituting ζυο-του 



upon a spear. When the Greeks advanced 
towards them, the horse quitted the hill, not 
in a body, but some running one way, and 
some another. However, the hill was cleared 
of them by degrees, and at last they all left it 
Clearchus did not march up the hill with his 
men, but halting at the foot of it, sent Lyciua 
the Syracusan, and another, with orders to re- 
connoitre the place, and make their report : 
Lycius rode up the hill, and, having viewed it, 
brought word that the enemy fled in all haste. 
Hereupon the Greeks halted, (it being near 
sun-set) and lying under their arms, rested 
themselves : in the meantime wondering that 
neither Cyrus appeared, nor any one from him, 
not knowing he was dead, but imagined that 
he was either led away by the pursuit, or had 
rode forward to possess himself of some post : 
however, they consulted among themselves, 



for ξύλου, but then I do not see what e»i steXtjic has to 
do here, unless it is supposed to signify a shield upon 
which the eagle rested; however, I cannot think Xeno- 
phon said xtTdv ιπι 57ίλτ>]?, ίττι ξυο-του ανχτΕτα/ίίΐ /cv, and 
if ίττι 7Γί\τγ,ς is to be changed into sm «-αλτου as Lenn- 
clavius will have it, it will be visibly a marginal expla- 
nation of £?r» ξυο-του. Xenophon, in his Institution of 
Cyrus, tells us, that the ensign of the first Cyrus was a 
golden eagle upon a spear, with its wings extended, 
which, be says, still continues to be the ensign of the 
Persian kings, and which we find by Curtius continued 
to be so, as long as the Persian empire subsisted. The 
description Xenophon gives us of this eagle, comes so 
very near to that given by Dion Cassius of the Roman 
eagle, and also to the representation of it upon Trajan'e 
pillar, that one may reasonably conclude the .Romans 
received theirs from the eastern part of the world. 
I own it is very probable that the Romans had an eagle 
for their ensign before the battle in which the first 
Cyrus defeated Croesus, and in which Xenophon say» 
he had an eagle for his ensign, for this battle was 
fought in the first year of the 56th Olympiad, that is, 
about the 205th year of Rome. Indeed the earliest men- 
tion I can find of the Roman eagle, is in the year of 
Rome 299, and the third of the eighty-first Olympiad, 
T. Romilius and C. Veturius being consuls ; where 
Siccius Dentatus tells the people, that, in an action he 
there mentions, he recovered the eagle from the enemy ; 
but it must be owned also, that it is there spoken of as 
a thing already established. I say this to show the 
mistake of some learned men, who have maintained 
that Marine was the first who introduced the use of 
this ensign. I will hazard a conjecture: it is this— If 
the account given by Dionysius Halicarnassensis be 
true, which he supports by so many probable circum- 
stances, that JSneas, after the destruction of Troy, cams 
into Italy, and built Lavinium, whose inhabitants built 
Alba, of which the city of Rome was a colony ; if, I say 
this account be as true as it is probable, why may not 
tineas have brought this ensign with him from the 
East? where possibly it might have been in uso long 
before the conquest of Cyrus. 






EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



195 



whether they should stay where they were, and 
send for their baggage, or return to their camp. 
To the latter they resolved upon, and arriving 
at their tents about supper-time, found the 
greatest part of their baggage plundered, with 
all the provisions, besides the carriages, which, 
as it was said, amounted to four hundred, full 



»»— »v »• v.» u U »~, -.~.-— ..*-— .— - ■ » ■ j — -- -— — " — —j ™ — •*"Ό " trr 

of flour and wine, which Cyrus had prepared, in this manner they passed the night 



in order to distribute them among the Greeks, 
lest at any time his army should labour undei 
the want of necessaries ; but they were all sc 
rifled by the king's troops that the greatest pari 
of the Greeks had no supper, neither had they 
eaten any dinner ; for, before the army couW 
halt in order to dine, the king appeared. And 



I 












I 



XENOPHON 



ON THE 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS 



BOOK II. 

[197] 



17» 



CONTENTS OF BOOK II. 



I. The Greeks, informed of the death of Cyrus, and Ariaeus' design to return to Ionia— Clearchus promises 
Ariaeus the empire of Persia— Artaxerxes orders the Greeks to deliver up their arms, is attacked by them, and 
flies. — II. The Greeks repair to Ariaeus, and having entered into a confederacy, take counsel concerning 
their return — Setting forth at day -break, they arrive in the evening at some villages, and judge that the king's 
camp is in the neighborhood — Clearchus leads the army so as to appear neither to seek nor to fear a con- 
flict—At sunset they come to villages which had been plundered by the king's troops ; and passing the night 
in a state of uncertainty, are struck with fear, which a stratagem of Clearchus subdues.— III. Artaxerxes, 
terrified at the sudden arrival of the Greeks, sends ambassadors to treat of peace— the Greeks, at his command, 
led to villages abounding in provisions— Three days afterwards Tissaphernes is sent by the king to ask them 
why they had borne arms against him— Clearchus returns a true and sufficient answer, and the king makes 
a treaty with the Greeks. — IV. Whilst the Greeks are in expectation of Tissaphernes, who bad returned to 
the king, they form suspicions of the sincerity of Ariseus — On the arrival of Tissaphernes to conduct their 
march, the Greeks, suspecting him also of insincerity, begin to march and encamp apart — Their route descri- 
bed, from its outset at the wall of Media not far from Babylon— The cowardice and pretended snares of the 
Persians are noted, and the king's brother is terrified at the appearance of the multitude of the Greek for- 
ces.— V. The Greeks become confirmed in their suspicions against the Persians ; and Clearchus, in a confer- 
ence with Tissaphernes, uses his utmost efforts to bring matters to a more amicable footing — Tissaphernes 
replies with such civility, that Clearchus, moved by his discourse, returns to him with four other generals 
and twenty colonels — The Greek generals made prisoners, and the colonels and others, who accompanied 
them, put to death. — Ariaeus comes to the Grecian camp, and demands a surrender of their arms— Cleanor 
returns a contumelious answer.— VI. The character of each of the five generals described, namely, that of 
Clearchus, Proxenus, Menon, Agias, and Socrates. 



p98] 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



BOOK II. 



I. Iv the foregoing book we have shown 
by what means Cyrus raised an army of the 
Greeks, when he marched against his brother 
Artaxerxes; what was performed during his 
march, and in what manner the battle was 
fought ; how Cyrus was killed ; and the 
Greeks, thinking they had gained a complete 
victory, and that Cyrus was alive, returned to 
their camp, and betook themselves to rest. 
As soon as the day approached, the generals, 
being assembled, wondered that Cyrus neither 
sent them any orders, nor appeared himself; 
resolved therefore to collect what was left of 
their baggage, and armed themselves to move 
forward in order to join Cyrus; but just as 
they were on the point of marching, and as 
soon as the sun was risen, 1 Procles, who was 
governor of Teuthrania, a descendant from 
Damaratus the Lacedaemonian, and Glus, the 
son of 2 Tamos, came to them, and declared 
that Cyrus was dead, and that Ariaeus had left 
the field, and was retired, with the rest of the 
Barbarians, to the camp they had left the day 
before ; where 3 he said he would stay for them 
that day, if they thought fit to come ; but that 



ι Π^οχλϊί ?. Teuthrania was a city of Mysia in Asia 
Minor, of which Procles was governor ; he was de- 
scended from Damamtus, one of the kings of Sparta, 
who was deprived of his kingdom by his colleague Cleo- 
menes; upon which he fled to Darius Hystaspes, who 
entertained him with great magnificence : he afterwards 
attended Xerxes in his expedition to Greece. 

a Τχμω. He was of Memphis, and admiral to Cyrus; 
after his death, he sailed with his fleet to Egypt, and, 
having formerly conferred some obligations on Psam- 
mitichus, who was then king of that country, he made 
no doubt of his protection ; but Psammitichus, forget- 
ting all obligations, as well as the laws of hospitality, 
put him to death, and seized his fleet. 

* Κχϊ λί^οι οτι τχυτην μιν τήν γμΐξ χν πίξίμίνίΐ'ν $.ν 
αύτοΰί. ιΐ μιλΧαιν ijxsiv• T>j Ss JikKy ηπΐίνοα φαί>ι sVi Ιωνί- 
α;, ϊ$ ινπ( ς ?λ$ι. All this is left out by D'Ablancourt. 



the next he should return to Ionia, whence he 
came. The generals, and the rest of the 
Greeks, hearing this, were greatly afflicted : and 
Clearchus with astonishment said, " 4 Would 
to God Cyrus was alive ! but since he is dead, 
let Ariaeus know, that we have overcome the 
king, and, as you see, meet with no further 
resistance, and that, if you had not come, we 
had marched against the king ; at the same 
time, assure Ariaeus from us, that, if he will 
come hither, we will place him on the throne ; 
for those who gain the victory, gain with it a 
right to command." After he had said this, 
he directly sent back the messengers, together 
with Cheirisophus the Lacedaemonian, and 
Menon the Thessalian ; for Menon himself 
desired it, he being a friend to Ariaeus, and 
engaged to him by an intercourse of hospitali- 
ty. Clearchus staid till they returned, making 
provisions as well as he could, by killing the 
oxen and asses that belonged to the baggage ; 
and instead of other wood, made use of the 
arrows, which they found in great quantities in 
the field of battle, not far from the place where 
their army lay, (and which the Greeks obliged 
the deserters to pull out of the ground,) and 
also of the Persian bucklers, and the Egyp- 
tian shields, that were made of wood, besides 
a great many targets, and empty waggons ; 



*nc?t\t μιν Χΰςος ζην. Ω<ρ«λον is here joined with 
an infinitive mood, though in an optative sense. In all 
these phrases <o?t\ov, or the Ionic ος>£λον, is not an ad- 
verb, whatever the grammarians say, ώ; or ιίθι being 
always understood, which construction of the phrase is 
so true, that one of them is frequently expressed. 
Thus Helen, reproaching Paris for his inglorious beha- 
viour in the duel between him and Menelaus, tells him, 

Η?^υ$ί{ ex ττοΚίμου' ώς ωφιΚις κιίτοί' oXitrJtti, 
Ανδξ ί δχμιϊς χς «Τί{», $ς Ιμος π-ξοτίξο; παα-ις i>,tv. 

Many other examples may be given from the same au- 
thor, where *'3•« ox nbt is expressed. 

199 



200 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II. 



with all which they dressed their victuals, and 
in this manner supported themselves that day. 
It was now l about the time the market is 
generally full, when the heralds arrived with 
the message from the king and Tissaphernes, 
all of whom were Barbarians, (except Phali- 
nus, who was a Greek, and happened then to 
be with Tissaphernes, by whom he was much 
esteemed ; for he pretended to understand tac- 
tics and the 2 exercise of arms) who, after 
assembling together the Greek commanders, 
said, that the king, since he had gained the 
victory, and killed Cyrus, ordered the Greeks 
to deliver up their arms, and, repairing to 
3 court, endeavour to obtain some favourable 
terms from the king. The Greeks received 
this with much indignation ; however, Clear- 
chus said no more to them than that, " It was 
not the part of conquerors to deliver up their 
arms : but," addressing himself to the generals, 
" do you make the best and most becoming 
answer you can, and I will return immedi- 
ately ;" he being called out by one of his ser- 
vants to inspect the entrails of the victim, 
which he was then offering up in sacrifice. 
Whereupon, Cleanor the Arcadian, the oldest 
person present, made answer, " They would 
sooner die than deliver up their arms." Then 
Proxenus the Theban, said, " I wonder, Ο 
Phalinus ! whether the king demands our arms 
» — — - 

1 riif ϊ ττλιιθουτβν α,γοςύ,ν. See note 3, page 187. 

» Οπκομαχίχν. Leunclavius has translated this gla- 
diatoria peritiam, which I cannot think so proper as 
artem armis depugnandi, in Hutchinson: D'Ablan• 
court has artfully evaded this difficulty, by compre- 
hending both Tiv 7Τΐξ ί T*j τάξίΐί tj χαί όπΚομχχίχν in 

these general words, Vart militaire. It is very certain 
the Romans took many things, both in civil and milita- 
ry affairs, from the Greeks, but I believe the gladiato- 
rian spectacles were in use in Rome, before they were 
heard of in Greece ; the origin of which seems to have 
been the early custom in use among most nations, of 
sacrificing captives to the manes of great generals, who 
were slain in war. Thus Achilles sacrifices twelve 
Trojans to the manes of Patroclus ; and iEneas sends 
captives to Evander, to be sacrificed at the funeral of his 
son Pallas. Valerius Maximus says, that M. and D. 
Brutus in the consulship of App. Claudius and M. Ful- 
yius, honoured the funeral of their father with a gladi- 
atorian spectacle, which from that time became frequent 
upon those occasions ; but this was many years after 
the time our author speaks of, when I am convinced the 
Greeks had never heard of these spectacles : my reason 
is, that whenever any Greek author of, or near the age, 
Xenophon lived in, speaks of όπκ'ομχχοι, I dare say 
they always understand masters appointed to teach 
military exercises, 
s Ε*-. xi { 0«<Γ»λί»; £ύι«;. See note 3, page 171. 



as a conqueror, or as a friend desires them by 
way of present 1 If, as a conqueror, what 
occasion has he to demand them 1 4 Why does 
he not rather come and take them 1 If he 
would persuade us to deliver them, say, what 
are the soldiers to expect in return for so great 
an obligation 1" Phalinus answered, « The 
king looks upon himself as conqueror, since he 
has killed Cyrus ; for who is now his rival in 
the empire 1 He looks upon you, also, as his 
property, since he has you in the middle of his 
country, surrounded by impassable rivers ; and 
can bring such numbers of men against you 
that, though he delivered them up to you, your 
strength would fail you before you could put 
them all to death." 

After him, Xenophon, an Athenian, said, 
" You see, Ο Phalinus ! that we have nothing 
now to depend upon, 5 but our arms, and our 
courage ; and while we are masters of our 
arms, we think we can make use of our courage 
also ; but that, when we deliver up these, we 
deliver up our persons too ; do not therefore 
expect we shall deliver up the only advantages 
we possess ; on the contrary, be assured, that 
with these we are resolved to fight with you 
even for those you are in possession of." Pha- 
linus, hearing this, smiled, and said, 6 " Young 
man ! indeed you seem to be a philosopher, 



«T» S(7 αύτϊν «ϊτίΓν,κλλ* βύ ΚχβεΤν ίλθοκτ* ; Thus, 

when Xerxes sent to Leonidas at Thermopylae to deliv- 
er up his arms, the latter bid him come and take them, 
χ*β» μο^ων, says he, according to the concise style of 
his country. 

• ε» μϊι οττλ.» και « ? ιτ«ι. 'Ag»T>i is here taken for 
courage, in which sense it is frequently used by the best 
authors ; in this sense Idomeneus says an ambuscade is 
the trial of a soldier's courage, 

— λόχοι» tvSx /κάλίβ-τ' *ξ itj) iiecj/iiT** ίνδςων, 
Σ.ν& on JiiXbj «viif, ό'{ τ'ά'λχι^Οί, *ξ«φ«ίνθκ. 

In this sense also Virgil says, 

Dolus, anvirtus quis in hoste requirit ? 

After this, I believe, it will be allowed, that D'Ablan- 
court does not give the author's sense, when he says, 
il ne nous est reste autre chose, que les armes et la 
liberte; to justify this, he says the Greek word signifies 
la vertu, though ίξ*τη in this place signifies neither 
liberty nor virtue. 

• 'α νιανισ-χι. I find all the translators have rendered 
this in the same manner I have done; though, if Lu- 
cian's account of our author be true, that is, that he was 
above ninety years old when be died ; and if, according 
to Laertiue, he died in the first year of the hundred 
and fifth Olympiad, he must have been fifty, at least, 
at the time of this expedition : which I mention for the 
sake of some worthy gentlemen of my acquaintance, 
who will not be sorry to find a man of fifty treated as 
a young man. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



201 



and speak handsomely; but, believe me, you 
are mistaken, if you imagine that your courage 
will prevail over the power of the king." How- 
ever, it was reported, that others, whose reso- 
lution began to fail, said, that, as they had 
been true to Cyrus, they would also be of great 
service to the king, if he were disposed to be 
their friend ; and that, whatever commands he 
had for them, they would obey him; and, if he 
proposed * to invade Egypt, they would assist 
hiui in the conquest of it. In the meantime 
Clearchus returned, and asked if they had al- 
ready given their answer. To whom Phalinus 
said, " These men, Ο Clearchus ! say one, one 
tning, and another, another; but pray let us 
have your thoughts." To which he replied, 
" I rejoice, Ο Phalinus ! to see you, as, I am 
persuaded, all these do, who are present ; for 
you are a Greek, as well as we, whom you see 
before you in so groat numbers ; wherefore, in 
our present circumstances, we desire you to 
advise us what we ought to do with regard to 
the proposals you bring ; 2 and entreat you, by 
all the gods, give us that advice which you 
think best, and most becoming, and which will 
do you most honour in the eyes of posterity, 
when it shall be said, that Phalinus, being sent 
by the king with orders to the Greeks that 
they should deliver up their arms, and, being 
consulted by them, gave them this advice : for 
you are sensible that your advice, whatever it 
is, must be reported in Greece." Clearchus 
insinuated this with a view of engaging the 
king's ambassador himself to advise them not 
to deliver up their arms, that, by this means 
the Greeks might entertain better hopes : but 
3 Phalinus artfully avoided the snare, and, con- 
trary to his expectation, spoke as follows : 



ι ΈπΆι^υΛ-τβν α•τ(Λτιΰιιν. This expedition is pro- 
posed, because the Egyptians had several years before 
withdrawn themselves from their subjection to the 
Persians, and were at this time governed by a king 
of their own, called Psammitjchus, descended from the 
ancient Psammitichus, who, being one of the twelve 
kings, put all the rest to death and, by that means, 
made himself king of all Egypt. 

*Συμβου\ιυΌμι$ά σοι. See note 8, page 169. 

» Φ*λινοί ί' 'jwaa -τς ίψ«ί . It is with great reason that 
Hutchinson rejects the sense Leunclavius gives to 
1»•ββτ ? ίψ* ; in this place, as if it signified returning; 
he has shown out of Julius Pollux, that ΊζΛπχτΖν σ-τξί. 
<?i<raat,and JsroTTf spio-j•*», are synonymous.whencehe 
very properly derives the Latin word stropha,n deceit, 
to which I shall add, that Pliny the younger makes use 
of the word in this sense, in one of his epistles, where he 
enye,invenium aliquamstropham,agamque causam tuam. 



" If you had the least hope of a thousand to 
preserve yourselves by making war against the 
king, I should advise you not to deliver up 
your arms ; but if you cannot hope for safety 
without his concurrence, I advise you to pre- 
serve yourselves by the only means you can." 
Clearchus replied, " This, I find, is your sense 
of the matter ; and this answer you are desired 
to return from us ; that we think, if it is pro- 
posed we should be friends to the king, we 
shall be more valuable friends by preserving 
our arms than by parting with them ; and that, 
if we are to go to war with him, we shall make 
war with greater advantage by keeping our 
arms, than by delivering them." Phalinus 
said, " I shall report this answer. However, 
the king ordered me also to let you know, 
that, if you stay where you are, you will have 
peace ; but if you advance or march back, you 
must expect war. Let me have your answer 
also to this ; and whether I shall acquaint the 
king, that you will stay here, and accept of 
peace, or that you declare for war." Clear- 
chus replied, " Let the king know, that in this 
we are of the same opinion with him." " What 
is that 1 ?" said Phalinus. Clearchus answered, 
"If we stay, there may be peace, but if we 
march back, or advance, war." Phalinus again 
asked, " Shall I report peace or war." Clear- 
chus replied, " Peace, if we stay, and if we 
march back or advance, war;" but he did not 
declare what he proposed to do. So Phalinus 
and those with him went away. 

II. In the meantime Procles and Cheiriso- 
phus came from Ariseus, leaving Menon with 
him, and brought word that Ariaeus said, there 
were many Persians of greater consideration 
than himself, who would never suffer him to 
be their king; but desires, if you propose 
marching away with him, that you will come 
to him to-night ; if not, he says he will depart 
the next morning early. Clearchus answered, 
« What you advise is very proper, if we join 



There is also a passage in Aristophancs,where<rTfo~K is 
used in the same signification, i*.?..' oux. teyov ΐσ-τ' cvS\v 
σ-τξοφων, which the Scholiast explains in a manner very 
agreeable to the sense of Ιπο<ττρ>•]/χ; in this place: o-tjo- 

$>a», Says he, οί <Γυμπ-ί7τΚιγμίνο>, χχι SoXigOt λό^-οι. — 

D'Ablancourt was aware of the difficulty of this word, 
and has left it out. Nothing surprises me so much, as 
that Hutchinson, after having so justly condemned re- 
verses in his notes, should follow it in his translation. 
The French language has an expression, which very 
properly explains υττοιττ^ίψ*; in this place, detournant 
It coup. 

2A 



202 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II. 



aim; if not, do whatever you think expedient 
w your advantage ;" for he would not acquaint 
jven these with his purpose. After this, when 
it was sunset, he assembled the generals and 
captains, and spoke to them as follows : " Gen- 
tlemen, I have consulted the gods by sacrifice, 
concerning marching against the king ; and the 
victims, with great reason, forbid it ; for I am 
now informed, that between us and the king 
lies the Tigris, a navigable river, which we 
cannot pass without boats, and these we have 
not ; neither is it possible foi us to stay 
here, for we are without provisions. But the 
victims were very favourable to the design of 
joining Cyrus's friends. The order therefore 
we ought to pursue is this : let every man re- 
tire and sup upon what he has, and when the 
horn sounds to rest, pack up your baggage ; 
when it sounds a second time, charge the 
sumpter horses ; and when a third, follow your 
leader, and let the baggage march next to the 
river, and the heavy-armed men cover it." 
The generals and captains hearing this, depart- 
ed, and did as they were directed : Clearchus 
having taken upon him the command of the 
army, who submitted to him, not as having 
elected him to that employment, but because 
they were sensible that he alone was equal to 
the command, the rest being without experi- 
ence. They had made from Ephesus (a city 
Df Ionia) to the field of battle ninety-three 
marches, which amounted to five hundred and 
thirt}'-five parasangs, or * sixteen thousand and 
fifty stadia ; 2 and, from the field of battle to Ba- 



ιΣτάί»οι uTivDjxovr* χαι ΙζχκκτχΙΚιοι χχι μύςιοι. — 

This confirms what was advanced in note 7, page 170, 
namely, that a parasang contained thirty stadia. 

» ΆτγΌ £j t>j; μίχ*; tKiyovto fivxi ίΐς Βχβυλων*, τχχ. 

y»oi ίζ>ικεντβ χλι χξίτχΐκιοι. Here must be some mis- 
take, probably, in the transcriber, though Xenophon 
laye upon the report only, that there were three thou- 
sand and sixty stadia from the field of battle to Babylon. 
However, Plutarch seems to come much nearer the 
iruth, when he says there were but five hundred; for, if 
the reader will compute the distances mentioned by our 
author from Thapsacus, where Cyrus passed the Eu- 
phrates, to the field of battle, he will find that they 
jrnounted to no less than four thousand six hundred 
and fifty stadia. Now the ancient geographers allow 
no more than four thousand eighthundred from Thap- 
sacus to Babylon, in following the course of the Euphra- 
tes, which we find was the route the army took; so 
that there will, in that case, remain no more than one 
hnndred and fifty stadia from the field of battle to Ba- 
bylon, which is so vastly short of the distance mention- 
ed by Xenophon, that the difference seems to be rather 



bylon, it was computed there were three thou- 
sand and sixty stadia. 

After this, as soon as it was dark, Miltocythes, 
the Thracian, with his horse, being forty in 
number, and three hundred Thracian foot, de- 
serted to the king. Clearchus, in, the manner 
he had appointed, led the rest, and about mid- 
night arrived at their first camp, where they 
found Ariaeus with his army ; and the men be- 
ing drawn up and standing to their arms, the 
generals and captains of the Greeks went in a 
body to Ariaeus, and both they and he, with 
the most considerable men about him, took an 
oath not to betray one another, and to become 
allies. The Barbarians also swore that they 
would conduct them without deceit. This 
was the substance of the oath, which was pre- 
ceded by the 3 sacrifice of a boar, a bull, a wolf, 
and a ram, whose blood being all mixed together 
in the hollow of a shield, the Greeks dipped 
a sword therein, and the Barbarians a spear. 
When they had pledged their faith, Clear- 
chus said, " Since, Ο Ariaeus ! your 4 route 
and ours are the same, say, what is your 
opinion concerning our march ? Shall we re- 
turn the same way we came, or have you 
thought of any other more convenient V Ari- 
aeus answered, " If we return the same way we 
came, we shall all perish with hunger ; since 
we are now entirely destitute of provisions ; 
for during the last seventeen days' march, we 
could supply ourselves with nothing out of the 
country, even in our way hither ; and, what- 
ever was found there, we have consumed in 
our passage ; so that though the way we now 
propose to take is longer, yet we shall be in no 
want of provisions. We must make our first 
marches as long as ever we can, to the end we 
may get as far as possible from the king's 



owing to a fault in the transcriber, than to a mistake 
in those from whom Xenophon received his informa 
tion. I am surprised none of the translators have 
thought fit to take notice of this passage. 

8Σφάξ*ντί5 jti^fov, &c. The custom of giving a sanc- 
tion to solemn leagues and treaties, by the sacrifice of 
particular animals, is very ancient : thus the agreement 
between the Greeks and Trojans, and the single combat 
of Paris and Menelaus, which was consequent to it, 
was preceded by the sacrifice of three lambs, one to the 
Earth, another to the Sun, and a third to Jupiter. The 
blood of the victims was often mixed with wine, and 
sometimes received in a vessel, in which the contrac- 
ting parties dipped their arms, as Herodotus informs us 
was practised by the Scythians. 

«Xrixo;. See note 5, page 170. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



203 



army : for, if we can once gain two or 
three days' march of him, it will not after 
that be in his power to overtake us : since 
with a small army he will not dare to follow 
us, and with a great one he will not be able 
to make quick marches ; it is also probable 
he may want provisions." This, says he, is my 
opinion. 

This scheme for the march of the army was 
calculated for nothing but a retreat or a flight ; 
but fortune proved a more glorious conductor. 
As soon therefore as it was day they began 
their march, with the sun on their right, ex- 
pecting to arrive by sunset at some village that 
lay in the country of Babylon, and in this they 
were not mistaken. But 1 in the afternoon 
they thought they saw the enemy's horse ; upon 
which not only the Greeks, who happened to 
have left their ranks, ran to them in all haste, 
but Ariaeus also alighting, (for being wounded 
he was carried in a chariot,) put on his corslet, 
as did all those about him. But while they 
were arming, the scouts, who had been sent 
out, brought word, that they were not horse, 
but only sumpter horses at pasture, whence 
every one presently concluded that the king's 
camp was not far off: for a smoke also appear- 
ed in the neighbouring villages. However, 
Clearchus did not lead them against the enemy 
(for he knew the men were tired, and had 
eaten nothing all day, besides it was late;) 
neither did he march out of the way, avoiding 
the appearance of a flight ; but leading them 
directly forward, at sunset he quartered with 
the vanguard, in the villages nearest to him, 
out of which the king's army had carried away 
even the timber that belonged to the houses. 
Those who arrived first, encamped with some 
kind of uniformity, but the others who follow- 
ed, coming up when it was dark, quartered as 
they could, and made so great a noise in call- 
ing out to one another, that the enemy heard 
them, of whom those who lay nearest to the 
Greeks ran away, leaving even their tents ; 
which being known the next day, no sumpter 
horses or camp appeared, neither was there any 
emoke to be seen in the neighbourhood : and 
the king himself it seems was struck at the 
approach of our army, by what he did the 
next day. 

On the other side, the night advancing, the 
Greeks also. were seized with fear, which was 



» Αμςϊ ί»ιλ))ν. See note 3, page 187. 



attended with a tumult and noise, usual in such 
cases; upon this, Clearchus ordered Tolmidcs 
of Elis, the best crier of his time, whom he 
happened to have with him, to command si- 
lence, and make proclamation from the com- 
manders, that whoever gave information of the 
person who had turned the 2 ass into the quar- 
ter of the heavy-armed men, should receive the 
reward of a 3 silver talent. By this proclama- 
tion, the soldiers understood that their fear 
was vain, and their commanders safe. At 
break of day, Clearchus ordered the Greeks to 
stand to their arms in the same disposition 
they had observed in the action. 

III. What I said concerning the king's 
being terrified at our approach, became then 
manifest ; for, having sent to us the day before, 
demanding our arms, he sent also heralds by 
sunrise to treat of a truce ; who coming to the 
out-guards, inquired for the commanders. 
Clearchus, who was then viewing the ranks, 
ordered them to stay till he was at leisure ; 
and, as soon as he had drawn up the army 
with much elegance, 4 the ranks being clos- 
ed on all sides, and no unarmed men to be 



β Oy «ν κφκντχ τον %vov ι!; τχ όττλα, &c. Hutchin- 

son, I think very justly, finds fault with Leunclavius 
forchangingrbiOvov into τον φοβον, without the authori- 
ty of any manuscript ; for as he observes, we find in 
the beginning of this book, that they had asses among 
their beasts of burden : but then I cannot think exer- 
citui in Leunclavius, or in castra in Hutchinson, a close 
translation of si; τά oVx«, which last sense I find 
D'Ablancourt has also given to it. I rather take τ<* 
οπκ* in this place to signify the quarter of the heavy- 
armed men, in which sense ΐ dare say our author uses 
it afterwards, where he says that Proxenus and him- 
self were walking π(α των 'όπ\ων ; and in this sense I 
am sure Thucydides uses the word in the beginning 
of the third book, where he says, that 4i the Pelopon- 
nesians being encamped in Attica, laid waste the coun- 
try, till the Athenian horse coming up, put a stop to 
the excursions of the light-armed men and hindered 
them from leaving the heavy-armed, and continuing 
their depredations in the neighbourhood of the city:" τ iv 

ττλίΤα-τον ο/ί'λον των ψίλων ιιςγον, rh μη πς οίζίβνταιν 
των ίπΚων, τα, ϊγγύς της ποΧίως χχχ,ουςγιΐν, where τω» 

οπΚων is explained by the Greek Scholiast by των Όπ. 

λιτών. 

» Τάλ*ντον «,ςγυς ιου. See note 2, p. 169. Possibly, 
the drachma? and minse of which this talent was com- 
posed, might be of a different standard from those 
there mentioned. 

* ΦχΚα,γγΜ πνκνήν. Πΰκνωτις της ψχΧχγγο;, among 

the Greek masters of tactics signifies properly the clos- 
ing both of the ranks and files. Εο-τί ττυχνωτις μίνι* 
του «ξχιοτίξον ις το jtuxvotij οι» τυνχγ-ωγη χ*τλ ττχξχο-τ- 
χτΥ,ν τι χαί (3•ι«-τάτ>)ν. Arrian. This unfortunately is 
rendered by D'Ablancourt apres avoir range Varmee en, 
bataille au meilleur etat qu'elle put etre. 



204 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II 



seen, sent for the messengers ; came forward 
himself, attended by those of his soldiers who 
were the best armed, and most graceful in 
their persons, desiring the rest of the generals 
to do the like, and asked the messengers what 
they wanted? they replied, they were per- 
sons come to treat of a truce, being properly 
qualified to cftrry messages between the king j 
and the Greeks. He answered, » Let the 
king know, that first we must fight: for we 
have nothing to dine on, and there is no man 
so hardy as to mention a truce to the Greeks, 
unless he first provides them a dinner." The 
messengers hereupon departed, but returning 
presently, (by which it appeared that the king 
was near at hand, or some other person who 
was appointed to transact this matter) brought 
word, " the king thought their demand very 
reasonable," and that they had with them guides, 
who if a truce were concluded, should conduct 
them to a place where they should find pro- 
visions. Clearchus then asked, whether the 
king proposed to comprehend those only in the 
truce who went between him and them, or 
whether it should extend to all ? They said, 
to all, till the king is informed of your propo- 
sals. Whereupon Clearchus, ordering them 
to withdraw immediately, held a council, where 
it was resolved to conclude a truce, and to 
march peaceably to the place where the provi- 
sions were, and supply themselves therewith. 
Clearchus said, " I join with you in this opin- 
ion ; however, I will not directly acquaint the 
messengers with our resolution, but defer it 
till they * apprehend lest we should reject the 
truce. I imagine that our soldiers also will lie 
under the same apprehension." Therefore, 
when he thought it time, he let them know 
that he would enter into a truce, and immedi- 
ately ordered the guides to conduct them where 
they might get provisions. 

Clearchus, upon marching with his army in 
order of battle, to conclude the truce, having 
himself taken charge of the rear, met with 
ditches and canals full of water, so that they 
were not able to pass without bridges, which 
they made with palm-trees, having found some 



l Ett' xv οχν*σ-ω<Γίν ο» χγγιΧ,ΐι. Οχνω• φοΖονμχι• χ«ί 
ir^/.vuf τ<:υτ«ι x£X»5>its< Σο<?οχλ>ί; Ιπ"ι του $oZ<\'<r5ou. 
φίΐονουντα yug viv cOx αν, Ι^ία-τν,ν βχνω. 

This is from Suidas, whom I quote upon this occasion, 
because this word, in its general acceptation, signifies 
to be unwilling, to be backward. 



lying upon the ground, and others they cut 
down. Upon this occasion it might be ob- 
served, how equal Clearchus was to the com- 
mand ; for taking his pike in his left hand, and 
a 2 staff in his right, if he saw any of those he 
had appointed to this service, backward in the 
execution of it, he displaced him, and substi- 
tuted a proper person in his room, he himself 
at the same time, going into the dirt, and as- 
sisting them ; so that every one was ashamed 
not to be active. He had appointed men of 
thirty years of age to this service ; but when 
those of a more advanced age saw Clearchus 
forwarding the work in person, they gave their 
assistance also. Clearchus pressed it the more, 
because he suspected the ditches were not al- 
ways so full of water, (for it was not the season 
to water the country) imagining the king had 
ordered the waters to be let out, with this 
view, that the Greeks might foresee great diffi- 
culties attending their march. 

At last, coming to the villages, where the 
guides told them they might supply themselves 
with provisions, they found plenty of corn, and 
3 wine made of the fruit of the palm-tree, and 
also vinegar, drawn by boiling from the same 
fruit. These dates, such as we have in Greece, 
they give to their domestics ; but those which 
are reserved for the masters, are chosen fruit, 
and worthy of admiration, both for their beauty 
and size, having in all respects the appearance 
of amber, and so delicious, that they are fre- 
quently dried for sweet-meats. The wine 
that was made of it was sweet to the taste, 
but apt to give the head-ache. Here the sol- 
diers eat, for the first time, 4 the pith of the 



a Ev S\ r>j Ji£i* βαχτ»ξΐίν. The Lacedaemonian com- 
manders carried a staff or stick, (lam afraid of calling 
it a cane) possibly for the same purpose as the Roman 
centurions used a vitis, that is, to correct their soldiers. 
Thucydides gives one toAstyochus, the Lacedaemonian 
commander ; and we find in Plutarch, thatEurybiadea, 
the Lacedaemonian admiral, and Themistocles, differ- 
ing in opinion concerning the operations of their uni- 
ted fleet, the former, impatient of contradiction, held 
up his stick, threatening to strike Themistocles, wh*>, 
instead of being diverted by this outrage from sup- 
porting his opinion, upon which he knew the safety of 
all Greece depended, generously sacrificed his resent- 
ment for a private indignity to his zeal for the public 
good, and made him that memorable answer, •• Strike, 
if you will, but hear me," ^-άταξον μ\ν, «xouo-ov St. 

» Οίνο? φοιν.'χοον. See note 4, page 182. 

* To* ϊγχ.ίφχΚον τοϊ φοίι-ίχο?. Pliny and Tbeopbras- 
tus both say that the pith here mentioned grows on the 
top of the palm-tree. . 






EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



205 



palm-tree, many admiring both the * figure and 
its peculiar sweetness, although it also occa- 
sioned violent head-aches; but the palm-tree, 
whence this pith was taken, withered entirely. 
Here they staid three days ; during which Tis- 
eaphernes, with the queen's brother, and three 
other Persians, coming from the great king, 
attended by many slaves, were met by the 
Greek generals, when Tissaphernes, by an in- 
terpreter, first spoke in the following manner : 
« I live, Ο Greeks ! in the neighbourhood 
of Greece ; and seeing you involved in many 
insuperable difficulties, looked upon it as a 
2 piece of good fortune that I had room to re- 
quest the king to allow me to conduct you safe 
into Greece ; for I imagine I shall find no 
want of gratitude either in you or in the whole 
Greek nation ; upon which consideration, I 
made my request to the king, alleging, that I 
had a title to this favour, because I was the 
first person who informed him that Cyrus was 
marching against him, and, together with this 
information, brought an army to his assistance ; 
and also, because I was the only commander 
in that part of the army, opposite to the 
Greeks, who did not fly, but broke through 
and joined the king in your camp, whither he 
came, after he had killed Cyrus ; and, with 
these troops, here present, who are most faith- 
ful to him, I pursued the Barbarians belonging 
to Cyrus. These things, the king said, he 
would take into consideration ; but command- 
ed me to ask you, what motive induced you to 
make war upon him 1 I advise you to answer 
with temper, that I may, with the greater ease, 
obtain some favour for you, from the king." 



t EiSoj. I cannot like genus ipsum in the Latin 
translators for «iioj : had Xenophon meantthe kind of 
food, as Hutchinson, I find, understands it, since he has 
added the word eibi, he sure would also have added τού 
15ίτμχτος. I rather think that our author meant the 
particular figure of it, which is no uncommon significa- 
tion of the word £?5ος; D'Ablannourt has also under- 
stood it in this sense. 

*Εΰ(*μχ ιποι»ΐΓχμ*ν. In this sense ιΰςνμχ is used 
by Thucydides, where Nicias tells the Athenians that 
the affairs of the Lacedemonians having taken an un- 
happy turn, they would look upon it as "a piece of 
good fortune to have it in their power immediately to 

hazard a battle,'* ιχιίνοις Si δυσ-τυχοντίν, on τχχ,ια-τ» 

»ϊςημχ uvxt SixxivSvvtZtrxt, I think Leunclavius has 
not said properly, reperiundum mihi aliquid duxi ; how 
much happier has Hutchinson rendered it, in lucro 
mihi deputandum censui ? J^ai taehe d'apporter quelque 
rtmede a vos maux in D'Ablancourt, has not the least 
pretence to a translation to this passage. 
18 



Upon this the Greeks withdrew^ and, hav- 
ing consulted together, Clearchus ' made an- 
swer : " We did not come together with a 
design of making war upon the king, neither 
did we march against him : but yyrus found 
many pretences, as you very well know, that 
he might take you unprepared, and lead us 
hither. However, when we saw him in diffi- 
culties, our respect both to gods and men, 
would not allow us to abandon him, especially 
since we had formerly given ourselves leave to 
receive obligations from him : but since Cyrus 
is dead, we neither contend with the king for 
his kingdom, nor have any reason to desire to 
infest his country : neither do we mean to 
destroy him, but to return home, provided no 
one molests us ; but if any man offers an injury 
to us, we shall, with the assistance of the gods, 
endeavour to revenge it. And if any one con- 
fers a favour on us, we shall not, to the ut- 
most of our power, be behind-hand in return- 
ing it." 

Tissaphernes, in answer to this, replied, " I 
shall acquaint the king, and immediately return 
with his sentiment; till then, 3 let the truce 
continue : in the mean time we will provide a 
market for you." The next day he did not 
return, which gave the Greeks some uneasi- 
ness ; but the third day he came, and informed 
them, " that he had prevailed upon the king to 
allow him to conduct them safe to Greece, 
though many opposed it, alleging that it was 
4 unbecoming the dignity of the king, to suffer 
those to escape who had made war upon him." 
He concluded thus : " And now you may rely 
upon the assurance we give you, that we will 
effectually cause the country to treat you as 
friends, conduct you without guile into Greece, 
and provide a market for you ; and whenever 
we do not provide one, we allow you to supply 
yourselves out of the country. On your side, 
you must take an oath to us that you will 
march as through a friend's country, without 
doing any damage to it, and only supply your- 
selves with meat and drink, when we do not 
provide a market for you ; and when we do, 



s Α» σ•7τον8χϊ μινίντων. See note 4, page 184. 

4 »£is ούκ «ξ«ον κ» βχϋ -iKtl. Thucydides uses thui 
word in the same sense, where the ambassadors of Pla- 
taea tell Archidamus and the Lacedaemonians, that by 
making an irruption into their country, they act unjust, 
ly, and in a manner unbecoming both themselves and 
their ancestors, oj ίιχκι» π-οΐίΓτ», oCS' χ~ιχ ούτι ύμων β«. 

τ( πχτίςων wv ί<ΓΤ£, ί'ις γην την Τίλχτχιιων ΰ•Τξχτί\ιθντις, 



206 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II. 



Μ '•νί11 pay for what you want." This 
was agreeA upon ; and Tissaphernrs, with the 
queen's In other, took the oath, and gave their 
hands to th^e Greek generals and captains, and 
received tljose of the Greeks ; after which, 
Tiseapheme? said, "I must *now return to 

1 the king, and, when I have despatched what 
is necessary, I will come back to you with all 
things in readiness both to conduct you into 
Greece, and return myself to my own govern- 
ment." 

IV. Hereupon, the Greeks and Ariaeus, 
being encamped near to one another, waited 
for Tissaphernes above twenty days: during 
which the brothers, and other relations of Ari- 
aeus, came to him, and some of the Persians 
came to those who were with him, giving them 
encouragement, and assurance from the king, 
that he would forget their taking up their arms 
against him in favour of Cyrus, and every 
thing else that was past. While these things 
were transacting, it was manifest that Ariaeus 
and his people paid less regard to the Greeks ; 
many of whom therefore being dissatisfied, 
came to Clearchus, and to the rest of the gen- 
erals, saying, « Why do we stay here 1 Do we 
not know, that the king desires, above all 
things, to destroy us, to the end that all the 
rest of the Greeks may be deterred from mak- 
ing war against him 1 He now seduces us to 
stay, because his army is dispersed, which be- 
ing re-assembled, it is not to be imagined but 
that he will attack us : possibly also he may 
obstruct our march, either by digging a trench, 
or raising a wall in some convenient place, in 
such a manner as to render it impracticable. 

2 For he will never willingly suffer us to return 
to Greece, and publish, that, being so few in 
number, we have defeated his army at the 
very gates of his palace, and returned in tri- 
umph." 

Clearchus replied to those who alleged this : 
" I consider all these things as well as you ; 

ι Ώ; βχτιχια. See note 4, page 170. 

ί O-J yxg 7Γθτι Ιχ,ών ys βουΧγ,οπταί ημάς εΚΆ'οντας t?s 
τκκ Έ /.KxSct ΰπχγ-γιΤκαι, ως ^μι"ίς τοτςΤίί Οντις ΐνιχω- 
μ,ιν τ>•ν βχτι'Κίίας οννχμίν Ιπϊ τ»ϊς $υς&ις αΰτου } κ«ί κ«- 

τα/ίλώο-*ντίί «5Γ>ίλ3•ομί!/. I have transcribed this pe- 
riod, that the reader may confront it with D'Ablan- 
court's translation. Thus he has rendered it, "car il ne 
souffrira jamais que nous repassions eu Grece pour y 
publier notregloire et sa honte." This is one of those 
many periods in that translator, the vivacity of which 
could not fail to please, were they not designed for 
translations. ■ 



but I consider at tho same time, that, if we now 
depart, it will be thought our intention is to 
declare war, and to act contrary to the terms 
of the truce ; the consequence of which will 
be, that no one will provide a market for us 
or a place where we may supply ourselves: 
besides, we shall have no guide to conduct us; 
and the moment we enter upon these measures, 
Ariaeus will desert us; so that we shall pre- 
sently have no friend left, and even those who 
were so before, will become our enemies. I 
do not know whether we have any other river 
to pass, but we all know that it is not possible 
for us to pass the Euphrates, if the enemy 
oppose it. If we are obliged to fight, we have 
no horse to assist us, whereas those of the 
enemy are very numerous, and very good ; so 
that, if we conquer, how many shall we be able 
to kill ] And, if we are conquered, none of us 
can possibly escape. Therefore I do not see 
why the king, who is possessed of so many 
advantages, should, if he desires to destroy us, 
think it necessary first to take an oath, and 
pledge his faith, then to provoke the gods by 
perjury, and show both the Greeks and Bar- 
barians, how little that faith is to be relied 
on." He said a great deal more to the same 
purpose. 

In the meantime Tissaphernes arrived with 
his forces, as if he designed to return home, 
and with him Orontas also with his men, and 
the king's daughter, whom he had married. 
From thence they began their march, Tissa- 
phernes leading the way, and providing them 
with a market. Ariaeus marched at the head 
of the Barbarians, who had served under Cyrus, 
with Tissaphernes and Orontas, and encamp- 
ed with them. The Greeks, being diffident of 
these, marched by themselves, having guides 
to conduct them. Each of them always en- 
camped separately at the distance of a para- 
sang, or less ; and were each upon their guard 
against one another, as against an enemy ; and 
this immediately created a suspicion. Some- 
times, while they were providing themselves 
with wood, forage, or other things of that na- 
ture, they came to blows ; which also bred ill 
blood between them. After three days' march, 
they came to, and passed through the wall of 
Media, 3 which was built with burned bricks 

j'H» Si ώκο5Όμ>),ΐί£νον ϋ-λίνθΌΐ; Ιπταΐς tv «σ-φάλτβ 

κινίνα»?. The walls of Babylon were also built with 
burned bricks,cementedwith bitumen instead of mortar. 






EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



207 



laid in bitumen : being twenty feet in thick- 
one hundred in height, and, as it was 
said, twenty parasangs in length, and not far 
from Babylon. 

Prom thence they made, in two days' march, 
eight parasangs, and passed two canals, one 
upon a bridge, the other upon seven pontons. 
1 These canals were derived from the Tigris; 
from them ditches were cut that ran into the 
country, the first, broad, then narrower, which 
at last ended in small water-courses, such as 
are used in Greece to water panic. Thence 
they came to the river Tigris, near which stood 
a large and populous city, called Sitace, at the 
distance of fifteen stadia from the river; the 
Greeks encamped close to the town, near a 
large and beautiful 2 park, thick with trees of 
every kind, and the Barbarians on the other 
side of the Tigris, but out of sight of our army. 
After supper Proxenus and Xenophon happen- 
ed to be walking before the 3 quarter where the 
heavy-armed men lay encamped ; when a man 
came and asked the out-guards, where he 
might 4 speak with Proxenus or Clearchus ; 



i\x.\jtr*vTti It, says HerodotUS.^Xiv^ouj ίχχνχς ,νπτησ-χν, 
*ΌΤχς lv χαμινοκτι' μιτχ $8 τιΚμχη χςιώμινοί άσ-φάλτω 

Ζιρμ*. I am convinced, from these and several other 
passages among the ancients, that they employed raw 
bricks for many uses, otherwise it cannot well be under- 
stood why these two authors should lay so much stress 
upon these bricks being burned. But this is not all : I 
am persuaded that the directions given by Vitruvius and 
Palladium, for making bricks, relate chiefly to raw 
bricks, for they both direct the earth, of which 
the bricks are made, to be wrought up with straw. 
These directions are, no doubt, very proper, where 
the bricks are not to be burned, because the straw 
holds the earth together : but, if bricks made in 
this manner were to be burned, the consequence would 
be, that the straw being consumed in the fire, as many 
pieces of straw as there were in every brick, so many 
hollow places there would be in them. There is a pas- 
sage in Pausanias, where he tells us, that Agesipolis, 
making an irruption into the country of Mantinea turn- 
ed the river Ophis, that ran near the town, against the 
wall, and, by that means, dissolved it: the reason he 
gives for it is, that it was built of raw brick, ώμϊίς ώχο- 
ίο/ί>!.αιν>)ί; τ5»ί ;τλ<νθον. Upon this occasion, he says, 
that raw bricks are better to resist battering engines, 
than stones, because they are not so subject to break 
and fly out of their courses ; but then he adds, that 
raw bricks are as easily dissolved by water, as wax is 
by the sun. 

» Auixi Si y,<rs*v ΰπο τοϋ Τιγξ πτο; πόταμου. See note 

I• page 187. 

*ΐγγΙς Πχς xSturov. See note 1, page 171. 

« π^ο των 07r\wv. See note 5, page 170. 

«Ποϋανΐίοί Π^οζίνον μ Κλια^χον. Both the Latin 
translators have said ubinam Proxenum vel Clearchum 



but did not enquire for Mcnon, though he 
came from ArietoJ, with whom Mcnon lived 
in 5 hospitality : and, when Proxenus told him 
he was the person he inquired alter, the man 
said, "Ariatta and Artaezus, who were faith- 
ful to Cyrus, slid wish you well, sent me to 
advise you, to stand upon your guard, lest the 
Barbarians attack you to-night, there being 
numerous forces posted in the neighbouring 
park. They advise you also to send a detach- 
ment to guard the bridge over the Tigris, be- 
cause Tissaphernes designs, if he can, to break 
it down to-night; to the end, that you may 
not be able to pass the river, but be shut in be- 
tween the Tigris and the canal." Hereupon, 
they carried him to Clearchus, and informed 
him of what he said ; upon which, Clearchus 
was in great consternation ; when a young 
man, who was present, having considered the 
matter, said, "To attack us, and break down 
the bridge too, are things inconsistent ; for it 
is plain, if they attack us, they must either 
conquer, or be conquered : if they conquer, 
why should they break down the bridge 1 for, 
in that case, though there were many bridges, 
we should have no place to retreat to with 
safety : on the other side, if we conquer them, 
and the bridge be broken down, they them- 
selves will have no place to fly to ; neither can 
the rest of their army, though in great numbers 
on the other side, if they break it down, give 
them any assistance." 

Clearchus, hearing this, asked the messenger, 6 
of what extent the country was, that lay be- 
tween the Tigris and the canal : he answering, 
it was of a large extent, and contained, besides 



reperirent ; D'Ablancourt has translated it in the same 
sense. There is a passage in Thucydides which induces 
me to differ from them. He says, τον ITsfiixxav — 

yivxyxxrxVj 7Tglv τον "Βςαο -iSxv ISeTv — πξθχπ(λ.5ιΐν• where 

7Γξ\ν τον Βξχο -iSxv iStTv is thus explained by the Greek 

Scholiast, Tfiv SixKi'x,^)jvxi τ£ Βξ x<riSx, οϋ'τω γχξ οί 'Ατ- 
τικοί Xtyouo-iVj ως το ίίίΓν τι' ο-ί ίΖουλίμΐίν ο»ντί του διχ\ι• 

%θίν*ι <γο/ τ». And indeed frequent instances of this 
Atticism are to be met with in the best authors. 

» Ξίνου. See note 3, page 1G9. 

β Πόο->ι t*s em χΰίξχ. D'Ablancourt has visibly mis- 
taken the sense of this expression. He says, "Clearque 
demanda au messager quel ctoit le pais entre le Tigre 
et le Canal," whereas ττοο-ος denotes quantity, not qua- 
lity, as the grammarians speak : for which reason he 
should have said, "de quelle etendue etoit le pais;" had 
Xenophon said «re/* t»j «oj χώ^, his, translation would 
have been proper. The Latin translators have rendered 
it as they ought. What I have said is justified by tho 
messenger's answer, δ Si uxiv St« »•ολλί. 



208 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II. 



villages, miny large cities ; they concluded that 
the Barbarians had sent this man insidiously, 1 
from an apprehension, lest the Greeks should 
not pass the bridge, but remain in the island, 
which was defended on one side by the Tigris, 
and on the other by the canal j*wrhere the coun- 
try that lay between, being large and fruitful, 
and in no want of labourers to cultivate it, 
might both supply them with provisions, and 
afford them a retreat, if they were disposed to 
make war upqn the king : after which, they 
went to' rest ; however, they sent a detachment 
to guard the bridge ; but no attempt of any kind 
was made upon their camp, neither did any of 



ι ΌχΐΌυνΤ6$ μη οί 'ΕΚΚηνις διελΆοντις τηνγίφυςχν,μί- 

vinv iv τη vyia -ω. So the Latin translators give the text 
without taking any notice of a very great difficulty 
that occurs in it ; but, in order to understand this, let us 
cast our eyes upon the situation of the Greeks. They 
had passed the last of the two canals that lay in their 
way, and were now encamped under the walls of a 
town called Sitace,that stood close to the river Tigris. 
While they lay there, the Persians, who were encamp- 
ed on the other side of that river, sent this insidious 
message to them. But what was the occasion of this 
message ? Certainly not the fear, lest the Greeks, after 
they had passed the bridge, should remain in the island, 
* ne Graeci cum transiissent pontem, in insula mane- 
rent," as Hutchinson has translated it. The bridge, 
Xenophon has told us, lay over the Tigris, and the 
island was the country that lay between that river and 
the canal they had already passed, which island Xeno- 
phon has already told us in two places, was a large 
and plentiful country, and very populous. The end of 
this message, therefore, was to divert the Greeks from 
staying in this island, for the reasons alleged by our 
author, and the readiest way to effect that, was to in- 
duce them to pass the Tigris immediately, from an ap- 
prehension lest the enemy should break down the 
bridge ; and, that the view of the Persians was to engage 
them to pass the river, and not to prevent their doing 
so, as Hutchinson and Leunclavius have translated it, 
appears very plainly from their behaviour afterwards ; 
for we find they did not attempt to molest them in their 
passage. By this time I believe the reader is satisfied 
there must be some fault in the text, which I will ven- 
ture to cure by the addition of one little word ; if we 

read, oxvoDvft; μη οι *'Έ.ΚΧηνι; μη SieKSovrtg την y'tqu. 

ξχν, μίνοιιν lv τί ι/»ι<Γω, the sense will be complete; and 
that this correction, which is the first I have made, 
may not seem too bold, I will put the reader in mind 
of a passage in our author, where there is exactly the 
same turn of phrase I am here contending for. He 
says of his master Socrates, ϊ$χ(>μχζ* 5' ti t» s «^τ^ 

ίΐΓχγγιΚλ,ομίνος) xgyd^iov Ό-^αττοίΤΟ, χ«ι μη ν£/*»ζοι 
ri μΐγαττον X -ίρδος ίζ(ΐν } φιλον χν$ς<νιτον χ.τητχμινος χΚ• 
λλ φοδίΓτο μη Ό γίνομινος χχΚίς %χγ<Λ$\ς % τω τα. μίγκτ• 
rx ίύίξγίτησ-χντι μη την μιγκττην χχξ'ν %%οι. D'Ablan- 

court, by his translation, seems to have been aware of 
this difficulty, in which he must be allowed to have the 
advantage over the Latin translators, though neither 
he nor they have said one word to clear it up, or even 
to discover it. 



the enemy come up to the bridge, as the guards 
informed us. The next morning by break of 
day they passed the bridge, which was support- 
ed by thirty-seven pontons, with all possible 
precaution : for some of the Greeks, who were 
with Tissaphernes, sent word that the enearr 
designed to attack them in their passage; but 
this did not prove true. However, while they 
were passing the river, Glus appeared with 
some others, observing whether they passed it 
or not : when, perceiving they did, he rode off. 

From the Tigris they made, in four days', 
march, twenty parasangs, and came to the 
river Physcus, one hundred feet in breadth, 
having a bridge over it. Here stood a large 
and populous city, called Opis, where they 
were met by a natural brother to Cyrus and 
Artaxerxes, who was marching to the assist- 
ance of the king, at the head of a numeroue 
army, which he had drawn out of Susa and Ec- 
batana ; and, causing his troops to halt, he took 
a view of the Greeks as they passed by him. 
Clearchus led his men two by two, standing 
still from time to time. Thus, while the van- 
guard halted, the whole army was obliged to 
stand still, which made their forces appear very 
numerous, even to the Greeks themselves : and 
the Persian was struck with the sight. From 
thence he made, in six days' march, thirty pa- 
rasangs, through the desert part of Media, and 
arrived at the villages belonging to Parysatis, 
the mother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes. These 
Tissaphernes, to insult the memory of Cyrus, 
gave the Greeks leave to plunder of every thing 
but slaves ; by which means they found a great 
quantity of corn, 2 cattle, and 3 other things. 
From thence they made twenty parasangs, in 
five days' march, through a desert, having the 
Tigris on their left. At the end of their first 
day's march, they saw a large and rich city, on 
the other side of the river, called Caenae, whence 
the Barbarians transported bread, cheese, and 
wine, 4 upon rafts made of skins. 

V. After that, they came to the river Zaba- 
tus, four hundred feet in breadth, where they 
staid three days, during which time there were 
jealousies, but no evidence of treachery ; Cle- 
archus therefore resolved to have a conferem» 
with Tissaphernes, and, if possible, to put a« 
end to these jealousies, before they broke o\S 



a Ilf οδατκ. ΙΤξοζχτχ, ττάντχτχ τιτξίποδχ, Suidas 

s x f ημχτχ. See note 1, page 175. 
4 zyjo,xii. See note 2, page 182. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



209 



into hostilities : with this view he sent a per- 
son, to let him know that he desired a confer- 
ence with him. Tissaphernes having readily 
answered, " he might come;" Clearchus spoke 
thus : " I am sensible, Ο Tissaphernes ! that 
we have sworn, and pledged our faith, not to 
do any injury to one another. Notwithstand- 
ing which, I observe you are upon your guard 
against us, as against an enemy ; and we, per- 
ceiving this, stand also upon our guard. But 
since, upon consideration, I cannot find that you 
endeavour to do us any mischief, and am very 
sure that we have not the least thought of hurt- 
ing you, I judged it proper to have a conference 
with you, to the end that we might, if possible, 
extinguish our mutual diffidence : for I have 
known men, who, while through calumnies or 
jealousies, they stood in fear of one another, 
have, with a view of inflicting a mischief be- 
fore they received one, done irreparable injuries 
to those, who never had either the intention or 
desire to hurt them. As therefore I am of 
opinion that such mistakes are easiest removed 
by conferences, I come with an intention of 
convincing you, that you have no reason to dis- 
trust us : for to mention the first, which is of 
the greatest moment, our oaths, to which we 
have called the gods to witness, forbid us to be 
enemies ; and that person who is conscious to 
himself of having neglected them, in my opinion 
can never be happy ; for whoever becomes the 
object of divine wrath, I know no swiftness 
can save him, no darkness hide him, no strong 
place defend him ; since, in all places, all things 
are subject to theit power, and every where 
they are equally lords of all. This is my opin- 
ion concerning both our oaths, and the gods, 
whom, by our agreement, we have made the 
depositories of our friendship. As to human 
advantages, I look upon you to be the greatest 
we can promise ourselves at this juncture ; for 
while we are with you, every road is pervious, 
every river passable, and we are sure to know 
no want : but without you, every road becomes 
obscure, (for we are utterly unacquainted with 
them,) every river impassable, every multitude 



for ! that is attended with the want of every 



t Μιο-τή *•ολλ?ί ίποξ ι» ς Irvi». The Latin translators 
do not seem to have attended to the general contrast 
there is between these two periods, otherwise they 
would not liave rendered μιττ* πικκϊς iirofi*,•, mullis 
difficultatibus referta; for, as ίίδ; ί<* τχ'οτους isopposcd 
to β(θί iCwofOf, and «•*γ ποτχμύ; Jue-jrofoj to rif wot»• 

18• 



thing. If therefore we should arrive to such a 
degree of madness, as to put you to death, what 
should we do else but destroy our benefactor ; 
and still have the king, the most powerful of 
all 2 avengers, to conten'd with ? I shall now 
let you see what hopes I should deprive myself 
of, if I endeavoured to hurt you. I desired to 
make Cyrus my friend, because I looked upon 
him as the• most capable of all men living to 
serve those he wished well to. Now, I find, 
you have not only obtained the army, but the 
country, that belonged to Cyrus, as an accession 
to your own ; and that the king's power, of 
which he felt the weight, is become your sup- 
port. In these circumstances, therefore, who 
would be so mad as not to desire to be your 
friend 1 Yet, further, I shall let you know 
upon what I found my hopes, that you will also 
desire to be a friend to us : I know the Mysi- 
ans are troublesome to you ; these, with the 
forces under my command, I hope I can oblige 
to submit to your power: I know the same 
thing of the Pisidians, and am informed that 
many other nations are in the same disposition, 
who, by my means, shall cease for ever to dis- 
turb your happiness. I find you are incensed 
against 3 the Egyptians more than against any 
other nation, and cannot see what forces you 
can better employ than ours, to assist you in 
chastising them. If you desire to be a friend 
to any of your neighbours, your friendship, 
through our means, will become most valuable ; 
and, if any of them molest you, you may, as 
their superior, destroy them by our assistance ; 
for we shall not only be subservient to you for 
the sake of our pay, but also in return for the 
obligation we shall justly owe* to you, as our 
deliverer. When I consider all these things, I 
am so much surprised to find you diffident of 
us, that I would willingly know the person who 
is so powerful an orator as to persuade you, 



μίς £ι»δί*τ&ί, so ^ί<ττή ττολλίς λποξίΛς is visibly oppos- 
ed to tssv iirnn^ntav οΰχ άποξΐ». D'Ablancourt has, in 
my opinion, said much better, parce qu'elle traine apres 
soy la necessity 
*'E$iifov. Έψιί^οί, according to the Greek Scholiast 
terrible, and solitude the most terrible of all ;| upon Sophocles, is properly 'ο**(ΐα•χ™»<Γμ,νος,ϊτ» ν ί„ 9 

Ίΐνϊς 7Γ£»λ*ΐω(Γΐ, 7ratKt*uruv τω νιχ*Γα*τι. Plutarch very 

beautifully applies this to Telesinus, who was very 
near defeating Sylla, after so many victories, at the 

gales Of Rome, τον μιντοι toXiutmIOk xy -ωνχ, x.xbx7rt( 
ιφιί{0{ i 5λ>|Τ»)ί χβτβΛ-ονω wf οπνιχθ-ί ις S Σχννιτη; Τιλ- 
iTivojj iyyvf tjk$i τοΰ ο-φίλβΜ και χατα6*λ(ΐΊ> liri ^υ. 

i«i; Tijj Τώμ*ς . This cannot be preserved in a modern 
translation. 
» Αίγυιττιονς. See note 1, page 201. 
2B 



210 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book ΙΪ. 



that we form designs against you." Tissa- 
phernes answered him as follows : 

" I am pleased, Ο Clearchus, to hear you 
speak with so much prudence ; for while. you 
entertain theso thoughts, if you should medi- 
tate any thing against me, you would, at the 
same time, act contrary to your own interest ; 
but do you hear me in your turn, while I inform 
you, that yourselves cannot with justice distrust 
either the king or me ; for, if we were desirous 
to destroy you, do you think we are in any want 
of numerous horse or foot to effect it? or of 
arms defensive and offensive, with which we 
have it in our power to do you mischief, without 
the danger of receiving any ? or do you think 
we want proper places to attack you ? Are 
there not so many plains inhabited by our 
friends, through which you must march with 
great difficulty ? So many mountains within 
your sight, over which your road lies, and 
which, by our possessing ourselves of them, we 
can render impassable to you ? So many rivers 
which afford us the advantage of choosing out 
what numbers of you we think proper to en- 
gage ? Some of these you cannot even pass 
but by our assistance. But say we are inferior 
in all these ; fire at least will prove superior to 
the fruits of the earth. By burning these, we 
can oppose famine to you, with which, though 
you are ever so brave, you will not be able to 
contend. Why, therefore, should we, who 
have so many opportunities of making war 
upon you, none of which carry any danger with 
them, choose the only one of all these, that is 
both impious and dishonourable ; the refuge of 
those, who are destitute of all others, distress- 
ed and driven to extremities, and who, being at 
the same time wicked men, resolve to accom- 
plish their designs through perjury towards 
the gods, and breach of faith towards men ? 
We are not, Ο Clearchus ! either so weak or 
so void of reason. When it was in our power 
to destroy you, why did we not attempt it? 
Be assured, the desire I had of approving my 
fidelity to the Greeks was the reason ; and 
that, as Cyrus marched against the king, rely- 
ing on foreign forces, from the pay he gave 
them, so I might return home supported by 
the same troops, from the obligations I had 
conferred on them. As to the many things, 
in which you may be of service to me, some 
of them you have mentioned ; but I know 
which is the greatest : It is the prerogative of 



the king to wear 1 an upright turban upon his 
head ; but, with your assistance, possibly another 
may with some confidence, wear it in his heart." 

Clearchus thinking all he said to be true, 
replied : " Since, therefore, we have so many 
motives to be friends, do not those who, by 
calumnies endeavour to make us enemies, de- 
serve the severest punishment ?" " If you," 
says Tissaphernes, « with the rest of the gen- 
erals and captains, think fit to come to me in 
public, I will acquaint you with those who 
aver that you have designs against me and my 
army." " I will bring them all," says Clear- 
chus ; " and, at the same time, let you know 
in my turn, whence I received my information 
concerning you." 

As soon as this conference was over, Tissa 
phernes showed him great civility, and, desir 
ing him to stay, entertained him at supper. 
The next day Clearchus, returning to the 
camp, made it manifest that he entertained 
very friendly thoughts of Tissaphernes, and 
gave an account of what he proposed. He 
said, those Tissaphernes demanded ought to 
go to him; and that the persons who were 
found to be the authors of these calumnies, 
ought to be punished as traitors, and ill-af- 
fected to the rest of the Greeks : for he sus- 
pected Menon to be one of them, knowing 
that he and Ariaeus had been in conference 
with Tissaphernes, and that he was forming a 
party against him, and intriguing in order to 
draw the whole army to a dependence upon 
himself; and, by that means, to recommend 
himself to Tissaphernes. Clearchus also him- 
self was no less solicitous to engage the esteem 
of the whole army, and to remove those who 
opposed him : but some of the soldiers, in 
contradiction to him, said, that all the generals 
and captains ought not to go, neither ought 
they to trust Tissaphernes. However, Clear- 



ι Ύιύςαν og^ttv. Μ ost authors who treat of the af- 
fairs of Persia, have taken notice of this custom : but 
there is a print of it on a Persian monument found 
among the ruins of Persepolis by De Bruyn, and given 
by Gronoviusin his notes upon Herodotus, to show that 
•this is the very monument the latter says Darius Hye• 
taspes caused to be erected in honour of his horse and 
groom to whom he owed the kingdom. I take no no- 
tice of the reasons alleged by Gronovius to support hie 
conjecture, which seems well founded, because this 
monument is here exhibited with another view, name- 
ly, to let the reader see the difference of the turbana 
worn hy the kings and subjects of Persia. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



211 



chae so strongly insisted upon it, that he pre- 
vailed to have fivo generals and twenty cap- 
tains sent to him : about two hundred soldiers 
followed under colour of going to the market. 

Wlien they' came to the door of Tissapher- 
nes, the generals, Proxenus a Boeotian, Menon 
a Thessalian, Agias an Arcadian, Clearchus a 
Lacedaemonian, and Socrates an Achaian, 
were called in ; the captains staid without. 
Not long after, at the same signal, those who 
were within were apprehended and those with- 
out, cut to pieces. After this, some of the 
Barbarian horse, scouring the plain, killed all 
the Greeks they met with, both freemen and 
shves. The Greeks, from their camp, seeing 
these excursions of the horse, were surprised, 
and in doubt of what they were doing, till 
Nicarchus an Arcadian, came flying from 
them, being wounded in the belly, and bearing 
his bowels in his hands, and informed them of 
all that had passed. . Upon this, the Greeks 
were amazed, and expecting they would imme- 
diately come and attack their camp, ran to their 
arms. But they did not all come ; only Ari- 
icus, with Artaezus and Mithridates, came, 
persons who had shown the greatest fidelity to 
Cyrus. However, the interpreter of the 
Greeks said, he saw the brother to Tissapher- 
nes with them, and knew him. They were 
followed by three hundred other Persians, clad 
in armour ; who, when they drew near, order- 
ed, if any generals or captains of the Greeks 
were present, they should advance to the end 
they might acquaint them with the king's plea- 
sure. Upon this, the generals, Cleanor an 
Orchomenian, and Sophametus a Stymphalian, 
went out of the camp with great cautipn ; and 
with them Xenophon an Athenian, that he 
might learn what wa9 become of Proxenus. 
(Cheirisophus happened to be absent, being 
employed with others, in getting provisions in 
some village.) When they came within hear- 
ing, Ariseus said, » Clearchus, Greeks ! 
haviug been found guilty of violation both of 
his oath and of the articles of peace, is justly 
punished with death; while Proxenus and 
Menon for having given information of his 
designs, are in great honour. Of you, the 
king demands your arms, for he says they are 
his, as having belonged to Cyrus, who was his 
1 subject." 



• Δούλου. Literally, his slave. This it seems, was 
I j me style of the Persian court, which not only treated 



Hereupon the Greeks made answer, Cleanor 
the Orchomenian speaking in the name of the 
rest : " Aricuus ! thou most wicked of all 
men, and the rest of you who were friends to 
Cyrus ! have you no regard either to the gods 
or men "? You who, after you have sworn to ua 
to look upon our friends and enemies as your 
own, now conspire with Tissaphernes, the 
most impious and deceitful of all men, to 
betray us ; and having 2 both destroyed those 
persons, to whom you gave your oaths, and 
deceived the rest of us, now come with our 
enemies to invade us?" To this Ariseus an- 
swered, " But it first appeared that Clearchus 
was forming designs against Tissaphernes, 
Orontas, and all the rest of us. " Upon this 
Xenophon replied, " If Clearchus, contrary 
to his oath, has been guilty of a violation of 
the peace, he is justly punished ; for it is just 
that those who are guilty of perjury should 
be put to death. However, send Proxenus 
and Menon to us, since they are both your 
benefactors, and our commanders : for it is 
evident that, being friends to both of us, they 
will endeavour to advise that which is best 
for both." To this the Barbarians made no 
answer, but, having conferred together for a 
considerable time, they departed. 

VI. The generals being thus apprehended, 
were carried 3 to the king, by whose orders 
their heads were cut off. One 4 of them, 
Clearchus, was allowed by all that knew him 
to have been α man both of military genius, 
and one who delighted in war to the last de- 
gree. For, as long as the Lacedaemonians 
were at war with the Athenians, he continued 
in the service of his country; but, after the 



their subjects as slaves, but had the insolence to call 
them so. 

n o; 5 ωμνν -ct ώ; iwo\<o\£x*Ti. Hutchinson with great 
reason finds fault with Leunclavius for translating this, 
"sacramento cAifirmabatis vos piano periisee ;" but 
takes no notice of the difficulty arising from the par- 
ticle <5s, which I own, weighs so much with me, that I 
cannot persuade myself Xenophon wrote toujti *νίξ»ς 

αυτού;, c ις ωμνυτι, ujf ά.τολωλύϊτι ; at least not in the 

sense he has translated it, " posteaquam viros ipsos, 
quibus dedistis jusjurandum perdidistis." If, instead 
of »5 όυτολωλίχχτί, we might venture to read άη-ολαιλ- 
ix&Tff, without ώ;, I think the period would be more 
intelligible. I believe it will be owned, that «*-ολο.λικδ• 
τις agrees very well with πξ οίιίαιχότι; in the following 
sentence ; and it seems to have been the author's design 
to connect them together with the particles τι and »*«. 

» Cl t βχτιχιί. See note 4, page 170. 

* εΓ { μ\ν x-JTjiv iai* e xo f . See the Introduction. 



212 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II. 



peace, he persuaded his follow-citizens that 
the Thracians oppressed the Greeks, and 
having prevailed on the ephori, * by some 
means or other, he set sail with a design to 
make war upon the Thracians, who inhabit 
above the Chersonesus and Perinthus. After 
his departure, the ephori, for some reasons, 
changed their minds, and recalled him from 
the Isthmus; but he refused to obey them, 
and sailed away for the Hellespont; where- 
upon he was condemned to die by the magis- 
trates of Sparta, as guilty of disobedience. 
Being now a banished man, he comes to Cyrus, 
and by what means he gained his confidence, 
has been mentioned in another place. . Cyrus 
gave him ten thousand 2 daricks. Having 
received this money, he did not give himself 
up to indolence, but, raising an army with it, 
made war upon the Thracians; and, overcom- 
ing them in battle, plundered their country, 
and continued the war, till Cyrus had occasion 
for his army, when he departed, with a design 
of attending him in his expedition. 

These, therefore, seem to be the actions of 
a man delighting in war, 3 who, when it is in 
his power to live in peace without detriment 
or dishonour, prefers war; when to live in 
ease, chooses labour, with a view to war ; and 
when to enjoy riches without danger, chooses 
rather, by making war, to diminish them : so 
that he spent his money in war as cheerfully 
as if it had been in gallantry, or any other 



ι n»f i των Εφοςων. The ancient authors do not 
agree concerning the person who instituted these ma- 
gistrates. Herodotus attributes their institution to Ly- 
curgus, and Xenophon to him, jointly with the most 
considerable citizens of Sparta. On the other hand, 
Plutarch says, Theopompus, who reigned many years 
after Lycurgus, was the author of it. However, this is 
certain, that the three orders of the state, that is, the 
two kings, the senators, all the magistrates, even dur- 
ing their magistracy, and the people, were subject to 
their power. But the thing that give^the greatest re- 
lief to the reputation of their college is, that it served 
as a model to the institution of the Roman tribunes, 
who, like the ephori, were only five in number, till the 
year of Rome 297, and the first of the 81st Olympiad, 
C.Horatins, and Q.. Minucius being consuls, when five 
more were added to them. 

'Δΐ(ΐιχίι.;. See note 2, page 166. 

a Όττις,'ίΙον μιν αξ^νην t'/,itv avtu χ'ια-χυν^ς %x\ ίίκί- 

ζ-κ,α,Ι^ΊτκιτπΚίμΰν. D'Ablancourt has strangely mis- 
taken this passage. Thus he has rendered it, "que 
pouvant vivre en repos apres la paix, cherche la guer- 
re aux depens meme de son honneur, et de sa vie." 
This he says is stronger than the text ; but I believe 
the reader will be of opinion, that instead of strength- 
ening the author's sense, he has destroyed it. 



pleasure : so much he delighted in it. Hia 
genius for war appeared by his forwardness to 
expose himself, and to attack the enemy, 
either by night or day, and by his conduct in 
danger ; as those who attended him upon all 
occasions universally acknowledged. He was 
said to have possessed the art of commanding, 
as far as could be expected from a man of his 
temper ; for, being as capable as any other of 
taking care his army was supplied with pro- 
visions, and of providing them, he was not less 
so of inspiring those who were present with a 
dread of disobeying Clearchus. This he ef- 
fected by severity ; for his look was stern, and 
his voice harsh : he always punished with 
rigour, and frequently in passion ; so that he 
sometimes repented it. But he also inflicted 
punishments with deliberation, looking upon 
an army without discipline to be of no service. 
He is reported to have said, that a 4 soldier 
ought to fear his commander more than the 
enemy, if it is expected that he should do his 
duty upon guard, abstain from what belongs to 
a friend, or attack the enemy without reluc- 
tance. In dangers the men obeyed him abso- 
lutely, nor ever desired to be commanded by 
any other ; for they said his sternness seemed 
then changed to cheerfulness, and his severity 
to resolution ; so that they looked upon it no 
longer as severity, but as their preservation. 
However, when the danger was over, and they 
had an opportunity of serving under other com- 
manders, many of them left him ; for he was 
not in the least gracious, but always rough and 
cruel : so that the soldiers were in the same 
disposition to him, as scholars to their master ; 
none ever following him out of friendship or 
good-will. Those who were appointed by his 
country, or compelled through want, or any 
other necessity, to serve under him, were per- 
fectly obedient to him. And, when they be- 
gan to conquer under his command, many 
things concurred to make them good soldiers : 
for their confidence in their own strength, 
joined to their fear of him, made them obser- . 



« 'fl; Stoi (Ττς»τκάτιιι> φοβίΐιτδ*» μχΚΚον, &.C. This" 

saying of Clearchus is imitated by Livy, where Camil- 
lus, having restored the Roman army to its ancient 
discipline, " effecil," says he, " ne hostis maxime ti- 
mendus militi esset." D'Ablancourt ha? thought fit 
to leave out above half this period, the reason he gives 
for it is, " parce qu'il ne faut rien ajouter a un bon 
mot." But surely this is a liberty no translator ought 
to indulge himself in.. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



213 



vant. This was his character as a commander ; 
but it was said that he was unwilling to be 
commanded by others. When he died he was 
about fifty years of age. 

Proxenus the Boeotian, even from a child, 
was desirous of becoming equal to greaQ em- 
ployments : and, to satisfy this desire, gavo a 
sum of money to J Gorgias the Leontine. 
After he had been some time with him, think- 
ing himself now both able to command, and, 
if he entered into the friendship of great men, 
to return all obligations, he engaged in this 
enterprise with Cyrus, whence he promised 
to himself great reputation, great power, and 
great riches : though he was earnest in the pur- 
suit of these, yet, on the other side, his con- 
duct plainly showed that he did not desire to 
gain any of them through injustice ; but that 
he ought to attain them with justice and 
honour, and not otherwise. He was very ca- 
pable of commanding an orderly and well-dis- 
ciplined army ; but incapable of inspiring re- 
spect or fear, and stood in greater awe of his 
men than they of him ; it being visible, that 
he was more afraid of disobliging them than 
they of disobeying him. It was his opinion, 
that all which was required to be, and seem to 
be equal to the command, was to praise worthy 
men, and not to praise the unworthy ; for 
which reason he was beloved by men of 
worth and honour, while ill men were for ever 
forming designs against him, as against a man 
easy to be circumvented. He was about thirty 
years old when he died. 

Menon the Thessalian did not either con- 
ceal his immoderate desire of riches, or his- de- 



iTofyta. This Gorgias was a celebrated master of 
eloquence. He so far surpassed all the rest of his pro- 
fession, that Diodorue Siculus tells us be received no 
less from his scholars than one hundred mina;, that 
is, 322i. 18s. Ad. sterling. This Gorgias, it seems, was 
at the head of the embassy which the Leontinee sent to 
Athens, the second year of the 88th Olympiad, to desire 
their assistance against the Syracusians. In the first 
audience he had of the Athenians, his eloquence, or 
rather the novelty of it, so enchanted that people, who 
were great admirers of both, that they were unfortu- 
nately prevailed upon to engage in the Sicilian war, the 
event of which gave them so fatal a blow, that they 
could never recover it. Diodorus Siculus says also, that 
he was the inventor of the art of rhetoric, and the first 
who made use of studied figures and laboured antith- 
eses of equal length, and the same termination. This 
manner of speaking, the same author says, pleased at 
first from its novelty, but was afterwards looked upon 
ti affected, and, if frequently practised, ridiculous. 



sire of commanding, in order to increase them, 
or of being esteemed for the same reason. 
He desired to be well with those in power, 
that his injustice might escape punishment. 
He thought the shortest way to accomplish 
his designs were perjury, falsehood, and deceit ; 
and that simplicity and truth were weaknesses. 
He was observed to have no affection for any 
man; and, where he professed a friendship, 
it was visible he designed to betray. He 
never spoke with contempt of an enemy, but 
was ever turning all those he conversed with 
into ridicule. He never formed any design 
against the possessions of an enemy, (for he 
thought it difficult to rob those who were upon 
their guard,) but looked upon himself as the 
only person that was sensible, how very easy it 
is to seize the unguarded possessions of a 
friend. He stood in fear of those whom he 
observed to be guilty of perjury and injustice, 
as of men well armed ; but practised upon 
persons of piety and truth, as upon those who 
are defenceless. And, as others value them- 
selves upon religion, veracity, and justice, so 
Menon valued himself upon being able to de- 
ceive, to invent falsehoods, and abuse his 
friends ; and looked upon those as ignorant, 
who were without guile. When he endea- 
voured to gain the first place in any man's 
friendship, he thought the most effectual way 
of recommending himself, was by slandering 
those who were in possession of it. He 
sought to make himself obeyed by the soldiers, 
by becoming an accomplice in their crimes, 
and aimed at being esteemed and courted, by 
showing that he had both the power and the 
will to commit great injustice. If any one 
forsook him, he spoke of it as a favour, that 
while he made use of his service, he did not 
destroy him. Whatever is not publicly known 
in this man's character, may seem to be feigned, 
but the following particulars all the world is 
acquainted with. While he was in the flower 
of his youth, he obtained the command of the 
mercenaries in the service of Aristippus. At 
that age also he was in great favour with 
Ariseus, a Barbarian, because he delighted in 
beautiful youths ; and before he himself had a 
beard, he had a bearded favourite, called Tha- 
rypas. When the rest of the generals suffered 
for having made war against the king with 
Cyrus, he, though equally guilty, did not lose 
his life ; but was afterwards punished with 
death by the king, not like Clearchus, and the 






214 



XENOPHON. 






[book π. 



rest of the generals, by losing his head, which 
was looked upon as the most honourable 
death ; but, as it is said, after he had been 
tortured a whole year, like a malefactor. 

Agias the Arcadian, and Socrates the 



Achaian, were both put to death at the same 
time ; these were without reproach both in 
war and friendship. They were then about 
forty years of age. 






XENOPHON 



ON THE 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS 



BOOK III. 

[215] 



CONTENTS OF BOOK III. 



I. The Greeks anguishing in grief, Xenophon begins to arouse the courage of the colonels, who had been under 
Proxenus — Apollonides stupidly opposes Xenophon, and is therefore expelled his rank and occupation — The 
rest of the surviving generals assemble and are addressed by Xenophon in a vigorous speech— New com- 
manders are immediately elected. — II. The troops briefly exhorted by Cheirisophus and Cleanor, in a longer 
and eloquent speech by Xenophon, to prepare themselves valiantly to fight— His speech applauded, and he 
proceeds to lay down his plan for the conduct of the army, by the appointment of commanders to the seve- 
ral corps.— III. At the moment of departure the Greeks are visited by Mitbridates as a friend— He incurs their 
suspicions, and they decree that as long as they shall remain in the enemy's territory, they will enter into 
no negotiations for peace or truce with the Persian king — On their passage of the river Zabatus, they are so 
harassed by Mitbridates, that Xenophon is made sensible of the great want the army had of slingers and 
horsemen — By his advice these two services are established. — IV. Mithridates again pursues the Greeks, 
and is easily repulsed— They arrive at the river Tigris— Here Tissaphernes attacka them with an immense 
force ; but to no effect— To march more securely, the Greeks adopt a change in the disposition of their army— 
sy In this wav they arrive at a part of the road obstructed by hills, in crossing over which they are harassed 
by the enemy, until they take up their quarters in some villages— Setting out thence on the fourth day, they 
are compelled to throw themselves into another village, from which marching forth at nightfall, they perform 
so long a route, that it is only on the fourth day the enemy overtakes them— Having occupied a hill, under 
which was the narrow descent into the plain, the Barbarians are thence dislodged by Xenophon. — V. As soon 
as the Greeks descend into the plain the Barbarians again make their appearance, and having killed some of 
the Greeks, they begin to set fire to the villages — Inclosed between the Tigris and the Carduchian moun 
tains, the Greeks consult on the plan of their march— They reject the plan of the Rhodian, who offer» to 
pass them over on a bridge of leathern bottles, and marching some distance backwards the next day, they make 
diligent inquiry of the prisoners concerning the nature of the surrounding countries— They determine to take 
their route through the mountains of the"Carduchians. 



[216] 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



BOOK III. 



I. Is the foregoing discourse, we have related 
the actions of the Greeks, during the expedi- 
tion of Cyrus, to the battle; and what hap- 
pened after his death, when the Greeks inarched 
away with Tissaphernes upon the peace. After 
the generals were apprehended, and the cap- 
tains and soldiers who accompanied them put 
to death, the Greeks were in great distress ; 
knowing they were not far from the king's 
palace, surrounded on all sides with many 
nations and many cities, all their enemies ; 
that no one would any longer supply them 
with provisions : that they were distant from 
Greece above ten thousand stadia, without a 
guide to conduct them, and their road thither 
intercepted by impassable rivers ; that even 
those Barbarians, who had served under Cyrus, 
had betrayed them, and that they were now 
left alone, without any horse to assist them. 
By which it was evident, that if they overcame 
the enemy, they could not destroy a man of 
them in the pursuit, and if they themselves 
were overcome, not one of them could escape. 
These reflections so disheartened them, that 
few ate any thing that evening, few made fires, 
and many that night never came to their * quar- 
ter, 2 but laid themselves down, every man in 



ι Ε^ί τ* όχλο. See note 2, page 203. Here it plainly 
signifies that part of the camp which was appointed for 
the quarters of the several companies, particularly of 
the heavy-armed men. D'Ablancourt has left it out, 
as he generally does this expression where he meets 
with it. 

* Ανιπχΰιτο Ji ίττον irvyxavtv «xeo-ros, οϋ ίννχμα/οι 
χ•θ(0ί( ιν νττο Κύπης χβί sr63ou jrceTgiJcuv, yovtaiv, yvvaix- 

«ΐν, χ*ιϊ<βν, ouj ου wen ϊνόμιζοψ ιτ« οψ(σ-$*«. This pe- 
riod, so beautifully melancholy, is cruelly mangled by 
D'Ablancourt, whose translation I shall also transcribe, 
that the reader may compare it with the original. "Us 
etoient si abbatus qu'ils ne pouvoient reposer, comme 
19 



the place where he happened to be, unable to 
sleep through sorrow, and a longing for their 
country, their parents, their wives and children, 
whom they never expected to see again. In 
this disposition of mind they all lie down to 
rest. 

There was in the army an Athenian, by 
name Xenophon, who, without being a general, 
a captain, or a soldier, served as a volunteer ; 
for, having been long attached to Proxenus by 
the rights of hospitality, the latter sent for him 
from home, with a promise, if he came, to re- 
commend him to Cyrus ; from whom, he said, 
he expected greater advantages than from his 
own country. Xenophon, having read the let- 
ter, consulted Socrates the Athenian concern- 
ing the voyage, who 3 fearing lest his country 
might look upon his attachment to Cyrus as 
criminal, because that prince was thought to 
have espoused the interest of the Lacedaemo- 
nians against the Athenians with great warmth, 
advised Xenophon to go to Delphos, and con- 
sult the god of the place concerning the matter. 
Xenophon went thither accordingly, and asked 
Apollo to which of the gods he should offer 
sacrifice, and address his prayers, to the end 
that he might perform the voyage he proposed 
in the best and most reputable manner, and, 
after a happy issue of it, return with safety. 
Apollo answered, that he should sacrifice to 
the proper gods. At his return, he acquainted 
Socrates with this answer ; who blamed him, 
because he had not asked Apollo in the first 
place, whether it were better for him to under- 
take this voyage, than to stay at home : but, 
having himself first determined to undertake it, 



ne devant plus revoir ni femme, ni enfans, ni patrie. 
» K«; Ι Σνχξ χτ»ΐ{ ύϋτοιττιίσ-α,-. See the introduction. 



2C 



217 






218 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book III. 



he had consulted him concerning the most pro- 
per means of performing it with success ; but 
since, says he, you have asked this, you ought 
to do what the god has commanded. Xeno- 
phon, therefore, having offered sacrifice to the 
gods, according to the direction of the oracle, 
set sail, and found Proxenus and Cyrus at 
Sardes ready to march towards the Upper Asia. 
Here he was presented to Cyrus, and Proxenus 
pressing him to stay, Cyrus was no less earnest 
in persuading him, and assured him that, as soon 
as the expedition was at end, he would dis- 
miss him ; this he pretended was designed 
against the Pisidians. 

Xenophon, therefore, thus imposed on, en- 
gaged in the enterprise, though Proxenus had 
no share in the imposition, for none of the 
Greeks, besides Clearchus, knew it was in- 
tended against the king : but, when they arri- 
ved in Cilicia, every one saw * the expedition 
was designed against him. Then, though they 
were terrified at the length of the way, and un- 
willing to go on, yet the greatest part of them, 
out of 2 a regard both to one another, and to 
Cyrus, followed him : and Xenophon was of 
this number. When the Greeks were in this 
distress, he had his share in the general sorrow, 
end was unable to rest. However, getting a 
little sleep, he dreamed he thought it thundered, 
and that a flash of lightning fell upon his pater- 
nal house, which upon that was all in a blaze. 
Immediately he awoke in a fright, and looked 
upon his dream as happy in this respect, be- 
cause, while he was engaged in difficulties and 
dangers, he saw a great light proceeding from 
Jupiter. On the other side, he was full of fear, 
when he considered that the fire, by blazing all 
around him, might portend that he should not 
be able to get out of the king's territories, but 
should be surrounded on all sides with difficul- 
ties. 



ι Ό σ-τ^λ:,-. See note 5, page 170. 

a Δ>' χίσ-χνν^» Si κλλ^ν»». Where any number of 
men are embarked in the same design, they generally 
meet with success, but always deserve it. if they are 
once brought to be ambitious of one another's praises, 
and to stand in awe of one another's reproaches. Ho- 
mer, who knew every spring of the human soul, was 
sensible how powerful a motive this mutual respect is to 
a proper behaviour in a day of battle, when he makes 
Agamemnon say to his men, 

Ά>.>.*,κ:υ; τ' ΧίΖΓιτϊί γ.χτχ χρχτίξχ; ' τμιψ&ς• 
Αιϊομι*** χνΐξχν ττ'ι.ι'ινι: - τχ». 

By the way, it is from this sense of the word »oi,-,that 
the Latin authors have used verecundia to signify re• 
■pect. 



However, the events, which were consequent 
to this dream, sufficiently explain the nature of 
it ; for presently these things happened. A» 
soon as he awoke, the first thought that occur- 
red to him was this ; Why do I lie here 1 the 
night wears away, and as soon as the day ap- 
pears, it is probable the enemy will come and 
attack us : and if we fall under the power of 
the king, 3 what can preserve us from being 
spectators of the most tragical sights, from suf- 
fering the most cruel torments, and from dying 
with the greatest ignominy. Yet no one makes 
preparation for defence, or takes any care about 
it : but here we lie, as if we were allowed to 
live in quiet. From what city, therefore, do I 
expect a general to perform these things 1 what 
age do I wait for 1 But, if I abandon myself 
to the enemy this day, I shall never live to see 
another. Upon this he rose, and first assem- 
bled the captains who had served under Proxe- 
nus ; and when they were together, he said to 
them, " Gentlemen ! I can neither sleep (which 
I suppose is your case also) nor lie any longer, 
when I consider the condition to which we are 
reduced. For it is plain the enemy would not 
have declared war against us, had they not first 
made the necessary preparations, while, on our 
side, none takes any care how we may resist 
them in the best manner possible. If we are 
remiss, and fall under the power of the king, 
what have we to expect from him, who cut off 
the head and hand of his brother, even after he 
was dead, and fixed them upon a stake ? How 
then will he treat us, who have no support, and 
have made war against him, with a design to 
reduce him from the condition of a king to that 
of a subject ; and, if it lay in your power, to 
put him to death 1 Will he not try the power 
of every extremity, to the end, that, by torturing 
us in the most ignominious manner, he may 
deter all men from ever making war against 
him ? We ought, therefore, to do every thing, 
rather than fall into his hands. While the peace 
lasted, I own I never ceased to consider our- 
selves as extremely miserable, and the king, 
with those who belonged to him, equally happy. 
When I cast my eyes around, and beheld how 



* Ti i^roii» μϊ '-jy_• srxrT* μϊν τχ χχΚιχ-ιίτχτ» •«•«• 
οίντχ;, jrxrT» St τχ β <<»:τχτα -χ r:i -χζ. . *; • (:/*£» '9•ί ιι• 

β bxruv ; thus translated by D'Ablancourt, " quelle e§ pe- 
ranee nous reste il que d'une mort cruelle ?" So pa- 
thetic a description of the miseries, which our autbof 
bad then in view, deserved, methinks, that he shoul* 
have been more particular in his translation. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



219 



epacious and beautiful a country they were mas- 
ters of, how they abounded in provisions, slaves, 
cattle, gold, and rich apparel ; and, on the other 
hand, reflected on the situation of our men, who 
had no share of all these advantages, without 
paying for them, which I knew very few were 
any longer able to do, and that our oaths forbade 
us to provide ourselves by any other means ; 
when I reflected, I say, on these things, I was 
more afraid of peace than now I am of war. 
But since they have put an end to the peace, 
there seems to be an end also both of their in- 
solence and our jealousy. And these advan- 
tages lie now as a prize between us, to be given 
to the bravest. In this * combat the gods are 
the umpires, who will, with justice, declare in 
our favour; for our enemies have provoked 
them by perjury, which we, surrounded with 
every thing to tempt us, have, with constancy, 
abstained from all, that we might preserve our 
oaths inviolate. So that, in my opinion, we 
have reason to engage in this combat with 
greater confidence than they. Besides, our 
bodies are more patient of cold, of heat, and of 
labour than theirs, and our minds, with the di- 
vine assistance, more resolved. And if, as be- 
fore, the gods vouchsafe to grant us the victory, 
their men will be more obnoxious to wounds 
and death. But possibly others may also en- 
tertain these thoughts. For heaven's sake, 
then, let us not stay till others come to en- 
courage us to glorious actions, but let us pre- 
vent them, and excite even them to virtue. 
Show yourselves the bravest of all the captains, 
and the most worthy to command of all the 
generals. As for me, 2 if you desire to lead the 
way in this, I will follow you with cheerfulness, 
and• if you appoint me to be your leader, I 3 
shall not excuse myself by reason of my age, 
but think myself even in the vigour of it to re- 
pel an injury." 

The captains, hearing this, all desired he 
would take upon him the command, except a 
certain person, by name Apollonides, who af- 
fected to speak in the Boeotian dialect. This 



« ' Α^βνβ^ίτ». ί• οί 3ιο< ,Ιτι. This alludes to the um- 
pires who were chosen to preside at the Olympic and 
other games. This allusion, which gives great beauty 
to the whole passage, is entirely left out by D'Ablan- 
court. 

» Ei μ, ν ibiKtr, $Ζοςμ Ψ > ΙπΤ τ*ϋτ*. The reader will 
observe, that Ί~ΐξμί» is here used neutrally, it was 
used actively a few lines above. 

• OCii» π,,ονχτ,ζομ*, τί» ίλ.χ.χν. See note 5, page 
200, and particularly the life of Xenophon. 



man said, that whoever proposed any other 
means of returning to Greece, than by endea- 
vouring to persuade the king to consent to it, 
talked impertinently ; and, at the same time, 
began to recount the diihculties they were en- 
gaged in. But Xenophon, interrupting him, 
said, * Thou most admirable man ! who art 
both insensible of what you see, and forgetful 
of what you hear. You were present when 
the king, after the death of Cyrus, exulting in 
his victory, sent to us to deliver up our arms ; 
and when, instead of delivering them up, we 
marched out ready to give him battle, and en- 
camped near him, what did he leave undone, 
by sending ambassadors, begging peace, and 
supplying us with provisions, till he had ob- 
tained it 1 And afterwards, when our generals 
and captains went to confer with them, as you 
advise us to do, without their arms, relying on 
the peace, what has been their treatment'? Are 
not these unfortunate men daily scourged, 4 tor- 
tured, and insulted, and forbid even to die, 
though I dare say they earnestly desire it? 
When you know all this, can you say that those 
who exhort us to defend ourselves, talk imper- 
tinently, and dare you advise us to sue again to 
the king for favour 1 For my part, gentlemen ! 
I think we ought not to admit this man any 
longer into our company, but use him as he de- 
serves, by removing him from his command, 
and employing him in carrying our baggage; for, 
by being a Greek with such a mind, he is a 
shame to his country, and dishonours all 
Greece." 

Then Agasias of Stymphalus said, " This 
man has no relation to Bceotia, or to an}' other 
part of Greece ; for, to my knowledge, both his 
ears are bored, like a Lydian." Which was 
found to be true : so they expelled him their 
company. The rest went to all the quarters of 
the army, and where any generals were left, 
they called them up ; where they were wanting, 
their lieutenants; and where there were any 



« Kivtov^ivo». I have ventured to depart from the 
Latin translators in rendering this word. Leunclavius 
has said vulneribvs affecti, and Hutchinson vulncrapas- 
ti ; D'Ablancourt has left it out: I have translated it 
tortured: in the same sense Xenophon, a little above, 
speaking of the usage the Greeks were to expert, if 
they fell into the king's hands, says ημχ; τ» «ιο-%<<ττ» 
*ιχκτύμινος, and a little before that, πχντ» τΐ <5Ί»νοτατ« 
Λ-α^οκτΜί. It is from this sense of the word «ivth», 
that Suidas tells us a thief is called χ^τρ», because, as 
he says, xsvr f * were part of their torture. K.n- fa) y ό 

Atwrm' iii τ& βχΡΛνιζομινΟίς τοΓ{ χλιπτχι; χχί χίντξ» 



220 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book III. 



captains left, they called up them. When they 
were all assembled, they placed themselves * 
before the quarter where the heavy-armed men* 
lay encamped ; the number of the generals and 
captains amounting to about a hundred. While 
this was doing, it was near midnight. Then 
Hieronymus of Elis, the oldest of all the cap- 
tains, who had served under Proxenus, began 
thus: " Gentlemen ! we have thought proper, 
in the present juncture, both to assemble our- 
selves, and call you together, to the end we 
may, if possible, consider of something to our 
advantage. Do you, Ο Xenophon ! represent 
to them what you have laid before us." Upon 
this Xenophon said, 

" We are all sensible that the king and Tis- 
saphernes have caused as many of us as they 
could to be apprehended, and it is plain they 
design, by the same treacherous means, if they 
can, to destroy the rest. We ought, therefore, 
in my opinion, to attempt every thing not only 
to prevent our falling under their power, but, 
if possible, to subject them to ours. Know 
then, that, being assembled in so great num- 
bers, you have the fairest of all opportunities ; 
for all the soldiers fix their eyes on you : if they 
see you disheartened, their courage will forsake 
them ; but, if you appear resolute yourselves, 
and exhort them to do their duty, be assured, 
they will follow you, and endeavour to imitate 
your example. It seems also reasonable that 
you should excel them in some degree, for you 
are their generals, their leaders, and their cap- 
tains; and as in time of peace you have the 
advantage of them both in riches and honours, 2 so 
now in time of war, you ought to challenge the 
pre-eminence in courage, in counsel, and, if 



1 Εϊί T5 TT^a-bm rwv ό'ττλων. See note 6, page 203. 

4 Κ»ί vvv τοινυν, tTrit 7Π>Κιμος ttmv } ά£ιοϋν Sti υμάς 
αΰταίις οιμίίνονς τ» τοΟ φ\η$ου; t/ven, x*i ttj οδουλίυΜν 

τούτων, χαϊ TTfOiroveliv, r, ν jriu Siif. D'Ablancourt has left 
out every title of this fine period : the reason he gives 
for it in his own words is ; parte qu'elle est deja expri- 
mee: I am afraid the reader will not think that reason 
to have much weight. The Attic writers, when they 
speak of their affairs, always use the word ^oSouXtu. 
μ*, for an act passed by the senate before it was sent 
down to the people; for the same reason the Greek 
writers of the Roman History call asenatus consultum 
π-ροζούλιυμα, and this sense seems to agree better with 
?,xsienv and (πΚίον.χτΰτι, which our author ap- 
plies to the generals a few lines above, and which seem 
very naturally to introduce xfitivovf fivxt^foiovkivnv, 
and ?reo:iroviiv. The Latin translators have given it 
another sense ; Leunclavius has said horum causa con• 
silia suscipienda, and Hutch inson pro Us consilia cape- 
re : the decision therefore is left to the reader. 



necessary, in labour. In the first place then, 
it is my opinion, that you will do great service 
to the army, if you take care that generals and 
captains are immediately chosen in the room of 
those who are slain : since, without chiefs, no- 
thing either great or profitable can indeed be 
achieved upon any occasion, but least of all in 
war; for as discipline preserves armies, so the 
want of it has already been fatal to many. 
After you have appointed as many command- 
ers as are necessary, I should think it highly 
seasonable for you to assemble and encourage 
the rest of the soldiers ; for no doubt you must 
have observed, as well as I, how dejectedly 
they came to their quarters, and how heavily 
they went upon guard : so that, while they are 
in this disposition, I do not know what service 
can either by night or day be expected from 
them. They have at present nothing before 
their eyes but sufferings : if any one can turn 
their thoughts to action, it would greatly en- 
courage them ; for you know, that neither 
numbers nor strength give the victory : but 
that side which, with the assistance of the gods, 
attacks with the greatest resolution, is generally 
irresistible. I have taken notice also, that 
those men who in war seek to preserve their 
lives at any rate commonly die with shame and 
ignominy ; while those who look upon death as 
common to all, and unavoidable, and are only 
solicitous to die with honour, oftener arrive at 
old age, and while they live, live happier. As 
therefore we are sensible of these things, it be- 
hoves us, at this critical juncture, both to act 
with courage ourselves, and to exhort the rest 
to do the same." 

After him Cheirisophus said : " Before this 
time, Ο Xenophon ! I knew no more of you 
than that you were an Athenian ; but now 1 
commend both your words and actions, and 
wish we had many in the army like you ; for it 
would be a general good. And now, gentle- 
men ! let us lose no time : those of you who 
want commanders depart immediately and 
choose them : and when that is done, come in- 
to the middle of the camp, and bring them 
with you ; after that, we will call the rest of 
the soldiers hither : and let Tolmides the crier 
attend." Saying this, he rose up, that what 
was necessary might be transacted without 
delay. After this, Timasion, a Dardanian, 
was chosen general in the room of Clearchus ; 
Xanthicles, an Achaian, in the room of Socra- 
tes ; Cleanor, an Orchomenian, in the room of 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



221 



Agias, an Arcadian; Philysius, an Achaian, in' 
ihe room of Menon ; and Xenophon, an Athen- 
ian, in that of Proxenus. 

II. As soon as the election was over, it be- 
ing now near break of day, the officers advanced 
to the middle of the camp, and resolved first 
to appoint outguards, and then to call the sol- 
diers together. When they were all assembled, 
Cheirisophus, the Lacedtemonian, first got up, 
and spoke as follows : " Soldiers ! we are at 
present under great difficulties, being deprived 
of such generals, captains, and soldiers. Be- 
sides, the forces of Ariaius, who were before 
our auxiliaries, have betrayed us. However, 
we ought to emerge out of our present circum- 
stances like brave men, and not be cast down, 
but endeavour to redeem ourselves by a glori- 
ous victory. If that is impossible, let us die 
with honour, and never fall alive under the 
power of the enemy : for in that case, we should 
suffer such things, as I hope the gods keep in 
store for them." 

After him Cleanor, of Orchomenus, rose up 
and said : « You see, Ο soldiers ! the perjury 
and impiety of the king, as well as the perfidy 
of Tissaphernes, who amused us by saying that 
he lived in the neighbourhood of Greece, and 
should of all things be most desirous to carry 
us in safety thither. It was he that gave us 
his oath to perform this ; he that pledged his 
faith ; he that betrayed us, and caused our ge- 
nerals to be apprehended : and this he did in 
defiance even of 1 Jupiter, the avenger of vio- 
lated hospitality ; for having entertained Clear- 
chus at his table, by these arts he first deceived, 
and then destroyed our generals. Arheus al- 
so, whom we offered to place upon the throne, 
with whom we were engaged by a mutual ex- 
change of faith not to betray one another ; this 
man, I say, without either fear of the gods, or 
respect for the memory of Cyrus, though of all 
others the most esteemed by him when alive, 
now revolts to his greatest enemies, and endea- 
vours to distress us who were his friends. But 
of these may the gods take vengeance ! It be- 
hoves us, who have these things before our 
eyes, not only to take care that these men do 
not again betray us, but also to fight with all 
possible bravery, and submit to what the gods 
6hall determine." 

Then Xenophon rose up, dressed for the 
war in the most gorgeous armour he could pro- 

1 Δ<*ε«νιον. See note 3, page 169. 
19• 



vide ; for he thought if the gods granted him 
victory, these ornaments would become a con 
queror, and, if he weTe to die, they would de- 
corate his fall. He began in the following 
manner : " Cleanor has laid before you the 
perjury and treachery of the barbarians > which, 
to be sure, you yourselves are no strangers to. 
If, therefore, we have any thoughts of trying 
their friendship again, we must be under great 
concern, when we consider what our generals 
have suffered, who, "by trusting to their faith, 
put themselves in their power. But, if we 
propose to take revenge of them with our 
swords for what they have done, and persecute 
them for the future with war in every shape ; 
we have, with the assistance of the gods, many 
fair prospects of safety." While he was speak- 
ing one of the company sneezed : upon this, the 
soldiers all at once adored the god. Then 
Xenophon said, " Since, Ο soldiers ! while we 
were speaking of safety, Jupiter the preserver 
sent us an 2 omen, I think we ought to make 
a vow to offer sacrifice to this god, in thanks- 
giving for our preservation, in that place where 
we first reached the territories of our friends ; 
and also to the rest of the gods, in the best 
manner we are able. Whoever, then, is of this 
opinion, let him hold up his hand." And they 
all held up their hands ; and then made their 
vows, and sung the Paean. After they had 
performed their duty to the gods, he went on 
thus: 

" I was saying that we had many fair pros- 
pects of safety. In the first place, we have 
observed the oaths, to which we called the gods 
to witness, while our enemies have been guilty 
of perjury, and have violated both their oaths 
and the peace. This being so, we have reason 
to expect the gods will declare against them, 
and combat on our side : and they have it in 
their power, when they think fit, soon to hum- 
ble the high and, with ease, to exalt the low* 
though in distress. Upon this occasion, I shall 
put you in mind of the dangers our ancestors 
were involved in, in order to convince you that 
it behoves you to be brave, and that those who 



* Οιωνός του Διο$ του Σωτ^ξος. Oiu>voj is here taken 
for the omen itself; in which sense we find it in that 
noble sentiment of Hector to Polydanms. 

Έις OJouvOf Λξ ΚΓΤος α/ίυκί<Γ6*ι πιςι πχτξΐ\ς. 

This superstition of looking upon sneezing as ominous, 
is very ancient, and to he met with in many Greek au- 
thors: possibly it may have given rise to the modern 
custom of saying, God bless you ! upon that occasion 



222 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book III. 



are so, are preserved by the gods amidst the 
greatest calamities: 1 for when the Persians, 
and their allies, came with a vast army to de- 
stroy Athens, the Athenians, by daring to op- 
pose them, overcame them ; and having made 
a vow to Diana to sacrifice as many goats to 
her as they killed of the enemy, when they 
could not find enough, they resolved to sacri- 
fice five hundred every year : and even to this 
day they offer sacrifice in thanksgiving for that 
victory. 2 Afterwards when Xerxes invaded 
Greece, with an innumerable army, then it 
was that our ancestors overcame the ances- 
tors of these very men, both by sea and land ; 



ι Ελδοντβν μ\ν γχς Tit^rav. This was the first expe- 
dition of the Persians against the Greeks, when, under 
the command of Datis and Artaphernes, they invaded 
their country, and were defeated by Miltiades at the 
battle of Marathon. This invasion seems to have been 
occasioned by the twenty ships which the Athenians 
sent to Miletus, under the command of Melanthius, at 
the instigation of Aristagoras, to assist the Ionians 
against the Persians ; this, and their peremptory refusal 
to receive Hippias their tyrant, who had fled to Persia 
for refuge, provoked Darius Hystaspes to 6end a power- 
ful fleet to invade Athens, the success of which has been 
mentioned. In this defeat the Persians lost six thousand 
four hundred men, and the Athenians, with their allies, 
the Platffians. only one hundred and ninety-two : but on 
the Persian side fell Hippias, and lost that life in the 
field, which had been long due to the sword of justice. 
This battle was fought on the sixth day of the Attic 
month Boedromion, (with us, September,) the third 
month from the summer solstice, and the third year of 
the seventy-second Olympiad, Phenippus being archon, 
and four years before the death of Darius. 

a'En-iiTceOTe Bt^i. This is the second expedition of 
the Persians against the Greeks, in which Xerxes him 
self commanded. The year in which this was under- 
taken, was the tenth from that in which the battle of 
Marathon was fought. Xenophon had reason to call this 
army innumerable, since Herodotus makes it amount to 
about three millions : which number is expressed in the 
epitaph that was inscribed on the monument erected at 
Thermopylae, in honour of those Greeks who died there 
in the service of their country. This inscription says, 
that in that place four thousand Peloponnesians engaged 
three millions of the enemy. The words are these ; 

Mufiio-i 5T0T« TJjii Tf ΐ))/.ο(Γΐ»ι; ΐμίχοντο 
Έκ ΠίΚοττοννίσ-αον χ,ιλιχδις τίτοξίς. 

This seems very authentic, though I am sensible that 
Diodorus Siculus has £»>ι*ο<γ»*ι; instead of τςι^χ,οτιαις ; 
however, an army of two millions of men, will, I am 
afraid, scarce gain that general credit which possibly it 
may deserve. The victories here hinted at by Xeno- 
phon, which the Athenians, with their allies, gained 
over the Persians, by sea and land, were Artemisium 
and Salamine, Plata? and Mycale ; the two last being 
gained the same day,- that is, the third of the Attic 
month Boedromion, September, a day, it seems, auspi- 
cious to the cause of liberty, the first in Bototia, and the 
last at Mycale, a promontory of Ionia. 



of which the trophies that were erected up* 
on that occasion, are lasting monuments still 
to be seen. But of all monuments, the 
most considerable is the liberty of those ci- 
ties, in which you have received your birth 
and education : for you pay adoration to no 
other master than the gods. From such ances- 
tors are you descended : neither can I say that 
you are a dishonour to them, since, within 
these few days, you 3 engaged the descendants 
of those men, many times superior to you in 
number, and, with the assistance of the gods, 
defeated them. Then you fought to place 
Cyrus on the throne, and in his cause fought 
bravely : now your own safety is at stake, you 
ought certainly to show more courage and ala- 
crity. You have also reason now to entertain 
a greater confidence in your own strength than 
before; for though you were then unacquainted 
with the enemy, and saw them before you in 
vast numbers, however you dared to attack 
them with the spirit of your ancestors : where- 
as now you have had experience of them, 
and are sensible that, though they exceed you 
many times in number, they dare not stand be- 
fore you, why should you any longer fear 
them ? Neither ought you to look upon it as 
a disadvantage, that the Barbarians belonging 
to Cyrus who before fought on your side, have 
now forsaken you ; for they are yet worse sol- 
diers than those we have already overcome. 

" They have left us, therefore, and are fled to 
them : and it is our advantage that those who 
are the first to fly, should be found in the 
enemy's army rather than in our own. If any 
of you are disheartened because we have no 
horse, in which the enemy abound, let them 
consider that ten thousand horse are no more 
than ten thousand men ; for no one was ever 
killed in an action by the bite or kick of a 
horse. The men do every thing that is done 
in battle. But further we are steadier upon 
the ground than they on horseback: for they, 
hanging upon their horses, are not only afraid 
of us, but also of falling ; while we standing 
firmly upon the ground, strike those who 



3 Αντιταζίμινοι τούτο»; τοΤς Ιχίίνων Ιγγονοις — £»ιχ£τΐ. 

This is ridiculously translated by D'Ablancourt, " vooa 
avez vaincu les descendans de Xerxes en bataille ran- 
gee." Xerxes must indeed have a numerous posterity 
if the whole army of Artaxerxes were his descend- 
ants: but οϊΐχ,ίΜων tyyavn visibly signifies the descend- 
ants of those Persians who were defeated under 
Xerxes. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



223 



approach us with greater force, and α eurer 
aim. 

t* The horse have but one advantage over 
us, they can fly with greater security. But if 
you are confident of your strength in battle, yet 
look upon it as a grievance that Tissaphernes 
will no longer conduct us, or the king supply 
us with a market ; consider which is the most 
advantageous, to have Tissaphernes for our 
conductor, who, it is plain, has betrayed us, or 
such guides as we shall make choice of who 
will be sensible that, if they mislead us, they 
must answer it with their lives. Consider 
also whether it is better for us to purchase, in 
the markets they provide, small measures for 
great sums of money, which we are no longer 
able to furnish, or, if we conquer, to make use 
of no other measure but our will. If you are 
convinced that these things are best in the way 
they are in, but think the rivers are not to be 
repassed, and that you have been greatly delud- 
ed in passing them, consider with yourselves 
whether the Barbarians have^ot taken very 
wrong measures even in this ; for all rivers, 
though, at a distance from their springs, they 
may be impassable, yet if you go to their 
sources, you will find them so easily fordable, 
as not even to wet your knees. But if the 
rivers refuse us passage, and no guide appears 
to conduct us, even in that case we ought not 
to be disheartened ; for we know that the 
Mysians, who are certainly not braver men 
than ourselves, inhabit many large and rich 
cities in the king's territories against his will. 
The Pisidians, we also know, do the same. 
We have ourselves seen the Lycaonians, who, 
after they had made themselves masters of the 
etrong places that command the plains, enjoy 
the product of the country. And I should 
think we ought not yet to betray a desire of 
returning home ; but prepare every thing as if 
we proposed to settle here : for I am well as- 
sured that the king would grant many guides 
to the Mysians, and give them many hostages, 
as a security to conduct them out of his terri- 
tories without fraud ; he would even level 
roads for them, if they insisted upon being 
sent away in chariots. And ί am con- 
vinced he would, with great alacrity, do the 
earne for us, if he saw us disposed to stay 
here : but I am afraid, if once we learn to 
live in idleness and plenty, and converse with 
the fair and stately wives and daughters 
of the Medes and Persians, we shall, like 



the ! Lotophagi, forget to return home. It 
seems, therefore, to me both just and reason- 
able that we first endeavour to return to Greece, 



1 'ίϊβ -wif οι λωτοφάγοι. This tradition seems derived 
from Homer, who says that those who eat of the lotus 
never think of returning home, 

Των ί' δ'ο-τ»ίλ(«)ΤθΓο ψχγοι /<ιλ.<(|£ΐί» *»ξΐτον, 
Ούχ ιτ* ν.π*γγι*ιΧα.ι ιτάλιν ίΐ^ίλίΐ/, ούίι ν(ί<τ$χι. 

Eustathius, in his explication of this passage, quotes 
many authors, but, I think, none whose account of the 
lotus seems so satisfactory as that of Herodotus, who 
says that when the Nile overflows the country, there 
grow in the water great quantities of lilies, which the 
Egyptians call lotuses; these, he says, they dry in the 
sun, and of the heads of them, which are like the heads 
of poppies, they make bread ; the root of it, he says, is 
also eatable and sweet ; he adds, that it is round, and 
about the size of an apple. But there is another kind of 
lotus, described by Theophraetus, and after him by 
Pliny. This is a tree of the size of a pear-tree, or some- 
thing less, ίΰμίγί$ίς, tjXixov χπκ>ς, ij μιχξον «λαττον, 

magnitude quae piro, says Pliny : the leaves are jagged 
like those of the ilex, «ρύλλον ^Ιντομχ,ς t%ov, *xl πξ>ν. 
ώί«;, thus translated by Pliny, incisure; folio crebriores 
qua; ilicis videntur. Theophraetus and his translator 
Pliny thus pursue the description; the wood is black, 
το μιν ξυλον, μιχχν, ligno color niger. There are dif- 
ferent kinds of this plant distinguished by the differ- 
ence of their fruit, Sin* Si «υτοί τγκ»><» o\*$o e if ιχον 
τχ roTf χαςποΐς, differentia plures eacque maxime fruc- 
tibusfiunt. The fruit is like a bean, and changes its 
colour, as it ripens, like grapes. The fruit of this lotus 
grows opposite to one another, like myrtle-berries, and 
thick upon the boughs; h St χ^τι-δ? ίικιχο; χνχμος• πι- 

7rxiv£Txt Si } όίσ-ιτες o't ροτξυις, μβτχζχΚλ.ων τχς χξοιχ;• 
φΰιτχι Si Υ,χίχπις τ» μυ^τα πχξχ'Κλ.^Κχ• πυκνός to -τι 

των βκχβ-των. Magnitude huic fabs, color ante matu- 
ritatem alius atque alius, sicut in uvis ; nascitur den- 
sus in ramis myrti modo: Theophrastus adds that 
the fruit is sweet,. pleasant to the taste, and without 
any ill quality ; on the contrary, that it helps digestion : 
the most delicious are those that have no stone, which 
one of the kinds has not ; he says the inhabitants also 
make wine of them, >-λυχυ 5 • «iV χ*ί *«►»>• χ*ί «τι 

7Γςος την χοίλ/χν κγχ&&ν >)ί<ωι/. Ss S χπυξ-^νος- e<tt< γχξ 
χαί τοιούτον ytvog' jtoiouo-i St και οινον ίξ »ύτου. Tam 

dulci ibi cibo, ut nomen etiam genti terrceque dederit, ni- 
mis hospitali advenarum oblivione patriae. Ferunt ven- 
iris non sentire morbum, qui eum mandant. Melior sine 
interiore nuclco, qui in altero genere osseus videtur : 
vinum quoque exprimitur illi. I have been so particu- 
lar in translating the description of this plant, because 
I have never yet met with an account of it in any 
modern writer that agreed with this given by Theo- 
phrastus; and, what is more extraordinary, Monsieur 
Maillet, who was many years consul at Cairo, says he 
never saw any plant in that country that had any re- 
semblance to the lotus of the ancients. I have read 
the description of the lotus given by the polite and learn- 
ed author of the Spectacle de la Nature, which agrees 
no doubt very well with the Nelumbo of the East Indies; 
but, I believe, he will own that it does not, in all re- 
spects, answer this description of Theophrastus. But 
there seems to be a third kind of lotus, upon which 
the horses belonging to the companions of Achilles fed 
during his inaction. 



224 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book III. 



and to our families, and let our countrymen see 
that they live in voluntary poverty, since it is 
in their power to bring their poor hither and 
enrich them ; for all these advantages, gentle- 
men ! are the rewards of victory. The next 
thing I shall mention to you is, in what manner 
we may march with the greatest security, and, 
if necessary, fight with the greatest advan- 
tage. In the first place," continued he, " I 
think we ought to burn all the carriages, that 
the care of them may not influence our march, 
but that we may be directed in it by the advan- 
tage of the army. After that, we ought to 
burn our . tents also ; for they are troublesome 
to carry, and of no use either in fighting or in 
supplying ourselves with provisions. Let us 
also rid ourselves of all superfluous baggage, 
and reserve only those things that are of use in 
war, or for our meat and drink ; to the end as 
many of us as possible may march in their 
ranks, and as few be employed in carrying the 
baggage ; for the conquered, you know, have 
nothing they can call their own ; and, if we 
conquer, we ought to look upon the enemy as 
servants to be employed in carrying our baggage. 
It now remains that I speak of that which is, 
in my opinion, of the greatest consequence. 
You see that even the enemy did not dare to 
declare war against us, till they had seized our 
generals ; for they were sensible that, while we 
had commanders, and yielded obedience to them, 
we were able to conquer them : but, having 
seized our commanders, tbey concluded that we 
should, from a want of command and discipline, 
be destroyed. It is necessary, therefore, that 
our present generals should be more careful 
than the former, and the soldiers more obser- 
vant, and more obedient to them than to their 
predecessors ; and, if you make an order, that 
whoever of you happens to be present, shall 
assist the commander in chastising those who 
are guilty of disobedience, it will be the most 
effectual means to frustrate the designs of the 
enemy ; for, from this day, instead of one 



— . 'Ίττποι 8ϊ πχξ' 1 ίΧμχτον mrtv ιχχττος 

Λϊΐτόν ίξίπτόμινοι, Ελίό-ί «jttov ts rihivvv 

'£ττ»«ΐί, 

This h thought to be a kind of trefoil, and this, I ima- 
gine, was the lotus that, together with saffron and hya- 
cinths, formed the couch of Jupiter and Juno upon a 
very amiable occasion, 

Τθ7β•» Ϊ' UTTe y,$ilV ΔΓ* p(liV ΙΈθ5))λί1» 7T0O1V, 

Δ -jjriv θ' if <rvifvrx t ϊί« xjoxov, ήί' lixtivbov 
n-jxvsvx»! μ»Κ*χον. 



Clearchus, they will find ! a thousand, who will 
suffer no man to neglect his duty. But it is 
now time to make an end, for it is probable the 
enemy will presently appear ; and, if you ap- 
prove of any thing I have said, ratify, it imme- 
diately, that you may put it in execution. But 
if any other person thinks of any thing more 
proper, though a private man, let him propose 
it ; for our preservation is a general concern." 
After that, Cheirisophus said, « If it is ne- 
cessary to add any thing to what Xenophon has 
laid before us, it may be done by and by ; at 
present I think we ought to ratify what he has 
proposed, and whoever is of that opinion, let 
him hold up his hand :" and they all held up 
their hands. Then Xenophon, rising up again, 
said, " Hear then, Ο soldiers ! what, in my 
opinion, we are to accept. It is evident that 
we must go to some place where we may get 
provisions. I am informed there are many fair 
villages, not above twenty stadia from hence ; I 
should not therefore be surprised if the enemy, 
like cowardly <Sgs that follow, and, if they can, 
bite those who pass by, but fly from those who 
pursue them, should also follow us when we 
begin to move. Possibly therefore we shall 
march with greater safety, if we dispose the 
heavy-armed men in a hollow square, to the 
end the baggage, and the great number of those 
who belong to it, may be in greater security 
If then we now appoint the proper persons to 
command the front, each of the flanks, and the 
rear, we shall not have to consider of this, 
when the enemy appears ; but shall presently 
be ready to execute what we have resolved. 
If any other person has any thing better to 
propose, let it be otherwise ; if not, let Cheiri- 
sophus command the front, 2 since he is a La- 
cedaemonian ; let two of the oldest generals 
command the flanks ; and Timasion and my- 
self, who are the youngest, will, for the pre- 
sent, take charge of the rear. Afterwards, 
when we have had experience of this disposi- 



1 Mufiou; οψοντβι. Μυ^ιι ττολλ», x*I kvxf tcur*' 

μ-^ξΐχ Si } b χςιϊμζς. Suidas. Sezcenti is used in the 
same manner in Latin to signify an indefinite number: 
I have translated μυςκα; a thousand, because I think 
our language makes use of this number in that sense : 
in French cent has the same effect, for which reason I 
was surprised D'Ablancourt did not say, Us en verront 
renaitre cent, rather than dix mille. 

α Ea -ίίίή **« Λχχί$χιμονκ>ς itm. The reason why 
Xenophon does this honour to the Lacedsmonian• 
will appear in the Introduction. 



/,« 






EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



225 



tion, we may consider what is best to be 
done, ae occasion offers. If any one thinks 
of any thing better, let him mention it." But 
nobody opposing what he offered, he said, 
" Let those who are of this opinion hold up 
their hands :" so this was resolved. "Now," 
bays he, " you are to depart, and execute 
what is determined : and whoever among you 
desires to return to his family, let him 
remember to fight bravely, for this is the 
only means to effect it : whoever has a mind 
to live, let him endeavour to conquer; for 
the part of the conqueror is to inflict death, 
that of the conquered to receive it. And 
if any among you covet riches, let him endea- 
vour to overcome : for the victorious not only 
preserve their own possessions, but acquire 
those of the enemy." 

III. After he had said this, they all rose up, 
and, departing, burnt their carriages and tents; 
as for the superfluous part of their baggage, 
they gave that to one another where it was 
wanted, and cast the rest into the fire, and then 
went to dinner. While they were at dinner, 
Mithridates advanced with about thirty horse, 
and, desiring the generals might come within 
hearing, he said, " Ο Greeks ! I was faithful 
to Cyrus, as you yourselves know, and now 
wish well to you : and do assure you, that while 
I remain here, I am under great apprehensions. 
So that, if I saw you taking salutary resolu- 
tions, I would come over to you, and bring all 
my people with me. Inform me therefore of 
what you resolve, for I am your friend and 
well-wisher, and desire to join you in * your 
march." After the generals had consulted to- 
gether, they thought proper to return this an- 
swer, Cheirisophus speaking in the name of 
the rest. " We resolve," says he, " if we are 
suffered to return home, to march through 
the country with as little damage to it as pos- 
sible ; but, if any one oppose our march, to 
fight our way through it in the best manner 
we are able." Mithridates, upon this, endea- 
voured to show how impossible it was for them 
to return in safety, without the king's consent. 
This rendered him suspected : besides, one be- 
longing to Tissaphernes was in his company 
as a spy upon him. From this time forward, 
the generals determined that they would admit 
of no other treaty, while they continued in 

ι Τίιμ ο-τολον. See note 5, page 170. 



the enemy's country : for, by coming in this 
manner, they not only debau»hed the soldiers, 
but Nicarchue, an Arcadian, one of the cap- 
tains, deserted to them that night, with about 
twenty men. 

As soon as the soldiers had dined, the army 
passed the river Zabatus, and marched in order 
of battle, with the baggage, and thoee who at- 
tended it, in the middle. They had not gone 
far before Mithridates appeared again with 
about two hundred horse, and four hundred 
archers and slingers, very light and fit for ex- 
pedition. He advanced as a friend : but when 
he came near, immediately both horse and foot 
discharged their arrows; the slingers also made 
use of their slings, and wounded 6ome of our 
men, so that the rear of the Greeks received 
great damage without being able to return it ; 
for the bows of the Cretans did not carry so 
far as those of the Persians. The former also, 
being lightly armed, had sheltered themselves 
in the centre of the heavy-armed men, neither 
could our darters reach their slingers. Xeno- 
phon, seeing this, resolved to pursue the ene- 
my ; and the heavy-armed men and targeteers, 
who were with him in the rear, followed the 
pursuit. But they could come up with none 
of them ; for the Greeks had no horse, and 
their foot could not in so short a space, over- 
take those of the enemy who had so much the 
start of them. Neither durst they in the pur- 
suit separate themselves too far from the rest 
of the army : for the Barbarian horse wounded 
them as they fled, shooting backward from 
their horses ; and as far as the Greeks were ad- 
vanced in the pursuit, so far they were obliged 
to retreat fighting ; insomuch that they could 
not march above five and twenty stadia all that 
day ; however, in the evening they arrived in 
the villages. Here the troops were again dis- 
heartened, and Cheirisophus, with the oldest 
generals, blamed Xenophon for leaving the 
main body to pursue the enemy, and exposing 
himself without any possibility of hurting 
them. 

Xenophon hearing this, said they had reason 
to blame him, and that they were justified by 
the event. " But," says he, " I was under a 
necessity of pursuing the enemy, since I saw 
our men suffer great damage by standing still, 
without being able to return it ; but when wo 
were engaged in the pursuit," continued he, 
" we found what you say to be true ; for we 
2D 



226 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book III. 



were no more able to annoy the enemy than 
before, and retreated with great difficulty. We 
have reason, therefore, to thank the gods that 
they came upon us only with a small force and 
a few troops, so that, instead of doing us great 
damage, they have taught us our wants. For 
now the enemy's archers and slingers wound 
our men at a greater distance than either the 
Cretans or the darters can reach them ; and 
when we pursue them, we must not separate 
ourselves far from the main body ; and in a 
short space our foot, though ever so swift, can- 
not come up with theirs, so as to reach them 
with their arrows. If we mean, therefore, to 
hinder them from disturbing us in our march, 
we must immediately provide ourselves with 
slingers and horse. I hear there are Rhodians 
in our army, the greatest part of whom, they 
say, understand the use of the sling, and that 
their slings carry twice as far as those of the 
Persians, who, throwing large l stones, cannot 
offend their enemy at a great distance : whereas 
the Rhodians, besides stones, make use of 
leaden balls. If, therefore, we inquire who 
have slings, and pay them for them, and also 
give money to those who are willing to make 
others, granting at the same time some other 
immunity to those who voluntarily list among 
the slingers, possibly some will offer themselves 
who may be fit for that service. I see also horses 
in the army, some belonging to me, and some 
left by Clearchus ; besides many others that 
we have taken from the enemy, which are em- 
ployed in carrying the baggage. If, therefore, 
we choose out all the best of these, and ac- 
coutre them for the horse, giving to the owners 
2 sumpter horses in exchange, possibly these 
aiso may annoy the enemy in their flight." 
These things were resolved upon, and the 
same night two hundred slingers listed them- 
selves. The next day proper horses and horse- 
men were appointed to the number of fifty, 
and 3 buff coats and corslets were provided 
for them, and the command of them was given 
to Lycius, the son of Polystratus an Atheni- 
an. 

IV. That day the army staid in the same 



t Xsifojr^ti^eiriTor; \<j:j,-. Literally, stones so large, 
that every one of them is a handful. 

• Σ*£«οψο?χ. See note 6, page 174. 

ι XroxiJf?. Hutchinson inclines to read rn->\iSi%, 
which has the sense Τ have here given to ο-τϋλάίί,-, 
though Suidas acknowledges ττοκίίίς in the sense our 
author takes it. 



place, and the next day they began their march 
earlier than usual, for they had a valley 4 form- 
ed by a torrent to pass, and were afraid the 
enemy should attack them in their passage. 
As soon as they had passed it, Mithridates 
appeared again with a thousand horse and four 
thousand archers and slingers ; for so many 
Tissaphernes had granted him at his desire, 
and upon his undertaking with that number to 
deliver the Greeks into his power : for having, 
in the last action, with a small force, done them 
(as he imagined) great damage, without receiv- 
ing any, he had a contempt for them. When 
the Greeks were advanced about eight stadia 
beyond the valley, Mithridates also passed it 
with the forces under his command. The 
Greek generals had given orders to a certain 
number, both of the targeteers and heavy-arm- 
ed men to follow the chase, and also to the 
horse to pursue them boldly, with assurance 
that a sufficient force should follow to sustain 
them. When, therefore, Mithridates overtook 
them, and was now within reach of their slings 
and arrows, the trumpet sounded, and those of 
the Greeks, who had orders, immediately at- 
tacked the enemy, the horse charging at the 
same time. However, the Persians did not 
stand to receive them, but fled to the valley. 
In this pursuit, the Barbarians lost many of 
their foot, and about eighteen of their horse 
were taken prisoners in the valley. The Greeks 
of their own accord mangled the bodies of those 
that were slain, to create the greater horror in 
the enemy. 

After this defeat the Persians retired, and 
the Greeks, marching the rest of the day with- 
out disturbance, came to the river Tigris, where 
stood a large uninhabited city, called 5 Laris- 



« Χχς i. S e xv. In this eense %* ? *i f *» is taken by Ho- 
mer in that sublime description of an inundation, iu 
which the Bishop of Thessalonica thinks he had the 
universal deluge in his eye — 

Των Si τ« πίντις μ'ίν ττοταμοϊ wMSouo•» ffovrej , 
Πολλ*5 Si κλιτν; tot' Λποτμνιγαυιπ χχ(ί5ξχ», 

where χ*ζ *$>*> is thus explained by the Greek Scho- 
liast, ΟΓ kjto T»v χιιμίρρων (χς^οτομίνοι «ύλωνις• vu(» 
τι χχξία-α-ιιψ, **ϊ Τζχχννιιν τϊ,ν γην οί χο'λοι τοτοι 

χαϊ χ^μχ^οι, so that χχξ«,ϊ(* is a valley formed by a 
torrent. 

iA*e«e-<r*. It is very judiciously remarked by the 
great Bochart that it is improbable there should be any 
such name of a town in this part of the world as La- 
rissa, because it is a Greek name; and though there 
were several cities so called, they were all Greek : and 
as no Greeks settled in these parts till the time of Alex- 
ander's conquests, which did nothappentill many fears 
after Xenophon's death, so he concludes they could meet 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



227 



sj, anciently inhabited by the Medes, the 
walla of which were five and twenty feet in 
breadth, one hundred in height, and two para- 
sangs in circuit ; all built with bricks, except 
the plinth, which was of stone, and twenty 
led high. This city, when besieged by the 
king of Persia, at the time the Persians were 
wresting the empire from the Medes, he could 
not make himself master of by any means ; 
* hen it happened that * the sun, obscured by a 
cloud, disappeared, and the darkness continued 
till the inhabitants being seized with conster- 
nation, the town was taken. Close to the city 
stood a 2 pyramid of stone, one hundred feet 



with no such name so far from Greece as beyond the 
river Tigris. He therefore conjectures that this city is 
the Resen, mentioned by Moses, Gen. x. 12, where he 
save, " Aehur built Resen between Nineveh and Ca- 
lah : the same is a great city." This agrees exactly with 
what Xenophon says of it, who calls it πΌκις μιγίκη, and 
affirms the walls of it to be in circumference two para- 
sange. Bochart, therefore, supposes, that when the 
Greeks asked the people of the country, what city are 
theeo the ruins of? they answerednQ*^ Laresen, that 
is, of Resen. It is easy to imagine how this word 
might be softened by a Greek termination, and made 
Larissa. 

ι Ήλιον S\ ναφίκη tj οκΛλύψΛο-», etc. This passage, I 
raid, admits of different readings; however, I prefer 
that of Hutchinson, which is supported by Stephens and 
MurctiHT/but differ both from him and Leunclavius, and 
also from D'Ablancourt, in translating it. They all make 
*9ivi<rt to relate to the town, which, I think, is neither 
so agreeable to the sense, nor to the genius of the Greek 
language, since yiKiov being the accusative case, govern- 
er by πξοχχΚνψχσ-χ, I think ίφάνίσ -s ought to relate to 
the same, which every body knows is very common in 
Greek, and not to another thing, which has not been 
mentioned in this sentence. 

ΌΙυςχμϊς λι jiv»;, το μϊν ιυξΟ; ίνίς wXiJ^ou, το 5i ϋψο; 
ϊυο τλί^ωι-. These are very extraordinary dimensions 
for a pyramid, and very different from those of the Egyp- 
tian pyramids ; so that we find the Egyptian and Asiatic 
taste disagreed very much in this respect. For, though 
there is some diversity in the accounts given by the an- 
cient authors of the dimensions of the Egyptian pyra- 
mids, yet they all make them very different in their pro- 
portions from this described by Xenophon. Herodotus 
makes the great pyramid at Memphis eight hundred 
Greek feet square, and as many in height, τι),- fo -τί πχ ν . 
T»x>j /uitcujtov ιχχσ-τον βχτ -i ττλι bgx t ϊου<τ>ι; τίτςχγάνου 
*->l ui-c; uriv. If the reader pleases to turn to page 
170, note 7, of the first book, he will find that the 
Greek foot exceeded ours by 0375 decimals of an inch. 
Diodorus Siculus says the great pyramid was four 
square, and that each side of the base was seven hun- 
dred feet, and the height above six hundred. Μιγιττ^, 
τ-.ΤξχνΚιυ^ος out* ΤΜΤχί',μχτι, τί>,ν ίττί τ^ςβία-ι »ς πΚιυ. 
fi-v ίκχττ^ν ιχ;ι 3Γλι jgwv ΐττ* ( το ί" 8ψ•;ΐχΐΙ ττλίίουτω* 

■ ξ *λι${ο»ν. There is another account given of its di- 
mensions by a modern author, Thevenot, who says the 
great pyramid is five hundred and twenty feet high and 
•ϋ hundrod and eighty-two square. Of theso three 



square, and two hundred high, in which a great 
number of Barbarians, who fled from the 
neighbouring villages, had conveyed them- 
selves. 

Thence they made in one day's march six 
parasangs, to a large uninhabited castle, stand- 
ing near a town, called Mespila, formerly in- 
habited also by the Medes. The plinth of the 
wall was built with polished stone full of 
shells, being fifty feet in breadth, and as many 
in height. Upon this stood a brick wall fifty 
feet also in breadth, one hundred in height, 
and six parasangs in circuit. Here Media, the 
king's consort, is said to have taken refuge, 
when the Medes were deprived of the empire 
by the Persians. When the Persian king be- 
sieged this city, he could not make himself 
master of it either by length of time or force, 
but Jupiter 3 having struck the inhabitants with 
a panic fear, it was taken. 

From this place they made, in one day's 
march, four parasangs. During their march 
Tissaphernes appeared with his own horse, 
and the forces of Orontas, who had married 
the king's daughter, together with those Bar- 
barians who had served under Cyrus in his ex- 
pedition ; to these was added the army which 
the king's brother had brought to his assistance, 
and the troops the king had given him. All 
these together made a vast army. When he 
approached, he placed some of his forces 
against our rear, and others against each of our 



accounts, that of Diodorus Siculus seems to give the 
most rational proportion of a pyramid, which, if sup- 
posed to be an equilateral triangle, and the base to con- 
tain seven hundred feet, as he says, will, in that case, 
have six hundred and six feet, and a fraction of two 
thousand one hundred and seventy-seven for its per- 
pendicular height ; for if an equilateral pyramid, of 
which the base contains seven hundred feet, be divided 
into two equal parts by a perpendicular let down from 
the top, it will make two right angled triangles, of which 
the hypothenuse will contain seven hundred feet, the 
square of which will consequently be equal to the square 
of the two other sides. If, therefore, from four hundred 
and ninety thousand, the square of seven hundred, you 
deduct one hundred and twenty-two thousand five 
hundred, the square of three hundred and fifty, of which 
the base consists, thero will remain three hundred and 
sixty-seven thousand five hundred for the square of the 
perpendicular, the square root of which will bo six 
hundred and six, with a fraction of two thousand one 
hundred and seventy-seven ; so that the perpendicular 
height of an equilateral pyramid, the base of which is 
seven hundred feet, will be six hundred and six feet 
with that f-uction. 

3 ΈμβςοντΫ,ΎΟυς. ^Εμβξίνηίτος• kx^ShitKhxto («fMMMa 
/u«ko{• "x^-fiuv• Suidas. 



228 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book III. 



flanks, but durst not attack us, being unwilling 
to hazard a battle : however, he ordered his 
men to use their slings and bows. But when 
the Rhodians, who were disposed in platoons, 
began to make use of their slings, and the 
Cretan bowmen, in imitation of the Scythians, 
discharged their arrows, none of them missing 
the enemy (which they could not easily have 
done, though they had endeavoured it) both 
Tissaphernes himself quickly got out of their 
reach, and the other divisions retired. The re- 
maining part of the day the Greeks continued 
their march, and the others followed without 
harassing them any more with skirmishes : for 
the slings of the Rhodians not only carried 
further than those of the Persians, but even than 
most of the archers could throw their arrows. 
The Persian bows are long, so that their ar- 
rows, when gathered up, were of service to the 
Cretans, who continued to make use of them, 
and accustomed themselves to take a great eleva- 
tion, in order to shoot them to a greater distance. 
Besides, there were found a considerable quan- 
tity of bow-strings in the villages, and some lead, 
both which were employed for the slings. 

This day, after the Greeks were encamped 
in the villages, the Barbarians, having suffered 
in the skirmish, retired : the next the Greeks 
staid where they were, and made their provi- 
sions ; for there was plenty of corn in the vil- 
lages. The day after, they marched over the 
open country, and Tissaphernes followed, ha- 
rassing them at a distance. Upon this occa- 
sion the Greeks observed that an equilateral 
square was not a proper disposition for an army 
when pursued by the enemy : for whenever the 
square has a narrow road, a defile between hills, 
or a bridge to pass, the wings must close, and 
consequently the heavy-armed men be forced 
out of their ranks, and march uneasily, being 
both pressed together and disordered ; so that 
of necessity they become useless for want of 
order. On the other side, when the wings 
come to be again extended, the men who be- 
fore were forced out of their ranks must divide, 
and consequently leave an opening in the centre, 
which very much disheartens those who are 
thus exposed, when the enemy is at their heels. 
Besides, when they have a bridge or any other 
defile to pass, every man is in a hurry, wanting 
to be first, upon which occasion the enemy has 
a fair opportunity of attacking them. After 
the generals had discovered this, they formed 
six companies of one hundred men each, whom 



they subdivided into others of fifty, and these 
again into others of twenty-five, and appointed 
officers to all of them. The captains of these 
companies upon a march, when the wings clos- 
ed, staid behind, so as not to disorder the rear, 
they at that time marching clear of the wings. 
And when the sides of the square earae to be 
again extended, 1 they then filled up the centre, 

» Τβ μίβ-ον ΰ.νιζ > ΐ7ΓίμπΚχ<τχν ) ίι μ\ν a -τινοτΐξθν nyf το Sit- 
%bv, %-λύλ του; λο%:υ;• ί ι Js ϋτλατυτί^ο ν, κατ» πίντηχοτ• 
Tuijii is jravu 5Γλ*τΰ, κ»τ* (νυμοτιχζ• ω<ττί «si sxjtAiu'» 

ilvat το μία-αν. Here a great difficulty presents itself, 
which the translators have either not seen, or if they 
have seen it, they have not thought fit to take notice of 
it. But let us follow Xenophon in stating the inconveni- 
ences to which the equilateral square was subject, with 
the remedies proposed by the generals to cure them. — 
The inconveniences, it seems, were two ; the first, that 
in passing through defiles, the wings closed, which put 
the men in disorder ; the second, that, after they bad 
passed the defiles, and the wings were again extended, 
the men were forced to run to the wings, in order to 
recover their ranks, by which means there was a void 
in the middle. In order, therefore, to remedy these in- 
conveniences, the generals formed six companies or 
bodies of one hundred men each, which they subdivi- 
ded into others of fifty, and these again into others of 
twenty -five, and appointed officers to each of these bod- 
ies. The captains of these companies, when the wings 
closed, marched clear of them, so as not to put them 
into any disorder : by this means the first inconvenience 
was cured, but how was the second to be remedied ? 
If you believe the text as it now stands, by f^ng up 
the void, if it was narrow, with the companies of one 
hundred men each, if larger, with those of fifty, and 
if very large, with those of twenty-five; so that the 
narrower the interval, the greater was the number of 
men to be made use of in filling it up, and the larger, 
the fewer were to be employed for that purpose. But 
this is obviously contrary to common sense. If there- 
fore, the text he so far altered as to transpose «»tj 
τους λοβούς and κ=«τ' ίνωμοτίχς, every thing will be 
natural. This correction, however, I have not follow- 
ed in the translation, because it is very possible to ex- 
plain the text as it now stands, and if so, no alteration 
ought to be made in it. It is possible, I say, verj• possi- 
ble, that the meaning of Xenophon may be this. Let 
it be supposed that the square has passed some defile, 
and that the men running to each of the wings in order 
to recover their ranks, there remains a void in the 
centre ; in that case. I say, possibly the captains of 
these six companies, marching in the rear, filled up the 
void, if it was narrow, with their six companies of one 
hundred men each, drawn up, for example, twenty- 
five in front, and twenty-four in depth ; if the void was 
larger, with those of fifty men each, drawn up fifty in 
front, and twelve in depth ; and if very large, with the 
companies of twenty-five men each, drawn up one 
hundred in front, and six in depth ; and by this means, 
as our author says, the centre was always full. This 
passage seems very well to have deserved the attention 
of the translators, for if I am not mistaken, this is a 
very fine disposition, and very well calculated to cure 
the two inconveniences to which a square was subject 
when an enemy followed. But the merit of this, 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



229 



if the opening waa narrow, with the companies 
:>f one hundred men each ; if larger, with those 
of fifty ; and if very large, with those of five 
and twenty ; so that the centre was always full. 
If, therefore, the army were to pass any defile 
or bridge, there was no confusion, the captains 
of these several companies bringing up the 
real ; and if a detachment were wanted upon 
any occasion, these were always at hand. In 
this disposition they made four marches. 

While they were upon their march the fifth 
day, they saw a palace and many villages lying 
round it. The road which led to this palace 
lay over high hills that reached down from the 
mountain, under which there stood a village. 
The Greeks were rejoiced to see these hills, 
and with great reason, the enemy's forces con- 
sisting in horse. But after they had left the 
plain, and ascended the first hill, while they 
were descending thence in order to climb the 
next, the Barbarians appeared, and from the 
eminence showered down upon them, under 
1 the scourge, darts, stones, and arrows. They 
wounded many, and had the advantage over the 
Greek light-armed men, forcing them to retire 
within the body of the heavy-armed ; so that 
the slingers and archers were that day entirely 
useless, being mixed with those who had charge 
of the baggage. And when the Greeks, being 
thus pressed, endeavoured to pursue the enemy, 
as they were heavy-armed men, they moved 
slowly to the top of the mountain, while the 
enemy retreated ; and when the Greeks retired 



and of all othor dispositions practised by our author in 
this memorable retreat, must be submitted to the mili- 
tary men, who alone are the proper judges in these 
cases. As to the signification of νί*τ*χο<Γτνς and evai- 
^5t»», they were both military terms, among the Lace- 
daemonians; the first explains itself, and the second is 
thus explained by Suidas. ι Έ.ν*μοτι»• t*?ij t«; ο-τ^χτι. 

(stixi) xvifwv ι' *»i κ\ ττχς'χ Λλχι ίχί<(<0νί04ί, ιι^ητχι Ss 
ϊκ του o.uvuvei βΰτούί f*>l λι»ψ•»ν τήν τ»ς»ν, a body of 

soldiers among the Lacedemonians, consisting of 
twenty -five men. It must be observed, that in the first 
book, where Xenoplion mentions two of Menon's λόχο» 
or companies to have been cut off, he says they amount- 
ed to one hundred men, whereas these companies con- 
sisted of one hundred men each, but these seem to have 
been formed for this particular purpose. 

t TOb ματπγα,ν. It was part of the Persian disci- 
pline to make their soldiers do their duty, as Xenophon 
•ays.ujro /uxrriyaiK, under the scourge. So Xerxes, after 
he had landed in Europe, saw his army passing the 
Hellespont under the scourge, ί^ιΐτο το* <rr( «τον ϋ*•» 
μ%ττιγν,ν ίι*£*ίνοντ» ;— D'Ablancourt has left it quite 
out, choosing rather to leave his readersuninformedof 
this custom, than to clog his translation with so un- 
common a circumstance. 

20 



to their 2 main body, the same thing happened 
to them again. They found the same difficulty 
in passing the second hill ; so that they deter- 
mined not to order out the heavy-armed men 
from the third hill ; but instead of that, brought 
up the targetecrs to the top of the mountain 
from the right of the square. When these 
were got above the enemy, they no longer 
molested our men in their descent, fearing to 
be cut off from their own body, and that we 
should attack them on both sides. In this 
manner we marched the rest of the day, some 
in the road upon the hills, and others abreast 
of them upon the mountain, till they came to 
the villages ; when they appointed eight 3 sur- 
geons, for there were many wounded. 

Here they staid three days, both on account 
of the wounded, and because they found plenty 
of provisions, as wheat-meal, wine, and a great 
quantity of barley for horses ; which was 
laid up for the satrap of the country. The 
fourth day they descended into the plain, where, 
when Tissaphernes had overtaken them with 
the army under his command, he taught them 
how necessary it was to encamp in the first 
village they came to, and to march no longer 
fighting : for some being wounded, some em- 
ployed in carrying those that were so, and others 
in carrying the arms of the latter, great num- 
bers were not in a condition to fight. But 
when they were encamped, and the Barbarians, 
coming up to the village, offered to skirmish, 
the Greeks had greatly the advantage of them ; 
for they found a great difference between sally- 



ing? το u\\o <πξχτ»υμχ. Schil. Barbarorum. says 
Hutchinson in his notes ; Lcunclavius lias also trans- 
lated it in the same sense. I am sorry to find myself 
obliged to differ from them both ; but I think it plain 
that το «λλο σ-τςίτίυμχ here signifies the main body of 
the Greeks, from which these heavy-armed men were 
detached to drive the enemy from the eminence, which 
after they had effected, the enemy attacked them in 
their retreat to their main body. Our author used the 
same expression in the same sense some pages before, 

ττολϋ y*f ούχ ΟίΟντι v\v «wo του Λλλου (ΤΤξχηυμχτος ί»ού- 

χι«ν, where all the translators have translated τό «λλο 
ο-τ^ ίτίυμχ ι in the same manner I have rendered it here, 
besides, the word cW«o«iv shows clearly that the thing 
here spoken of is their return. 

3 'ixTfoug. I have said surgeons instead of physicians, 
because both professions being anciently exercised by 
the same persons, they were chiefly employed as sur- 
geons upon this occasion. There are two verses in Ho- 
mer, upon Machaon's being wounded by Paris, which 
show both the great regard that was paid to the profes- 
sion, and that surgery, as I said, was a branch of it. 

'I»)Tf of y*f »VH( ττολλοον χντχζιος αλΚων 

louj τ' ix-ri^vuv, ίτί τ' t^irix ςίςμχκ» πόιατα*. 



230 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book hi. 



ing from their camp to repulse the enemy, and 
being obliged to march fighting, whenever they 
were attacked. When the evening approach- 
ed it was time for the Barbarians to retire ; be- 
cause they never encamped at a less distance 
from the Greeks than sixty stadia, for fear 
these should fall upon them in the night. A 
Persian army being then subject to great incon- 
veniences, for their horses are tied, and gene- 
rally shackled, to prevent them from running 
away; and if an alarm happens, a Persian has 
the 1 housing to fix, his horse to bridle, and his 
corslet to put on, before he can mount. All 
these things cannot be done in the night with- 
out great difficulty, particularly if there is an 
alarm. For this reason they always encamped 
at a distance from the Greeks. When these 
perceived they designed to retire, and that the 
word was given, they in the enemy's hearing 
received orders to make ready to march ; where- 
upon the Barbarians made a halt ; but when it 
grew late they departed ; for they did not hold 
it expedient to march and arrive at their camp 
in the night. 

When the Greeks plainly saw they were re- 
tired, they also decamped, and marching away, 
advanced about sixty stadia. The two armies 
were now at so great a distance from one an- 
other, that the enemy did not appear either the 
next day or the day after. But on the fourth, 
the Barbarians having got before the Greeks in 
the night, possessed themselves of an eminence 
that commanded the road through which the 
Greeks were to pass. It was the brow of a 
hill, under which lay the descent into the plain. 
As soon as Cheirisophus saw this eminence 
possessed by the enemy, he sent for Xenophon 
from the rear, and desired him to bring up the 
targeteers to the front. Xenophon did not take 
these with him, (for he saw Tissaphernes ad- 
vancing with his whole army) but riding up to 
him himself, said, « Why do you send for me V* 
Cheirisophus answered, " You see the enemy 



ι Έ5Γ»ο-ί Sai r\ v ιππον. I was surprised to find this 
translated by D'Ablancourt, selle son cheval, which I 
had rather attribute to his inadvertence than to his ig- 
norance, since he could not but know that the ancients, 
instead of saddles, used a kind of housing or horse-cloth, 
which the Greeks called «riy», and the Latins sagum. 
This housing is to be seen upon the horses represented 
on Trajan's pillar, and in many other monuments of 
antiquity. The Romans called these housings also 
strata, the invention of which, together with that of 
bridles, Pliny ascribes to Pelethronius, frenos et strata 
e quorum Pelethronium. 



have possessed themselves of the hill that com- 
mands the descent, and unless we dislodge them 
it is not possible for us to pass : but," adds he, 
" why did you not bring the targeteers with 
you 1" Xenophon replied, because he did not 
think proper to leave the rear naked, when the 
enemy was in sight : " but," says he, " it is 
high time to consider how we shall dislodge 
those men." Here Xenophon observing the 
top of the mountain that was above their own 
army, found there was a passage from that.to 
the hill where the enemy was posted. Upon 
this he said, « Ο Cheirisophus ! I think the 
best thing we can do is to gain the top of this 
mountain as soon as possible ; for if we are 
once masters of that, the enemy cannot main- 
tain themselves upon the hill. Do you stay 
with the army ; if you think fit, I will go up 
to the hill ; or do you go, if you desire it, and 
I will stay here." Cheirisophus answered, I 
give you your choice ; to this Xenophon re- 
plied, that as he was the younger man, he chose 
to go: but desired he would send with him 
some troops from the front, since it would take 
a great deal of time to bring up a detachment 
from the rear. So Cheirisophus sent the tar- 
geteers that were in the front : Xenophon also 
took those that were in the middle of the 
square. Besides these, Cheirisophus ordered 
the three hundred chosen men, who attended 
on himself in the front of the square, to fol- 
low him. 

After that they marched with all possible, 
expedition. The enemy > who were upon the 
hill, the moment they saw them climb the 
mountain, advanced at the same time, striving 
to get there before them. Upon this occasion 
there was a vast shout raised both by the Greek 
army, and that of Tissaphernes, each encour- 
aging their own men. And Xenophon, riding 
by the side of his troops, called out to them, 
" Soldiers ! think ycu are this minute contend- 
ing to return to Greece, this minute to see 
your wives and children : after this momentary 
labour we shall go on without any further op- 
position." To whom Soteridas, the Sicyonian, 
said, « We are not upon equal terms, Ο Xeno- 
phon ! for you are on horseback, while I am 
greatly fatigued with carrying my shield." Xe- 
nophon, hearing this, leaped from his horse, and 
thrust him out of his rank ; then, taking hie 
shield, marched on as fast he could. He 
happened to have a horseman's corslet on at 
that time which was very troublesome. How 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



231 



ever, he called to those who were before to 
mend their pace, and to those behind, who fol- 
lowed with great difficulty, to come up. The 
rest of the soldiers beat and abused Soteridas, 
and threw stones at him, till they obliged him 
to take his shield, and go on. Then Xenophon 
remounted, and led them on horseback, as far 
as the way would allow ; and, when it became 
impassable for his horse, he hastened forward 
on foot At last they gained the top of the 
mountain, and prevented the enemy. 

V. Hereupon the Barbarians turned their 
backs, and fled every one as he could, and the 
Greeks remained masters of the eminence. 
Tissaphemes and Ariaeus with their men, turn- 
ing out of' the road, went another way, while 
Cheirisophus with his forces came down into 
the plain, and encamped in a village abounding 
in every thing. There were also many other 
villages in this plain, near the Tigris, full of 
all sorts of provisions. In the evening the 
enemy appeared on a sudden in the plain, and 
cut off some of the Greeks who were dispers- 
ed in plundering; for many herds of cattle 
were taken, as the people of the country were 
endeavouring to make them pass the river. 
Here Tissaphemes and his army attempted to 
set fire to the villages ; whereby some of the 
Greeks were disheartened, from the apprehen- 
sion of wanting provisions if he burned them. 
About this time Cheirisophus and his men 
came back from relieving their companions, 
and Xenophon being come down into the 
plain, and riding through the ranks, after the 
Greeks were returned, said, " You see, Ο 
Greeks ! the enemy already acknowledge the 
country to be ours ; for when they made peace 
with us, they stipulated that we should not 
burn the country belonging to the king, and 
now they set fire to it themselves, as if they 
looked upon it no longer as their own. But 
wherever they leave any provisions for them- 
selves, thither also they shall see us direct our 
march. But, Ο Cheirisophus! I think we 
ought to attack these burners, as in defence of 
our country." Cheirisophus answered, " I am 
not of that opinion. On the contrary, let us 
also set fire to it ourselves, and by that means 
they will give over the sooner!^ 

When they came to theit tents, the soldiers 
employed themselves in getting provisions, and 
the generals and captains assembled, and were 
in great perplexity ; for on one side of them 
were exceeding high mountain•, and on the 



other a river so deep, that when they sounded 
it with their pikes, the ends of them did not even 
appear above the water. While they were in 
this perplexity, a certain Rhodian came to them, 
and said, " Gentlemen, I will undertake to 
carry over * four thousand heavy-armed men at 
a time, if you will supply me with what I 
want, and give me a 2 talent for my pains.' , 
Being asked what he wanted, « I shall want," 
says he, " two• thousand leather bags. I see 
here great numbers of sheep, goats, oxen, and 
asses : if these are flayed, and their skins 
blown, we may easily pass the river with them. 
I shall also want the girths belonging to the 
sumpter-horses : with these," adds he, « I will 
fasten the bags to one another, and hanging 
stones to them, let them down into the water 
instead of anchors, then tie up the bags at both 
ends, and when they are upon the water, lay 
fascines upon them, and cover them with 
earth. I will make you presently sensible," 
continues he, « that you cannot sink, for every 
bag will bear up two men, and the fascines and 
the earth will prevent them from slipping." 

The generals, hearing this, thought the in- 
vention ingenious, but impossible to be put in 
practice ; there being great numbers of horse 
on the other side of the river to oppose their 
passage, and these would at once break all their 
measures. The next day the army turned 
back again, taking a different road from that 
which leads to Babylon, and marched to the 
villages that were not burned, setting fire to 
those they abandoned, insomuch that the enemy 
did not ride up to them, but looked on, wonder- 
ing which way the Greeks, meant to take, and 
what their intention was. Here, while the 
soldiers were employed in getting provisions, 
the generals and captains re-assembled, and 
ordering the prisoners to be brought in, in- 
quired concerning 3 every country that lay round 
them. The prisoners informed them that 
there was to the south a road that led to 
Babylon and Media, through which they came : 
another to the east, leading to Susa and Ecba- 
tana, where the king is said to pass the sum- 
mer and the spring ; a third to the west over 
the Tigris, to Lydia and Ionia ; and that the 
road which lay over the mountains to the 



t K* T i τίτξ<**.κτχι\ιον;. This is the known force of 
the preposition «xii, as might be shown by many ex- 
amples taken from the best authors. 

a Τΐλαντον. See note 2, page 169. 

• Ήλί^χον. \Ελι> ξ<4• /6«ο-*ν/Γΐι. Hesychiue. 



232 



XENOPHON. 



[book III. 



north, led to 1 the Carduchians. This people, 
they said, inhabited those mountains, and that 
they were a warlike nation, and not subject to 
the king ; and that once the king's army, con- 
sisting of one and twenty thousand men, pene- 
trated into their country, whence not one of 
them returned, the roads being hardly passable. 



ι R» f ίουχου? . This people came afterwards to be 
better known under tbe name of Partbians. I should 
not have advanced this upon an authority of less weight 
than that of Strabo : Πξΐις ί; τ» ΤΙγς »», says he, τ» των 

Π»ς3-υχΐων χ,νξΐ» Ους οι ττχΚχι K*fiOu%0u5 tKsyov. It 

was tbe posterity of this very people with whom we 
shall find the Greeks engaged in the next book, who, 
under the conduct of their king Arsaces, freed their 
country from the dominion of the Seleucides, and after- 
wards became a terror even to the Romans, who were 
so to the rest of mankind. They are still called Curdes, 
and their country Curdistan. Plutarch informs us that 
Artazerzes (the same against whom this ezpedition 
was formed) afterwards marched into the country of 
the Carduchians, at the head of three hundred thou- 
sand foot and ten thousand horse, and that his army 
had in all probability been destroyed by famine, had 
not Taribazus, by infusing into the minds of the 
two kings of the Carduchians a mutual distrust, indu- 
ced them to make peace with the Persians. 



But that whenever there was a peace subsist- 
ing between them and the governor residing in 
the plain, there was an intercourse between 
the two nations. 

The generals, hearing this, kept those pri- 
soners by themselves from whom they received 
the intelligence of each country, without dis- 
covering what route they designed to take. 
However, they found there was a necessity to 
pass the mountains, and penetrate into the coun- 
try of the Carduchian&: for the prisoners in- 
formed them, that, as soon as they had passed 
through it, they should arrive in Armenia, which 
was a spacious and plentiful country, and of 
which Orontas was governor : whence they 
might, without difficulty, march which way so- 
ever they pleased. Upon this they offered sacri- 
fice to the end that when they found it conve- 
nient they might depart, (for they were afraid 
the pass over the mountains might be possessed 
by the enemy,) and commanded the soldiers, as 
soon as they had supped, to get their baggage 
ready, then all to go to rest, and march upon 
the first order 



XENOPHON 



ON THE 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS 



BOOK IV. 

[233] 

30• 2 Ε 



CONTENTS OF BOOK IV. 



I. The Greeks enter the territory of the Carduchians— They are harassed by enemies ; and by tempestuous wea- 
ther ; and arriving at a steep pass beset by the Barbarians, they question two captives, whether there wai 
any other road — One of them afflicting ignorance, they cut to pieces ; his companion, fearing the same fate, 
promises to lead them by a circuitous and more convenient path.— II. Two thousand chosen men under his 
guidance are sent to occupy the heights — These overpower the Barbarians, and enable the rest of the Greeks 
with Cheirisophus to ascend in safety— Xenophon follows with the baggage, but has to fight his way with 
some slaughter— The Greeks march over the mountains with great difficulty, and, closely pursued by the en- 
emy, descend into the plain on the banks of the river Centrites. — III. Here they halt in some villages, and 
looking round them after a repose from a harassing march of seven days, find themselves beset with new 
difficulties — Three obstacles oppose their passage of the river — By Xenophon's dream, the army, as it were, 
freed from impediments, crosses by a ford, and the skilful management of Xenophon «rowns the stratagem 
with complete success. — IV. They enter the province of Armenia, and having passed the fountains of the 
river Tigris, arrive at the Teleboae, in Western Armenia— Here, they make a truce with Terebazus ; but are 
notwithstanding, pursued and waylaid by his numerous forces. — V. Having left the villages they encamp 
in the open air, and suffer much from the snow — For some days they are near perishing by the cold, the 
depth of the snow, and the necessity of marching without food, to escape the pursuit of the enemy— At length 
they come to villages replete with provisions, where they live sumptuously, and amuse themselves for seven 
days.— VI. Setting out thence with a guide, they lose him on the third day, by the fault of Cheirisophus ; and 
wandering without guidance, arrive on the seventh day at the river Phasias — After two days' march they 
approach the mountains, which they find occupied by the Chalybes, Taochi, and Phasiani. — VII. They ad- 
vance through the possessions of the Taochi, storm a fort, and take many cattle, on which they subsist dur- 
ing their march through the territory of the Chalybes — Having passed the Harpasus, they journey through 
the country of the Scythini, and procure a quantity of provisions— The fortune of the Greeks now assumes 
a more cheerful aspect— Leaving the country of the Scythini, they reach Gymnias, and from the governor, 
of that district, they receive a voluntary offer of a guide, who, as he promised, brings them to the mountain 
Theches, whence, to their unspeakable joy, they behold the sea, and throwing together a heap of stones as a 
trophy, they crown it with offerings to the gods— The guide takes his leave, laden with valuable presents.— 
VIII. Arriving among the Macronians, they traverse their territory, and ascend the mountains of the Col- 
chians, whom they find drawn up in battle array on the plateau— Having routed them, they descend to well, 
stocked villages in the plain — Hence in two days they arrive at the sea-side, and enter Trapezus, a Grecian 
city— For a whole month they pass their time in plundering the Colchians, paying Ifleir vjws to the god•, 
and celebrating festive games and entertainments. 



[234] 



THE 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



BOOK IV. 



L "We have hitherto given an account of what 
happened in the expedition of Cyrus to the 
time of the battle ; of what happened after the 
battle, during the truce concluded between the 
king and the Greeks who had served under 
Cyrus ; and in what manner, after the king and 
Tissaphernes had broken the truce, the Greeks 
were harassed, while they were followed by the 
Persian army. 

When the Greeks came to the place, where 
the river Tigris is, both from its depth and 
breadth, absolutely impassable, and no road 
appeared, the craggy mountains of the Car- 
duchians hanging over the river, the generals 
resolved to march over those mountains : for 
they were informed by the prisoners, that, af- 
ter they had passed them, they would have it 
in their power to cross the head of the Tigris, 
in Armenia, if they thought proper ; if not, to 
go round it. 1 The source of the Euphrates 



t Κχί του Εύφ^χτου τι τχς wayxj ϊλι^ιτο ou πςί(Γα> 

τβδ Τϊγςνιτος ιιν«ι. Strabo informs ue that the Euphra- 
tes and Tigris both rise out of mount Taurus, the 
former on the north of it, and the latter on the south, 
and that the sources of these rivers are distant from one 
another about two thousand five hundred stadia, Sii- 

χοντι Si ΛλλιιλΜ» χι trtiyxi τοΟ τ« Εύφ^άτου χχί του Τ/• 
yfHTOj *, e i ί<<τχ 4 λ«ουί **'' irtvrx>io<r«>v f α-τχίιους. I 

cannot omit, upon this occasion, an observation of the 
learned bishop of Avranchee, who says that the name 
of mount Taurus comes from the general word yi£J 
foru, which in the Chaldaic language signifies λ moun- 
tain, and is applicable to every mountain in the world : 
this he confirms by the testimony of Diodorus Siculus, 
•%ho speaking of the building of Taurominium in Sicily, 
calls the mountain Taurus upon which it stood λοφ 0ί , 
a kill. But it must be observed, that the mountain 
from whence the Euphrates rises, is more properly a 
branch of mount Taurus, which Strabo in the same 
book calls Abos. Tournefort. who was upon the place, 
says, that the Euphrates has two sources rising out of 
that mountain, which sources form two beautiful rivu- 



also was said not to be far distant from that of 
the Tigris : and, indeed, the distance between 
these two rivers is in some places but small. 
To the end, therefore, that the enemy might 
not be acquainted with their design of pene- 
trating into the country of the Carduchians, and 
defeat it, by possessing themselves of the 
eminences, they executed it in the following 
manner : when it was 2 about the last watch, 
and so much of the night was left, as to allow 
them to traverse the plain while it was yet 
dark, they encamped ; and, marching when the 
order was given, came to the mountains by 
break of day. Cheirisophus commanded the 
vanguard with his own people, and all the 
light-armed men ; and Xenophon brought up 
the rear with the heavy-armed, having none 
of the light-armed, because there seemed no 
danger of the enemy's attacking their rear, 

lets, both called by the name of Frat ; and that these 
rivulets make a kind of peninsula of the plain, in which 
Erzeron, the capital of Armenia, stands, and after- 
wards unite their streams at a village called Momma- 
cotum, which, he says, is about three days' journey 
from Erzeron. I shall only add that Moses in 
his description of paradise, calls this river jyiC) 
Pkrath, which the Septuagint has translated Εύφ^ά- 
T))s ; though by the way it is pretty plain these letters 
were not those made use of by Moses ; since the Jews 
used the Samaritan letters till their captivity at Baby- 
lon, and adopted the Syriac or Chaldaic at their return. 
» Γίλ«υτ«ί(«ν φυλΛχί)». The author of the Etymologi- 
cum thinks that ρυλακ^ comes from $uM; the reason he 
gives for it is, because the watches were kept by the 

tribes, Κίγουσ-ι γχξ St» t*j <puA.«xxj »l φυλ*ί ιιχβ»• 8θι» 
λϊ^ίτβι χχί πςύτη φυλαχή τϊ{{ vuxtoj, χ»ί ίιυτι^α, χβι 
Τξ <τ»)• χ»τ» γχς ΤξίΤς ωξχς ίφύλβττι μιχ φυλή. From 

thence, says he, they say the first, second, and third 
watch, because one tribe watched three hours. The 
invention of these watches, together with that of many 
other military institutions, Pliny ascribes to Paleme- 
des, " Ordinem exercitus, signi dationem, tesserae, vi- 
gilias inventit Palemedes Trojano bello." 

235 



236 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



while they were marching up the mountain, 
Cheirisophus gained the top before he was per- 
ceived by the enemy : then led forward ; and 
the rest of the army, as fast as they passed the 
summit, followed him into the villages, that lay 
dispersed in the valleys and recesses of the 
mountains. 

Upon this, the Carduchians left their houses, 
and, with their wives and children, fled to the 
hills, where they had an opportunity of supply- 
ing themselves with provisions in abundance. 
The houses were well furnished with all sorts of 
brass utensils, which the Greeks forbore to plun- 
der : neither did they pursue the inhabitants, in 
hope, by sparing them, to prevail upon the Car- 
duchians, since they were enemies to the king, to 
conduct them through their country in a friendly 
manner : but they took all the provisions they 
met with, for they were compelled to it by ne- 
cessity. However, the Carduchians paid no re- 
gard to their invitations, nor showed any other 
symptoms of a friendly disposition ; and when 
the rear of the Greek army was descending 
from the top of the mountains into the villages, 
it being now dark, (for as the way was narrow, 
they spent the whole day in the ascent of the 
mountains, and the descent from thence into 
the villages,) some of the Carduchians, gather- 
ing together, attacked the hindmost, and killed 
and wounded some of them with stones and 
arrows. They were but few in number, for 
the Greek army came upon them unawares. 
Had the enemy been more numerous at that 
time, great part of the army had been in dan- 
ger. In this manner they passed the night in 
the villages: the Carduchians made fires all 
round them upon the mountains, and both had 
their eyes upon one another. 

As soon as it was day, the generals and the 
captains of the Greeks assembled, and resolved 
to reserve only those sumpter-horses upon their 
march that were necessary and most able, and 
to leave the rest, and dismiss all the slaves they 
had newly taken : for the great number of 
sumpter-horses and slaves retarded their march ; 
and many of their men, by having charge of 
these, were unfit for action. Besides, there 
being so many mouths, they were under a 
necessity of providing and carrying double the 
quantity of provisions. This being resolved, 
Jhey gave orders to have it put in execution. 

While, therefore, they were upon their march 
after dinner, the generals placed themselves in 
a narrow pass, and, whatever they found re- 



served by the soldiers, contrary to order, they 
took it away : and the men submitted, unless 
any of them happened privately to have retained 
some boy or beautiful woman he was fond of. 
In this manner they marched that day, some- 
times fighting, and sometimes resting them- 
selves. The next day there was a great storm : 
however, they were obliged to go on ; for their 
provisions failed them. Cheirisophus led the 
van, Xenophon brought up the rear. Here, 
the ways being narrow, the enemy made a brisk 
attack upon them, and, coming up close, dis- 
charged their arrows, and made use of their 
slings; so that the Greeks, sometimes pursu- 
ing, and sometimes retreating, were obliged to 
march slowly : and Xenophon often ordered 
the army to halt, when the enemy pressed hard 
upon them. Upon one of these orders, Chei- 
risophus, who used to stand still on the like 
occasions, did not stop, but marched faster than 
usual, and ordered the men to follow. By this 
it appeared there was something extraordinary, 
but they were not at leisure to send to him to 
inquire the cause of this haste ; so that the 
march of those in the rear had the resemblance 
more of a flight than a retreat. Here fell a 
brave man, Cleonymus, a Lacedaemonian, who 
was wounded in the side by an arrow, that 
made its way both through his shield and his 
buff coat. Here also fell Basias, an Arcadian, 
whose head was pierced quite through with an 
arrow. When they arrived at the place, where 
they designed to encamp, Xenophon imme- 
diately went as he was to Cheirisophus, and 
blamed him for not stopping, but obliging the 
rear to fly and fight at the same time. " Here 
we have lost two brave and worthy men," says 
he, " without being able either to bring them 
off, or to bury them." To this Cheirisophus 
answered, " Cast your eyes upon those moun- 
tains, and observe how impassable they all are. 
You see there is but one road, and that a steep 
one. It is, you may observe, possessed too by 
a great multitude of men, who stand ready to 
defend it. For this reason, I marched hastily, 
without staying for you, that, if possible, I 
might prevent the enemy, and make myself 
master of the pass ; for our guides assure qf 
there is no other road." Xenophon replied, 
" I have two prisoners : for, when the enemy 
molested us in our march, we placed some men 
in ambush, which gave us time to breathe, and, 
having killed some of them, we were also de- 
sirous of taking some alive, with this view, that 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



237 



we might have guides who were acquainted 
with the country. 

The prisoners, therefore, being brought be- 
fore them, they l questioned them separately, 
whether they knew of any other road than that 
which lay before them. One of them said he 
knew no other, though he was threatened with 
divers kinds of torture. As he said nothing 
to the purpose, he was put to death in the pre- 
sence of the other. The survivor said, this 
man pretended he did not know the other road, 
because he had a daughter married to a man 
who lived there; but that he himself would 
undertake to conduct us through a road that 
was passable even for the sumpter-horses. 
Being asked whether there was any difficult 
pass in that road, he said there was a summit, 
which, if not secured in time, would render 
the passage impracticable. Upon this it was 
thought proper to assemble the captains, the 
targeteers, and some of the heavy-armed men ; 
and, having informed them how matters stood, 
to ask them whether any of them would show 
their gallantry, and voluntarily undertake this 
service. Two of the heavy-armed men offered 
themselves : Aristonymus of Methydria, and 
Agasias of Stymphalus, both Arcadians. But 
Callimachus of Parrhasie, an Arcadian, and 
Agasias, had a contest who should undertake it. 
The latter said that he would go, and take 
with him volunteers out of the whole army. 
" For I am well assured," says he, " if I have 
the command, many of the youth will follow 
me." After that they asked if any of the light- 
armed men, or of their officers, would also be 
of the party. Upon which Aristeas of Chios, 
presented himself. He had, upon many occa- 
sions of this nature, done great service to the 
army. 

II. The 2 day was now far advanced ; so the 
generals ordered these to eat something, and 
set out, and delivered the guide to them bound. 
It was agreed that if they made themselves 
masters of the summit, they should make it 
good that night, and as soon as it was day, give 
them notice of it by sounding a trumpet ; and 
that those above should charge that body of the 
enemy that was posted in the passage that lay 
Defore them, while those below marched up to 
their assistance with all the expedition they 
were able. When things were thus ordered, 

» Ήλ.^-χου. See note 3, page 231. 
»K«i ην μ , ν ί,,κ*. That is, the middle of the after- 
noon. See note j , page 203. 



they set forward, being about two thousand in 
number. And, notwithstanding it rained most 
violently, Xenophon marched at the head of 
the rear-guard towards the passage before them, 
in order to draw the attention of the enemy that 
way, and conceal as much as possible the march 
of the detachment. When Xenophon, with 
the rear-guard, came to 3 a valley which they 
were to pass, in order to climb the ascent, the 
Barbarians rolled down 4 vast round stones, 
each a ton in weight, with others both larger 
and smaller. These being dashed against the 
rocks in their fall, the splinters * were hurled 
every way, which made it absolutely impossible 
to approach the road. Some of the captains 
despairing to gain this passage, endeavoured to 
find out another, and employed themselves in 
this manner till it was dark. When they ima- 
gined they could retire without being seen, they 
went away to get their supper; for the rear- 
guard had not dined that day. However, the 
enemy continued to roll down stones all night, 
as was perceived by the noise the"y made in 
their fall. In the meantime, those who marched 
round with the guide, surprised the enemy's 
guard as they were sitting round a fire ; and 
having killed some of them, and forced others 



» Χ*ς iS e *v. See note 4, page 226. 

* Όλο-τ^οχου; ά/*«ζ»«»ου 5 . -οκοτςοχος is here a sub- 
stantive, like ολοο<τ ? ο%οί in Homer, and used in the 
same sense with that in the following verse, 

ολοοιτξθ%θί ως ctnh πιτξνις 

Όντι %xxx (ΤΠφχνης ττοτχμίς χαμχρ&οος α>Τ(|, 
'Ρ*|ξοίί χτπίτω ομζςω uvxiSio; ιχμχτα τπτξης, 
Τψ< τ' χν^ξώπων τητιτχι ■ 

where ολοο.τ^οχοί is thus explained by the Greek scho- 
liast, λί -^oj Trig i<pff ης, <ΓΤ(θγγυ\υς. Άμχζιχ'κιι λίθο» 

literally signifies stones so large, that each of them 
was a cart load, or what we call a ton weight. 

» Δΐί<τ<$ιν$ονωντο, This word happily expresses the 
impetuous dispersion of the splinters, when the stones 
were shattered by falling against the rocks. There is a 
passage in Euripides where this word without the pre- 
position is very beautifully, or rather dreadfully, made 
use of, to express the scattering of the limbs of Capa- 
neus, when he was dashed to pieces by a thunderbolt, 
just as he was scaling the battlements of Thebes. 

Hi>| S' νπίζζχινοντχ γΰα-τχ τ<<%ί»>ν 
ΒχλλΚ χΐξχυνψ Ζιυς νιν ΐκτυττ^τί Ss 
X5<ii/ «ί<ΓΤ4 StTcrxi 7τχντχς• ix is κΚιμίχΜν 
Έ<Γφ»κϊβκ£το χωςϊς αλλήλων /»ιλΐ(. 
Ko/ii» μιν ιΐς Ολυ/ίττον χίμχ ί' ιϊ; χ$ονχ 
ΚίϊξΊς St xxt χ-ώΚ' ώς χυχλωμ' Ίζιονο; 
Έλίβ-β-ίτ'• ι'ις γην S' ίμττυςος ,τιη-τίΓ vix^oj, 
"While o'er the battlements Capaenus sprung, 
Jove struck him with his thunder, and the earth 
Resounded with the crack ; mean while mankind 
Stood all aghast : from off the ladder's height 
His limbs were far asunder hurl'd, his hair 
Flew towards Olympus, to tho ground his blood, 
His hands and feet whirl'd like Ixion's wheel. 
And to the earth his flamijig body fell." 



238 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book 



down the precipice, they staid there, thinking 
they had made themselves masters of the sum- 
mit. But in this they were mistaken, for there 
was still an eminence above them, near which 
lay the narrow way, where the guard sat. 
There was indeed a passage from the post they 
had taken, to that the enemy were possessed of, 
in the open road. Here they remained that night. 
As soon as it was day, they put themselves 
in order, and marched in silence against the 
enemy ; and, there being a mist, came close to 
them before they were perceived. When they 
saw one another, the trumpet sounded, and the 
Greeks, shouting, made their attack. How- 
ever, the Barbarians did not stand to receive 
them, but quitted the road, very few of them 
being killed in the flight : for they were pre- 
pared for expedition. Cheirisophus and his 
men hearing the trumpet, immediately marched 
up the passage which lay before them. The 
rest of the generals took bye-paths, each of 
them where he happened to be, and, climbing 
as well as they could, 1 drew up one another 
with their pikes; and these were the first 
who joined the detachment that had gained 
the post. Xenophon, with one half of the 
rear guard, marched up the same way those 
who had the guide went, this road, being the 
most convenient for the sumpter-horses ; the 
other half he ordered to come up behind the 
baggage. In their march they came to a hill 
that commanded the road, and was possessed 
by the enemy, whom they were either to dis- 
lodge, or to be severed from the rest of the 
Greeks. The men indeed, might have gone the 
same way the rest took, but the sumpter-horses 
could go no other. Encouraging, therefore, one 
another, they made their attack upon the hill 2 in 

i 'Am/iajv, from ϊμίς j but χνιμχν in the best authors 
signifies to draw up any thing generally. So Dion.Cas- 
sius US3S the word, when he says Mark Antony begged 
of those who were about him to carry him to Cleopa- 
tra's eepulchre, and draw him up to the top of it by the 
ropes that hung down to draw up the stones* employed 

in the Structure Of it: ixtrfjt τους πχξίντχς, όπως πξθς 
τι ts μνημχ αύτοι» xs/uitoit», χα» ί»α τ»ν σχοινιών τιβν 
ΤΓξζς τϊ,ν χνοΚχϊ,ν των \i5uov Χξίμχμιναιν α.νιμί\<τώτ>. 

» 'Of 7ΐβίς το7{λοχοΐί. What λ»χο$ oed«05,or<p«\«y$j 

ο?7ΐ* is, we may learn from Arrian in his Tactics: 
Ιξ$ι* ($x>**yi.) says he, οτ»ν ιπ\ χιςχς, (or χι^«>ί) πος- 

fjqrxi• οίίτ-Λ, of xv το βχ$ος του μηχονς 7roKKx7rXxtriov 
ίΓχξίχιτχι'οΚωςτι ιτχζχμν,χα; μιν τχγμχ ίνομχζί τ»ι, ots 
srifi χν τβ μϊ)χος ιχ>) ί ττιττλί Tsv τ:3 βί$ίυ;' 0£-&»or $ί } οτβ 
της χν το βχΆος τοΰ μυχούς. So that 0f3iee $ίλ.χγ£ is 

properly an army, and λβ^ο» ojS-o» are companies 
drawn up in columns, where, as Arrian says, there are 
many more men in depth than in front. 



columns, not surrounding it, but leaving the 
enemy room to run away, if they were so 
disposed. Accordingly, the Barbarians see- 
ing our men marching up the hill, every 
one where he could, without discharging eith- 
er their arrows or their darts upon those who 
approached the road, fled, and quitted the 
place. The Greeks, having marched by this 
hill, saw another before them also possess- 
ed by the enemy. This they resolved to 
attack likewise ; but Xenophon, considering 
that if he left the hill they had already taken 
without a guard, the enemy might repossess it, 
and from thence annoy the sumpter-horses as 
they passed by them ; (for the way being nar- 
row, there was a long file of them.) He 
therefore left, upon this hill, Cephisodorus, 
the son of Cephisiphon, an Athenian, and 
Archagoras, a banished Argive, both captains ; 
while he with the rest marched to the second 
hill, and took that also in the same manner. 
There yet remained a third, by much the steep- 
est. This was the eminence that commanded 
the post where the guard was surprised at the 
fire, the night before, by the detachment. 
When the Greeks approached the hill, the Bar- 
barians quitted it without striking a stroke : so 
that every body was surprised and suspected they 
left the place, fearing to be surrounded and be- 
sieged in it. But the truth was, that seeing from 
the eminence what passed behind, they all made 
haste away with a design to fall upon the rear. 
Xenophon, with the youngest of his men, 
ascended to the top of this hill, and ordered 
the rest to march slowly after, that the two 
captains, who were left behind, might join 
them : and that when they were all together, 
they should choose some even place in the road, 
and there stand to their arms. He had no 
sooner given his orders than Archagoras, the 
Argive, came flying from the enemy, and 
brought an account, that they were driven 
from the first hill, and that Cephisodorus and. 
Amphicrates, and all the rest who had not 
leaped from the rock and joined the rear, were 
slain. The Barbarians, after this advantage, 
came to the hill opposite to that where Xeno- 
phon stood ; and Xenophon treated with them, 
by an interpreter, concerning a truce, and de- 
manded the dead. They consented to deliver 
them, provided he agreed not to burn their 
villages. Xenophon came into this. While' 
the other part of the army approached, and 
these were employed in treating, all the men 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



239 



moved from the post they were in towards the 
•ame place. Upon this the enemy made a 
stand, and when the Greeks began to descend 
from the top of the hill to join those who were 
drawn up in order of battle, they advanced in 
great numbers, and with tumult; and, after 
they had gained the top of the hill, which 
Xenophon had quitted, they rolled down stones, 
and broke the leg of one of our men. Here 
Xenophon's armour-bearer deserted him, taking 
away his shield : but Eurylochus of Lusia, an 
Arcadian, and one of the heavy-armed men, 
ran to his relief, and covered both himself and 
Xenophon with his shield, while the rest joined 
those who etood ready drawn up. 

And now the Greeks were altogether, and 
quartered there, in many fine houses, where 
they found provisions in abundance : for there 
was so great a plenty of wine, that they kept it 
in plastered cisterns. Here Xenophon and 
Cheirisophus prevailed upon the Barbarians to 
deliver up their dead in exchange for the guide. 
These, as far as they were able, they buried 
with all the honours that are due to the memo- 
ry of brave men. The next day they march- 
ed' without a guide, and the enemy, both 
by fighting with them, and seizing all the 
passes, endeavoured to hinder them from ad- 
vancing. Whenever, therefore, they opposed 
the vanguard, Xenophon, ascending the moun- 
tains from behind, endeavoured to gain some 
post that commanded the enemy, and by this 
means opened a passage for those who were 
in the van : and, when they attacked the rear, 
Cheirisophus ascended the hills, and endeav- 
ouring also to get above the enemy, removed the 
obstruction they gave to the march of the rear. 
Thus they were very attentive to relieve one 
anither. Sometimes also the Barbarians, after 
the Greeks had ascended the eminences, gave 
them great disturbance in their descent, for 
they were very nimble ; and, though they came 
near to our men, yet still they got off, having 
no other arms but bows and slings. They 
were very skilful archers; their bows were 
near three cubits in length, and their arrows 
above two. When they discharged their ar- 
rows, !they drew the string by pressing upon 



» Ei/.xoy 01 Tif »ιυ^ if, Swoti τθςινο««ν, jr^oj το xxxm 
t:u τοςουτω xfitrrtftfi ττοίί η-ξθ&»!νονπς. This passage 
has, I find, very much puzzled the translators. Both Le- 
ii ldavius aud Hutchinson have attempted to mend it: 
hut without entering into the merits of those amendments, 
I «hull produce a passage out of Arrian, which will, I bo• 



the lower part of the bow with their left foot. 
~ These arrows pierced through the shields and 
corslets of our men, who, taking them up, 
made use of them instead of darts, by fixing 
thongs to them. In these places the Cretans 
were of great service. They were commanded 
by Stratocles, a Cretan. 

HI. This day they staid in the villages 
situate above the plain that extends to the 
river Centrites, which is two hundred feet 
broad, and the boundary between Armenia and 
the country of the Carduchians. Here the 
Greeks rested themselves. This river is about 
six or seven stadia from the Carduchian moun- 
tains. Here, therefore, they staid with great 
satisfaction, having plenty of provisions, and 



lieve, not only explain this, but also show that no amend- 
ment at all is necessary. The passage I mean, is, where 
he is speaking of the Indian archers, who, like these 
Carduchians in Xenophon, assisted themselves with their 
left foot in drawing their strong bows. It is this, ο» μ'έν 
πιζοί «CtoTc*» (τοΓ<τ»ν 'IvSoTa-i) τοχοι» ts ιχουιην ϊτομηχις 
τω φο^ιοντι το τοζον κβΜ τούτο κάτω ιττ\ τνρ γην $ιντις, 
κ«ί τω ποδϊ τω χξκττίξω άντιβχντίς' οΐ'τωί ίκτοςί'-ιουο-ι, 
τν\ν νίυ^ν ίττί μ%γχ οπιβ-ιο c/.7rxyxyovTig. Where Xeno- 
phon says «-fo/Setii/ovTfi, which all translator» have been 
desirous to alter, Arrian says χνπβχντ»ς } which, I think, 
sufficiently explains it. The only thing that remains is 
to take away the comma after τοζου, that πςος το κάτω 

του τοζου may belong to τω ν,ξ »<TT»fu» sroii πξοβχινοντβς, 

and not to ιϊκχον τχς νινςχς, as both Leunclavius and 
Hutchinson have translated it; the first having said, 
nervos, emissuri sagittas, versus imam partem arcus 
tendebant; and Hutchinson nervos, cum sagittas mis- 
suri essent, ad imam arcus partem adducebant: neither 
of which has any meaning, for I appeal to all my brother 
archers, (having the honour to be of that number,) or 
indeed to any other person, whether they understand 
what is meant by drawing the string to the lower part of 
the bow. After all this, I desire I may not be thought 
to claim any advantage over those two learned gentle- 
men by this discovery, since I am entirely persuaded, 
that had they chanced to cast their eyes upon Arrian, 
while the difficulties of this passage were fresh in their 
memories, which happened to be my case, they would 
have made the same or a better use of it. D'Ablan- 
court has left out that part of the passage that occasions 
the difficulty. 

a Ti St τοξιυ /UojTos ίχύξΐι Six, των χτπιδοιν xxt Six 

των θωράκων. We find the posterity of these Carduchi- 
ans using the same weapons with the same success against 
the Romans in the expedition of Marcus Crassus, the 
death of whose son, who was pierced by these irresisti- 
ble arrows, is so pathetically described by Plutarch. 
Mark Antony, and his men, in their unfortunate re- 
treat, felt the violent effect of them, which drew from 
him this exclamation, 'ii/*ue«o»! Happy the ten thou- 
sand Greeks, who, being pursued by the same enemies, 
retreated with so much better success! hut, alas! his 
thoughts and heart were in Egypt, whither he was 
hastening, for which reason all the disadvantages his 
army suffered from the Parthians were griovous to hbr., 
rather as they were delays than defeats. 



240 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV 



often calling to mind the difficulties they had 
undergone ; for, during the seven days they 
had marched through the country of the Car- 
duchians, they were continually fighting, and 
suffered more than from all the attempts of the 
king and Tissaphernes. Looking upon them- 
selves, therefore, as freed from these hardships, 
they rested with pleasure. But, as soon as it 
was day, they saw a body of horse on the other 
side of the river, completely armed, and ready 
to oppose their passage ; and, above the horse, 
another of foot drawn up upon an eminence, to 
hinder them from penetrating into Armenia. 
These were Armenians, Mygdonians, and 
Chaldaeans, all mercenary troops, belonging to 
Orontas and Artuchus. The Chaldaeans were 
said to be a free people, and warlike; their 
arms were long shields and spears. The emi- 
nence upon which they were drawn up, was 
about three or four hundred feet from the 
river. The only road the Greeks could dis- 
cover, led upwards, and seemed to have been 
made by art. Over against this road the 
Greeks endeavoured to pass the river: but, 
upon trial, they found the water came up above 
their breasts ; that the river was rendered un- 
even by large slippery stones ; and that it was 
not possible for them to hold their arms in the 
water; which, if they attempted, they were 
borne away by the stream, and, if they carried 
them upon their heads, they were exposed to 
the arrows, and the other missive weapons of 
the enemy. They retired, therefore, and en- 
camped on the banks of the river. 

From hence they discovered a great number 
of armed Carduchians, who were got together 
upon the mountain, in the very place where 
they ha& encamped the night before. Here 
the Greeks were very much disheartened, see- 
ing on one side of them a river hardly passable, 
and the banks of it covered with troops to ob- 
struct their passage, and, on the other, the 
Carduchians ready to fall upon their rear, if 
they attempted it. This day, therefore, and 
the following night, they remained in the same 
place under great perplexity. Here Xenophon 
had a dream : he thought he was in chains, and 
that his chains breaking asunder of their own 
accord, he found himself at liberty, and went 
whithersoever he pleased. As soon as the first 
dawn of day appeared, he went to Cheiriso- 
phus, and told him he was in hopes every thing 
would be well, and acquainted him with his 
dream. Cheirisophus was pleased to hear it : 



and, while the morn advanced, all the generate 
who were present offered sacrifice, and the very 
first victims were favourable. As soon therefore 
as the sacrifice was over, the generals and cap- 
tains departing ordered theeoldiers to 1 get their 
breakfast. While Xenophon was at breakfast, 
two young men came to him, for it was well 
known that all persons might have free access 
to him at his meals; and, that, were he even 
asleep, they might wake him, if they had any 
thing to communicate concerning the opera- 
tions of the war. These youths informed him, 
that while they were getting brush-wood for 
the fire, they saw on the other side of the 
river, among the rocks that reached down to 
it, an old man, and a woman with some maid- 
servants, hiding something, that looked like bags 
full of clothes, in the hollow of a rock. That, 
seeing this, they thought they might securely 
pass the river, because the place was inaccessi- 
ble to the enemy's horse. So they undressed 
themselves, and taking their naked daggers in 
their hands, proposed to swim over; but the 
river being ford able, they found themselves on 
the other side before the river came up to their 
middle, and having taken the clothes, repas- 
sed it. 

Xenophon hearing this made a libation 
himself, and ordered wine to be given to the 
youths to do the same, and that they should 
address their prayers to the gods, who had sent 
the dream, and discovered the passage to com- 
plete their happiness. After the libation, he 
immediately carried the two youths to Cheiri- 
sophus, to whom they gave the same account. 
Cheirisophus, hearing this, made libations also. 
After that, they gave orders to the soldiers to 
get their baggage ready. Then, assembling 
the generals, they consulted with them in what 
manner they should pass the river with most 
advantage, and both overcome those who op- 
posed them in front, and secure themselves 
against the others, who threatened their rear. 
And it was resolved that Cheirisophus should 
lead the van, and pass over with one half of 
the anny, while the other staid with Xeno- 
phon: and that the sumpter-horses, with all 
those that attended the army, should pass in 



ι 'A{«irroiro<t~<r5-an. I have translated this in the 
same sense Homer says of UlysseB and Eumaeus, 

Τώ &' βϊτ' iv χ\ίτιης 'Oiu<r<rfui χαϊ SiTo; 'T<?0(Vc; 
Έγτυνοντ' αξ <β"τον '«/*' ίο«.— — 

■where «e ,e " r « v ia thug explained by the Greek Scholiast, 
την iat$iv)iv T{0$»fv. . 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



211 



the middle. After this disposition was mad•, 
they began thoir march. The two youths led 
the way, keeping the river on their left. They 
had about four stadia to go before they came ' 
to the ford. 

Ae they marched on one side of the river, 
Mfafal bodies of horse advanced on the other 
opposite to them. When they came to the 
ford, and to the bank of the river, the men 
stood to their arms, and first Cheirisophus, 
with a garland upon his head, pulled off his . 
clothes, and, taking his arms, commanded all ι 
the rest to do the same ; he then ordered the , 
captains to draw up their companies in * co- j 
lumne, and march some on his left hand, and : 
some on his right. In the meantime the 
priests offered sacrifice, and poured the blood 
of the victims into the river ; and the enemy, 
from their bows and slings, discharged a volley 
of arrows and stones, but none of them reached 
our men. After the victims appeared favour- 
able, all the soldiers sung the paean and 2 shout- 
ed, all the women answered them ; for the men 
had many mistresses in the army. 

Immediately Cheirisophus, with his men, 
went into the river ; and Xenophon, taking 
those of the rear-guard, who were most pre- 
pared for expedition, marched back in all 
haste to the passage opposite to the road that 
led to the Armenian mountains, making a feint 
as if his design was to pass the river in that 
place, and intercept the horse that were march- 
ing along the bank of it. The enemy, seeing 
Cheirisophus with his men passing the river 
with great ease, and Xenophon with his forces 
marching back in all haste, were afraid of be- 
ing intercepted, and fled with precipitation to 
the road that led from the river up into the 
country. Having gained that road, they con- 
tinued their march up the mountains. As 
eoon as Lycius, who had the command of the 
horse, and ^Eschines, who commanded the 
targeteers belonging v to Cheirisophus, saw the 
enemy flying with so much haste, they pur- 
sued them, the rest of the soldiers crying out 
to them that they would not be left behind, but 



ι Λόχους o f ^iou{. See note 2, page 238. 

* Oi (TTjjiTiiT*! ανν,ΚχΚχζον, α-υνωλοΚυζον Si xl yuv- 

■ *»ς. The first is known to be a military shout, the 
other is properly a supplicatory acclamation of women : 
■o Homer says of the Trojan women addressing their 
prayers to Minerva, 

Αι ί' ολολυ/ί !Γ»τ>ι 'A^nvr χ4Ϊρχς i.vitrxiv. 

Upon which the Greek Scholiast observes, p«m U *^'K 
21 



would march up the mountain in a body. 
When Cheirisophus had passed the river with 
his forces, he did not pursue the horse, but 
marched along the bank against the other body 
of the enemy that was posted upon the upper 
ground. These, finding themselves abandoned 
by their horse, and seeing our heavy-armed 
men coming up to attack them, quitted the 
eminence that commanded the river. 

Xenophon therefore perceiving every thing 
went well on the other side, returned in all 
haste to the army that was passing over ; for, 
by this time the Carduchians were seen descend- 
ing into the plain, as if they designed to fall 
upon the rear. Cheirisophus had now pos- 
sessed himself of the eminence, and Lycius, 
while he was pursuing the enemy, with a few 
of his men, took part of their baggage that was 
left behind, and in it rich apparel, and drinking 
cups. The baggage of the Greeks, with those 
who had charge of it, was yet passing ; when 
Xenophon, facing about, 3 drew up his men 
against the Carduchians. He ordered all the 
captains to divide their several 4 companies into 
5 two distinct bodies of twenty-five men each, 
and to extend their 6 front to the 7 left, and that 
the captains with the leaders of these distinct 
bodies should march against the Carduchians, 
while the 8 hindmost men of every file posted 
themselves upon the bank of the river. 

Now the Carduchians, when they saw the 
rear reduced to a few by the departure of those 
who had the charge of the baggage, advanced 
the faster, singing as they came on. Upon this, 
Cheirisophus, seeing all on his side was secure, 
sent the targeteers, the slingers, and archers to 
Xenophon, with directions to do whatever he 
commanded : but he, as soon as he saw them 



« 'Arrfci Ti cttKcl iStro. See note 2, page 188. 

«Λδχον. See note 1, page 174. 

ι κ*τ' Ίι/Λίμοτια;. See note 1, page 228. 

• Έ:τί ς>χ\»γγος. This is the reverse of Ι*•! κ!(«<, 
which was explained in note 1, page 238. As therefore 
Iri xifcef is a disposition, in which the depth verv 
much exceeds the front, 60 ίπι φχκχγγος is another, in 
which the front very much exceeds the depth. 

ι n* e ' Anr/fa. All the ancient masters of tactics 
inform us that iW Sa(u *κϊνον, is•' χτπΐί» χκΐνον, were 
words of command among Greeks for the foot ; the first 
signifying to the pike, that is to the right, and the se- 
cond to the shield, that is to the left: and that the 
words of command for the horse were the same as to 
the first, but that instead of the second they said ίφ' 
*vi*v x\ivoi',to the bridle. 

• O0 f ayouj. These in Arrian are what we call the 
bringeri-up, that is, the hindmost men of every file. 

ι 2F 



« 



841 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



coming down tho .lill, sent a messenger to them 
with orders to halt, as soon as they came to 
tho river ; and that, when they saw him begin 
to pass it with his men, they should come for- 
ward in the water on each side opposite to 
him, 1 the darters with their fingers in the 
2 slings of their darts, and the archers with 
their arrows on the string, as if they designed 
to pass over, but not advance far into the river. 
At the same time he ordered his own men, 
when they came near enough to the enemy to 
reach them with their slings, and the heavy- 
armed men 3 struck their shields with their 
pikes, to 4 sing the paean, and rush at once upon 
the enemy : and, when they were put to flight, 
and the trumpet from the river 5 sounded a 
charge, to face about to the right, 6 and that the 
hindmost men of every file should lead the 
way, and all make what haste they could to the 
river, which they were to pass in their ranks, 
that they might not hinder one another ; telling 
them that he should look upon him as the 
br&vest man, who first reached the opposite side. 
The Carduchians, seeing those who remain- 
ed, but few in number, (for many even of those 



ι 'Αχοντ«ο-τ«ί. The «,χΌντιον, or dart, was properly 
part of the arms both of the targeteers and light-armed 
men, as the reader will see, if he pleases to cast his 
eye upon note 6, page 167, where he will also find that 
these were different corps, and differently armed ; so 
that D'Ablancourt should not have comprehended un- 
der the general name of gens de trait, the targeteers, 
slingers, and archers, whom Cheirisophus sent to the 
relief of Xenophon. 

* Aixy*uX.»<r/*tvou;, etc. Δι»γκυΚ7α•9» < rh ϊνιΐξχι touj 
ίχχτνλους T»j iyyu^tj του χχοντιου. HesychlUS. ΆγγυΚη 

is what the Romans called amentum, the thong or sling, 
with which they lanced their darts. 

2 Άτγι'; ψοφΐ. I have said " when the heavy-armed 
men struck their shields with their pikes," because the 
«twij, or shield, properly belonged to the heavy-armed 
men, as may be seen in note 6, page 167. The light- 
armed men being *νιυ άσ-πιδις, as Arrian says there, 
without a shield, and the targeteers having πίκτην, 
their pikes upon an attack, continued among the Greeks 
in Alexander's time, as may be seen in Arrian. 

« Παιχνισ -xvTt;. See note 3, page 189. 

• Ό <τχκπιγκτγ,ς β-^μαι.η το νοκιμιχον. This seems to 
have deserved the attention of the commentators ; τδ 
iroKwKiv ο-νμχίνιιν, every body knows, signifies to 
sound a charge, as το ivxxhtrtxhv τ^μχιναν, to sound 
a retreat: why therefore should Xenophon order a 
charge to be sounded, when his men were to retreat? I 
imagine his intention was to make the enemy fly the 
faster, that bo they might be at a greater distance from 
them, when they were engaged in passing the river ; 
and this seems to have been the effect of it, for Xeno- 
phon will tell us presently, that when the trumpet 
sounded, the enemy fled much faster than before. 

« '£a-i ie e o« See note 7, page 241. 



who had orders to stay, were gone, some to 
take care of the sumpter-horses, some of their 
baggage, and others of 7 other things) came up 
boldly towards them, and began to use their 
slings and bows. But, when the Greeks, 
singing the paean, ran forward to attack them, 
they did not stand to receive them, (for though 
they were well enough armed for a sudden on- 
set, and retreat upon the mountains they in- 
habited, yet they were not all so to fight hand 
to hand.) In the meantime the trumpet 
sounded, upon which the enemy fled much 
faster than before ; and the Greeks, facing 
about, passed the river in all haste. Some of 
the enemy seeing this, ran back to the river, 
and wounded a few of our men with their ar- 
rows ; but many of them, even when the Greeks 
were on the other side, were observed to con- 
tinue their flight. In the meantime those who 
had met them in the river, carried on by their 
courage, advanced unseasonably, and repassed 
it after Xenophon and his men were on the 
other side ; by this means some of them also 
were wounded. 

IV. The army having passed the river about 
noon, drew up in their ranks, and, in this man- 
ner, marched at once over the plain of Ar- 
menia, intermixed with hills of an easy ascent, 
making no less than five parasangs : for there 
were no villages near the river, by reason of the 
continual wars with the Carduchians. How- 
ever at last they came to a large village, that 
had a palace in it belonging to the 8 satrap, 
and upon most of the houses there were tur- 
rets : here they found provisions in abundance. 
From this place they made, in two days' march, 
ten parasangs, till they were advanced above 
the head of the Tigris. From thence they 
made fifteen parasangs in three days' march, 
and came to the river Teleboas. The 9 river, 
though not large, was beautiful, and had many 
fine villages on its banks : this country was 
called the western part of Armenia. The 
governor of it was Teribazus, who had behaved 



τ 'Ertfiev. I have followed the Eton manuscript in 
translating this word. Hutchinson says it should be 
ίτχις «ν, because Xenophon has very lately told us, that 
the soldiers had a great many mistresses with them ; 
but in that case it should have been ϊτχι^ων, not ϊταίς<»ν. 

• T<s α-ατξίπί). See note 5, page 167. 

• Outoj $' >)v μιγχς μιν οϋ, χχλος ί». Demetrius Pha• 
lereus gives great commendations to this period. He 
says, that by the conciseness of it, and its termination 
in Si, the author almost lays before our eyes the small• 
ness of the river. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



243 



himself with great fidelity to the king, and, 
when he was present, no other, * lifted the king 
on horseback. This person rode up towards 
the Greeks with a body of horse, and, sending 
his interpreter, acquainted them that he desired 
to speak with their commanders. Upon this 
the generals thought proper to hear what he 
had to say, and advancing within hearing, ask- 
ed him what he wanted. He answered that 
he was willing to enter into a league with them 
upon these terms : that he should not do any 
injury to the Greeks, or they burn the houses, 
but have liberty to take what provisions they 
wanted. The generals agreed to this : so they 
concluded a league upon these conditions. 

From thence they advanced through a plain, 
and in three days' march made fifteen para- 
sangs, Teribazus following them with! his for- 
ces at the distance of about ten stadia, when 
they came to a palace, surrounded with many 
villages, abounding in all sorts of provisions. 
While they lay encamped in this place, there 
fell so great a 2 snow in the night, that it was 



ι Ο05Ί«? χΚΚος βαιτιΧια Isri rhv 7πττον άνίβαλλον. I 

was desirous to excuse D'Ablancourt, when in the 
third book, he made the Persians saddle their horses ; 
but do not know what to allege in his defence upon this 
occasion, where he has given them stirrups as well as 
saddles. I shall say no more than that" il lui tenoit 
Tetrier lorsqu'il montoit a cheval," is an unfortunate 

translation Of β*<τικί* iiri τον 'ίππον aviZahhtv. It is 

very well known that the ancients, having no stirrups, 
had a person whom the Greeks called «,ναΖο\ίύς, and 
the Latins strator, to lift them on horseback. 

a 'Ea-isriVri» %ti>v *ττλ>)το;. Lest the veracity of our 
author should be suspected, when he speaks of deep 
snows and excessive frosts in Armenia, a country lying 
between the fortieth and forty-third degrees of latitude, 
I desire it may be considered that all authors, both an- 
cient and modern, agree that the hills of this country 
are covered with snow ten months in the year. Tour- 
nefort, who was an eye-witness of it, thinks that the 
earth, upon these hills, being impregnated with sal am- 
moniac, the cold occasioned by it, may hinder the snow 
from melting : to support this, he says, that this salt 
being dissolved into any liquor, renders it excessive 
cold. This puts me in mind of an experiment mentioned 
by Boerhaave, as having been made by himself: he says, 
that four ounces of this salt being infused in twelve 
of water generated twenty -eight degrees of cold ; though 
I rather believe that the reason why the tops of moun- 
tains in the warmest climates are generally covered 
with enow, while the plains below are often parched 
with heat, is because the atmosphere is vastly less com- 
pressed upon the top than at the foot of those moan- 
tains. Whatever may be the cause, the fact is certain. 
When Lucullus, in his expedition against Mithridates, 
marched through Armenia, his army suffered as much 
by the frost and snow, as the Greeks under Xenophon. 
And when Alexander Severus returned through this 



resolved the next morning the soldiers, with 
their generals, should remove into the villages, 
and quarter there, for no enemy appeared ; and 
the great quantity of snow seemed a security to 
them. Here they found all sorts of good pro- 
visions, such as cattle, corn, old wines exceed- 
ing fragrant, raisins and legumens of all kinds. 
In the meantime, some of the men, who had 
straggled from the camp, brought word that 
they had seen an army, and that in the night 
many fires appeared. For this reason the gen- 
erals thought it not safe for the troops to quar- 
ter in the villages at a distance from one an- 
other : so resolved to bring the army together. 
Upon this they re-assembled, and it was de- 
termined to encamp abroad. While they 
passed the night in this camp, there fell so 
great a quantity of snow, that it covered both 
the arms and the men as they lay upon the 
ground ; the sumpter-horses also were so be- 
numbed with the snow, that it was with 
difficulty they were made to rise. It was a 
miserable sight to see the men lie upon the 
ground still covered with snow. But, when 
Xenophon was so hardy as to rise naked, and 
rive wood, immediately another got up, and 
taking the wood from him, cleft it himself. 
Upon this they all rose up, and making fires, 
anointed themselves; for they found there 
many sorts of ointments, which served them 
instead of oil, as hog's-grease, oil of sesame, 
of bitter almonds, and of turpentine. There 
was also found a precious ointment made of all 
these. 

After this they determined to disperse them- 
selves again in the villages, and quarter under 
cover. Upon which the soldiers ran with great 
shouts and pleasure to the houses and provi- 
sions ; but those who had set fire to the houses, 
when they left* them before, were justly pun- 
ished by encamping abroad, exposed to the in- 
clemency of the weather. From hence they 
sent that night a detachment to the mountains, 
where the stragglers said they had seen the 
fires, under the command of Democrates of 
Temenus, because he was ever thought to give 
a true account of things of this nature, report- 
ing matters as they really were. At his return 
he said he had seen no fires, but, having taken 



country, many of his men lost their hands and feet 
through excessive cold. Tournefort also complains, 
that, at Erzeron, though situated in a plain, his fingers 
were so benumbed with cold, he could not write till 
an hour after sun-rise. 



•:π 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



a prisoner, he brought him with him. This 
man hud a l Persian bow and quiver, and 2 an 
Amazonian battle-axe ; and, being asked of what 
country he was, he said he was a Persian, and 
that he went from the army of Teribazus to 
get provisions. Upon this they asked him of 
what numbers that army consisted, and with 
what intention it was assembled. He answer- 
ed, that Teribazus, besides his own army, had 
mercenary troops of Chalabians and Taochi- 
ans - ; and, that his design was to attack the 
Greeks in their passage over the mountains, as 
they marched through the defile, which was 
their only road. 

The generals, hearing this, resolved to as- 
semble the army, and, leaving a guard in the 
camp under the command of Sophsenetus of 
Stymphalus, they immediately set forward, tak- 
ing the prisoner with them for their guide. Af- 
ter they had passed the mountains, the targeteers, 
who marched before the rest, as soon as they 
discovered the enemy's camp, ran to it with 
shouts, without staying for the heavy-armed 
men. The Barbarians, hearing the tumult, 
did not stand their ground, but fled. How- 
ever some of them were killed, and about 
twenty horses taken, as was also the tent of 
Teribazus, in which they found beds with sil- 
ver feet, and drinking cups, with some prison- 
ers, who said they were his bakers and cup- 
bearers. When the commanders of the heavy- 
armed were informed of all that passed, they 
determined to return in all haste to their own 
camp, lest any attempt should be made upon 
those they had left there ; and immediately or- 
dering a retreat to be sounded, they returned, 
and arrived there the same day. 

V. The next day they resolved to march 
away with all the haste they could, before the 
enemy should rally their forces, and, possess 
themselves of the pass. Their baggage therefore 
being presently ready, they set forward through 
a deep snow with many guides ; and having 
the same day passed the eminence upon which 
Teribazus designed to attack them, they en- 
camped. From thence they made three march- 
es through a desert, and came to the Euph- 
rates, which they passed, the water coming up 
to their navel. It was said the sources of this 



ι Te?o» n«f «r»icov. See page 226, where Tissaphernee 
attacks the Greeks. 

» "Σχγχξίν. Σίγχξΐς- χοπις' r, ίτίλίχυ;. Suidas . — 

Where he quotes this paesage. 



river were not far off. From thence they 
made, in three days' march, fifteen parasangs, 
over a plain covered with deep snow. The 
last day's march was very grievous, for the 
north wind, blowing full in their faces, quite 
parched and benumbed the men. Upon this 
one of the priests advised to sacrifice to the 
wind, which was complied with, and the vehe- 
mence of it visibly abated. The snow was a 
fathom in depth, insomuch that many of the 
slaves and sumpter-horses died, and about 
thirty soldiers. They made fires all night, for 
they found plenty of wood in the place where 
they encamped ; and those who came late, hav- 
ing no wood, the others who were before arrived, 
and had made fires, would not allow them to 
warm themselves till they had given them a 
share of the wheat, or of the other provisions 
they had brought with them. By this ex- 
change they relieved one another's wants. In 
the places where the fires were made, the 
snow being melted, there were large pits which 
reached down to the ground ; this afforded an 
opportunity of measuring the depth of the snow. 
From thence they marched all the next day 
through the snow, when many of them contract- 
ed the 3 bulimy. Xenophon, who commanded 
the rear, seeing them lie upon the ground, 
knew not what their distemper was : but being 
informed by those who were acquainted with 
it, that it was plainly the bulimy, and that, if 
they ate any thing, they would rise again, he 
went to the baggage, and, whatever refreshments 
he found there, he gave some to those who 
were afflicted with this distemper, and sent 
persons able to go about, to divide the rest 
among others, who were in the same condi- 
tion : and as soon as they had eaten something, 
they rose up, and continued their march. Dur- 
ing which, Cheirisophus came to a village, 
just as it was dark, and, at a fountain, without 



s Έ5ουλ!/*««β-«ι/. The bulimy is a distemper creating 
excessive hunger. It is thus described with all its symp- 
toms by Galen : ΒουΧιμος ecrTi ίίάθίτ»?, x-xS'tv Ιπιζν^τ*. 
σ-»5 £Χ μιχςων $ίχ\αμμχτν>ν y»viT<*« TfOfpijj. Έχλυοντχι 
$ϊ **ί χατα5Γ»ττου<τ»,χ*ϊ κχ^οουσ - », χ*ί χ«τ»ψύρ<;οντα« τα 
αχ§06,.9•λί5ονΤίί« ts τΙνΟ-τομχχον, χχ< ό τςυγμος Ιπ χυτών 

«,μυίςος γινπχκ "The bulimy is a disorder in which 
the patient frequently craves for victuals, loses the use 
of his limbs, falls down, and turns pale ; his extremities 
become cold, his stomach oppressed, and his pulse 
scarcely sensible." The French Philosophical Transac- 
tions speak of a countryman who was violently afflict- 
ed with this distemper, but was cured by voiding sev- 
eral worms of the length and bigness of a tobacco pipe. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



245 



the walls, bo found some women and girls, 
who belonged to it, carrying water. These in- 
quired who they were 1 The interpreter an- 
swered, in Persia, that they were going to 
the satrap from the king. The women re- 
plied, that he was not there, but at a place dis- 
tant about a parasang from thence. As it 
was late, they entered the walls together with 
the women, and went to the bailiff of the 
town. Here Cheirisophus encamped with all 
that could come up. The rest, who were un- 
able to continue their march, passed the night 
without victuals or fire, by which means some 
of them perished : and a party of the enemy 
following our march, took some of the sump- 
ter-horses that could not keep pace with the 
rest, and fought with one another about them. 
Some of the men also, who had lost their sight 
by the snow, or whose toes were rotted off by 
the intenseness of the cold, were left behind. 
The eyes were relieved against the snow by 
wearing something black before them, and the 
feet against the cold, by continual motion, and 
by pulling off their shoes in the night. If any 
slept with their shoes on, the latchets pierced 
their flesh, and their shoes stuck to their feet : 
for when their old shoes were worn out, they 
wore ϊ carbatines made of raw hides. These 
grievances therefore occasioned some of the 
soldiers to be left behind ; who, seeing a piece 
of ground that appeared black, because there 
was no snow upon it, concluded it was melted ; 
and melted it was by a vapour that was con- 
tinually exhaling from a fountain in a valley 
near the place. Thither they betook them- 
selves, and, sitting down, refused to march any 
further. Xenophon, who had charge of the 
rear, as soon as he was informed of thisj tried 
all means to prevail upon them not to be left 
behind, telling them that the enemy were gotten 
together in great numbers and followed them 
close. At last he grew angry. They bid him 
kill them, if he would, for they were not able 
to go on. Upon this, he thought the best 
thing he could do, was, if possible, to strike a 
terror into the enemy that followed, lest they 
should fall upon the men that were tired. It 



» Κχξξχτ'ινχι. ΚχξζχτΙνη μ'ιν } iygoixov ύ:τοί>ί/**, 

κλιι&ν Wi Κχςζν. Julius Pollux. I hope I shall be 
excused for calling these ί/ττοίίί,αοίτα, shoes. All the 
monuments of antiquity show the ancients wore a 
kind of sandal instead of shoes, but, as this is not gen- 
erally understood, I have chosen the latter. 
21* 



was now dark, and the enemy came on with 
great tumult, quarrelling with one another 
about their booty. Upon this, such of the 
rear-guard as were well, rising up, rushed upon 
them ; while those who were tired, shouted out 
as loud as they could, and struck their shields 
with their pikes. The enemy, alarmed at this, 
threw themselves into the valley through the 
snow, and were no more heard of. 

Then Xenophon, with the rest of the forces, 
went away, assuring the sick men, that, the 
next day some people should be sent to them : 
but before they had gone four stadia, they 
found others taking their rest in the snow, and 
covered with it, no guard being appointed. 
These they obliged to rise, who acquainted 
him, that those at the head of the army did 
not move forward. Xenophon, hearing this, 
went on, and sending the ablest of the targe- 
teers before, ordered them to see what was the 
occasion of the stop. They brought word 
that the whole army took their rest in that 
manner. So that Xenophon and his men, 
after they had appointed such guards as they 
were able, passed the night there also without 
either fire or victuals. When it was near day, 
he sent the youngest of his men to oblige the 
sick to get up and come away. In the mean- 
time Cheirisophus sent some from the village 
to inquire into what condition the rear was. 
These were rejoiced to see them, and having 
delivered their sick to them to be conducted to 
the camp, they marched forward ; and, before 
they had gone twenty stadia, they found them- 
selves in the village where Cheirisophus was 
quartered. When they came together, they 
were of opinion that the army might quarter in 
the villages with safety. So Cheirisophus 
staid in the place he was in, and the rest went 
to the several villages that were allotted to 
them. 

Here Polycrates, an Athenian, one of the 
captains, desired he might have leave to ab- 
sent himself; and, taking with him those who 
were most prepared for expedition, he made 
such haste to the village that had fallen to 
Xenophon's lot, that he surprised all the in- 
habitants, together with their bailiff, in their 
houses. He found here seventeen colts, that 
were bred as a tribute for the king ; and also 
the bailiff's daughter, who had not been mar- 
ried above nine days. However, her husband 
being gone to hunt the hare, was not taken in 
any of the villages. Their houses were under 



21 1> 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV 



ground ; the mouth resembling that of a well, but 
spacious below ; there was an entrance dug for 
the cattle, but the inhabitants descended by 
ladders. In these houses were goats, sheep, 
cows, and fowls, with their young. All the 
cattle were maintained within doors with fod- 
der. There was also wheat, barley, and legu- 
raens, and * beer in jars, in which the malt it- 
self floated even with the brims of the vessels, 
and with it reeds, some large and others small, 
without joints. These, when any one was 
dry, he was to take into his mouth and suck. 
The liquor was very strong, when unmixed 
with water, and exceeding pleasant to those 
who were used to it. 

Xenophon invited the bailiff of this village 
to sup with him, and encouraged him with this 
assurance, that his children should not be taken 
from him. and that, when they went away, they 
would leave his house full of provisions in re- 
turn for those they took, provided he perform- 
ed some signal service to the army, by con- 
ducting them, till they came to another nation. 
The bailiff promised to perform this, and, as 
an instance of his good-will, informed them 
where there was wine buried. The soldiers 
rested that night in their several quarters in 
the midst of plenty, keeping a guard upon the 
bailiff, and having an eye at the same time 
upon his children. The next day Xenophon, 
taking the bailiff along with him, went to 
Cheirisophus, and, in every village through 
which he passed, made a visit to those who 
were quartered there ; and found them every- 

1 Ο.νοςχ ?1 7.νοί. Literally, barley wine. Diodorus 
Siculus tells us, that Osiris, that is, the Egyptian Bac- 
chus, wastheinventorofmaltliquor,asa relief to those 
countries where vines did not succeed, which is the 
reason assigned by Herodotus for the Egyptians using 
it. This was also the liquor used in France, till the 
time of the emperor Probus, when vines were first 
planted there. Pliny says they called it cervisia, a 
word probably derived from cervoise, which, among the 
r.ncient Gnuls, signified beer. Julian, who was governor 
of France, before he waa emperor, vents his spleen 
against malt liquor, which necessity, or rather igno- 
rance in his time, had made the drink of that country. 
As there is a great deal of poetry in the invention both 
of the person of thi3 unknown Bacchus, and of hie 
qualities, the reader may not be displeased to find the 
epigram here : 

Τι; ; 3t:5;i. |l AiervriJ μ* y-J -ξ τίν xK^-rtx Βίχ,χ-.ν 
Οΰ β-' ijriyiyni»-«ui• τον Διο; iiSx μινον. 

:; t>ix.TXf. limit <τΰ ίί Tfxyov g (,χ <ri Κίλτοί, 
Tij 5ΓϊΐΊ)) ^OTfOxv, τ«ΰξ*ν xsr' άσ-τχχί'Λν. 

Τψ <ri %ς>ι χχ). mv &/μ*τξΚ>ν βϋ Διονυο-Ον. 
Iitfjyfv^ ιιίλλον, χχ\ Bf ί/κ;•.•, -.0 Βρομίβ». 



where feasting and rejoicing. They all would 
force him to sit down to dinner with them, 
and he every where found the tables covered 
with lamb, kid, pork, veal, and fowls ; with 
plenty of bread, some made of wheat, and some 
of barley. When any one had a mind to 
drink to his friend, he took him to the jar, 
where he was obliged to stoop, and, sucking, 
drink like an ox. The soldiers gave the bailiff 
leave to take whatever he desired ; but he took 
nothing ; only wherever he met with any of 
his relations, he carried them along with him. 

When they came to Cheirisophus, they found 
them also 2 feasting, and crowned with gar- 
lands made of hay, and Armenian boys, in 
Barbarian dresses, waiting on them. To these 
they signified by signs what they would have 
them do, as if they had been deaf. As soon 
as Cheirisophus and Xenophon had embraced 
one another, they asked the bailiff, by their 
interpreter, who spoke the Persian language, 
what country it was. He answered, Armenia. 
After that they asked him for whom the horses 
were bred. He said for the king, as a tribute. 
He added that the neighbouring country was 
inhabited by the Chalybians, and informed 
them of the road that led to it. After that 
Xenophon went away, carrying back the bailiff 
to his family, and gave him the horse he had 
taken some time before, which was an old one, 
with a charge that he should recover him for a 
sacrifice (for he had heard he was consecrated 
to the sun), being afraid that, as he was very 
much fatigued with the journey, he should die. 
At the same time he took one of the young hor- 
ses for himself, and gave one of them to each 
of the generals and captains. The horses of 
this country are less than those of Persia, but 
have a great deal more spirit. Upon this occa- 
sion the bailiff taught us to tie bags to the feet 
of the horses and beasts of burden, when they 
travelled through the snow, for, without them, 
they sunk up to their bellies. 

VI. After they had staid here eight days, 
Xenophon delivered the bailiff to Cheirisophus, 

a Χχν,νοΰντχς. Xenophon uses b-*.*.v>, in the same 
sense in hie Cyropaedia. where he says γη» «>ι»«ι *',- 
κοιτών ί«ίλοον, they dissolved the feast to retire to rest. 
Hutchinson has supported this sense of the word from 
other passages out of our author. Had Leunclavius 
attended to them, he would not have rendered this pas- 
sage illos etiam milites et ab tectis reperiunt. D'Ablan- 
court has said much better, Us trouverent tout le monde 
a table. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



247 



to serve him as a guide, and left him all his 
family, except his son, a youth just in the flower 
of his age. This youth he committed to the 
charge of Episthcnis of Amphipolis, with a de- 
sign to send him back with his father, if he con- 
ducted them in a proper manner. At the 
same time they carried as many things as they 
could into his house, and, decamping, marched 
away. The bailiff conducted them through 
the snow unbound. They had now marched 
three days, when Cheirisophus grew angry 
with him for not carrying them to some vil- 
lages. The bailiff said there were none in that 
part of the country. Upon this Cheirisophus 
struck him, but did not order him to be 
bound : so that he made his escape in the 
night, leaving his son behind him. This ill 
treatment and neglect of the bailiff was the 
cause of the only difference that happened 
between Cheirisophus and Xenophon during 
their whole march. Episthenis took an affec- 
tion to the youth, and, carrying him into 
Greece, found great fidelity in him. 

After this they made seven marches at the 
Tate of five parasangs each day, and arrived at 
the river 1 Phasis, which is about one hundred 
feet in breadth. From thence they made, in 
two marches, ten parasangs ; when they found 
the Chalybians, Taochians, and Phasians post- 
ed upon the passage that led over the moun- 
tains to the plain. As soon as Cheirisophus 
saw the enemy in possession of that post, he 
halted at the distance of about thirty stadia, 
that he might not approach them while the 
army marched in a column ; for which reason 
he 2 ordered the captains to bring up their com- 
panies in the .front, that the army might be 
drawn up in a line. 

When the rear guard came up, he called the 



1 n*ga -rbf Φάσ -iv ποτχμόν. It must be observed that 
this is not the river Phasis which falls into the Euxine 
sea, and to which sportsmen are obliged for the breed 
of pheasants. Delisle is of opinion, that the Pkasis 
here mentioned is the Araxes, which falls into the 
Caspian sea, the same whose impetuous course is so 
boldly described by Virgil, 

Pontem indignatus Araxes. 

VTlxgryyiiXs is τοΓς αλ.λοΐ{ ττχςχγίίν τους Κοχους, 
βπαις ΐπϊ φχλ,χγγος ytvturo το σ-τςχτίυμΛ. The transla- 
tors do not seem to have attended to the force of the 
word ττχξχγαν in this place ; it is a military term, and 
signifies to bring up the files in front, and march in a 
line, in which disposition Cheirisophus proposed to at- 
tack upon this occasion : this is called ττΛξχγ^γη by 
Arrian, the reverse of which is ϊπχγ Μ γ^ ο.3ΐ•π-κττί-τ>ις 

IS of 7Τ»ξα<ττχτ>ις. 



generals and captains together, and spoke to 
them in this manner. " The enemy, you see, 
are masters of the pass over the mountains. 
We are therefore now to consider in what 
manner we may charge them with the greatest 
advantage. It is my opinion, that while the 
soldiers get their dinner, we should consult 
among ourselves, whether it will be most pro- 
per to attempt the passage to-day, or stay till 
to-morrow." " My advice is," says Cleanor, 
" that, as soon as we have dined, we should 
take our arms, and attack the enemy ; for, if 
we defer it till to-morrow, this delay will in- 
spire those who observe us with confidence, 
and their confidence will, in all probability, draw 
others to their assistance." 

After him Xenophon said, " This is my 
sense of the matter. If we are obliged to 
fight, we ought to prepare ourselves to fight 
with all possible bravery ; but if we propose to 
pass the mountain in the easiest manner, we 
are to consider by what means we may receive 
the fewest wounds, and lose the fewest men. 
The mountain that lies before us, reaches 
above sixty stadia in length, and, in all this 
extent, no guard appears to be posted any 
where, but only in this part. For which rea- 
son I should think it more for our advantage 
to endeavour to surprise some unguarded place 
upon the mountain, and, if possible, prevent 
their seizing it, than to attack a post already 
fortified, and men prepared to resist ; for it is 
easier to climb a steep ascent, without fighting, 
than to march upon plain ground, when the 
enemy are posted on both sides of us. We 
can also better see what lies before us in the 
night, when we are norobliged to fight, than 
in the day time, when we are ; and the rough- 
est way is easier to those who march without 
fighting, than an even way to those whose 
heads• are exposed to the darts of an enemy. 
Neither do I think it impossible for us to 
steal such a march, since we may have the ad- 
vantage of the night to conceal us, and may 
take so great a circuit as not to be discovered. 
I am also of opinion, that, if we make a false 
attack upon the post which is possessed by 
the enemy, we shall, by that means, find the 
rest of the mountain more unguarded ; for this 
will oblige them to keep all their forces in a 
body. But why do I mention stealing 1 3 Since 



ϊ'Τ μχς γχξΊγίογί,ω Xng «οτοφί, αχού*> τους Λχχίίχιμον* 
J υ; oVoi ΐο-τιτων Όμοι Λίν,ίύθύί ex jraiiwv χΚιπηιν μίΚίΐΒν 



248 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book TV. 



I am informed, Ο Chcirisophus ! that among 
you Lacedaemonians, those of the first rank, 
practise it from their childhood, and that, in- 
stead of being a dishonour, it is your duty to 
steal those things which the law has not for- 
bidden: and to the end you may learn to steal 
with the greatest dexterity and secrecy imagi- 
nable, your laws have provided that those who 
are taken in a theft, shall be whipped. This 
is the time, therefore, for you to show how far 
your education has improved you, and to take 
care that, in stealing this march, we are not 
discovered, lest we smart severely for it." 

Cheirisophus answered, " I am also inform- 
ed, that you Athenians are very expert in 
stealing the public money, notwithstanding the 
great danger you are exposed to, and that your 
best men are the most expert at it, that is, if 
you choose your best men for your magis- 
trates. So this is a proper time for you 
also to show the effects of your education." 
" I am ready," replies Xenophon, " to march 
with the rear-guard, as soon as we have 
supped, in order to possess myself of the 
mountain. I have guides with me : for our 
light-armed men have, in an ambuscade, 
taken some of the marauders, that follow the 
army. By these I am informed that the 
mountain is not inaccessible, but that goats and 
oxen graze upon it, so that, if we are once 
masters of any part of it, it will be accessible 
also to our sumpter-horses. Neither do I believe 
the enemy will keep their post, when they see 
we are masters of the summit, and upon an 
equality with themselves ; because they are 
now unwilling to come down to us upon equal 
ground." But Cheirisophus said, " Why should 
you go, and leave the charge of the rear 1 Ra- 
ther send others, unless any offer themselves 
to this service." Upon this Aristonymus of 
Methydria presented himself with his heavy- 
armed men ; and Aristcus of Chius, and Nico- 
machus of Oete, both with their light-armed. 
And it was agreed that, when they had pos- 
sessed themselves of the summit, they should 
light several fires. When these things were 
settled, they went to dinner. After which 
Cheirisophus led the whole army within ten 



Those who among the Lacedaemonians were called 
e^oiw. and among the Persians o^in^o», by theGreeks, 
under which name Xenophon often speaks of them in 
bis Institution of Cyrus, agree very well with what 
the Gothic government calls peers, with us, and with 
the French, pairs, persons of equal dignity. 



stadia of the enemy, as if he had absolutely re- 
solved to march that way. 

Supper being ended, and night coming on, 
those who had orders marched away, and made 
themselves masters of the top of the mountain. 
The others went to. rest where they were. 
The enemy finding our men were possessed of 
that post, remained under arms, and made 
many fires all night. As soon. as it was day, 
Cheirisophus, after he had offered sacrifice, led 
his forces up to the road, while those who had 
gained the summit attacked the enemy : great 
part of whom staid to defend the pass, and the 
rest advanced against those who were masters 
of the eminence. But before Cheirisophus 
could come up to the enemy, those upon the 
summit were engaged ; where our men had the 
advantage, and drove the enemy before them. 
In the meantime, the Greek targeteers ran on 
from the plain to attack those who were ready 
drawn up to receive them, and Cheirisophus at 
the head of the heavy-armed men, followed as 
fast as was consistent with a regular march. 
However, the enemy that were posted in 
the pass, when they saw those above give 
way, fled also; when great numbers of them 
were slain, and many of their bucklers taken, 
which the Greeks, by cutting them to pieces, 
rendered useless. As soon as they had gained 
the ascent, they offered sacrifice, and having 
erected a trophy, marched down into the plain, 
where they found villages well stored with all 
sorts of provisions. 

VII. From hence they came to the country 
of the Taochians, making, in five marches, 
thirty parasangs : and here their provisions 
began to fail them ; for the Taochians inha- 
bited fastnesses, into which they had conveyed 
all their provisions. At last the army arrived 
at a strong place, which had neither city nor 
houses upon it, but where great numbers of 
men and women, with their cattle, were assem- 
bled. This place Cheirisophus ordered to be 
attacked the moment he came before it, and 
when the first company suffered, another went 
up, and then another ; for the place being sur- 
rounded with precipices, they could not attack 
it on all sides at once. When Xenophon came 
up with the rear guard, the targeteers and 
heavy-armed men, Cheirisophus said to him, 
" You come very seasonably, for this place 
must be taken, otherwise the army will be 
starved." 

Upon this they called a council of war, and 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



249 



Xenophon demanding what could hinder them 
from carrying the place, Cheirisophus answer- 
ed, " There is no other access to it but this, 
and when any of our men attempt to gain it, 
they roll down stones from the impending rock, 
and those they light upon are treated as you 
see ;" pointing, at the same time, to some of 
the men whose legs and ribs were broken. 
" But," says Xenophon, " when they have con- 
sumed all the stones they have, what can hin- 
der us then from going up 1 for I can see no- 
thing to oppose us, but a few men, and of these 
not above two or three that are armed. The 
space, you see, through which we must pass, 
exposed to these stones, is about one hundred 
and fifty feet in length, of which that of one 
hundred feet is covered * with large pines, grow- 
ing in groups, against which, if our men place 
themselves, what can they suffer, either from 
the stones that are thrown, or rolled down by 
the enemy 1 The remaining part of this space 
is not above fifty feet, which, when the stones 
cease, we must despatch with all possible expe- 
dition." " But," says Cheirisophus, "the mo- 
ment we offer to go to the place that is covered 
with the trees, they will shower down stones 
upon us." " That," replies Xenophon, " is 
the very thing we want, for by this means they 
will be consumed the sooner. However," con- 
tinues he, « let us, if we can, advance to that 
place from whence we may have hut a little 
way to run, and from whence we may also, if 
we see convenient, retreat with ease." 

Upon this, Cheirisophus and Xenophon, 
with Callimachus of Parrhasie, one of the 
captains, advanced, (for the last had the com- 
mand that day of the captains in the rear;) all 
the rest of the officers standing out of danger. 
Then about seventy of the men advanced under 
the trees, not in a body, but one by one, each 
sheltering himself as well as he could ; while 
Agasius the Stymphalian, and Aristonymus of 
Methydria, who were also captains belonging 



> Δχβ-ϋ ττιτυσ-ι ίίαλί i?reu<r*4f μιγάΚχις. The explica- 
tion of ϊιχλίίττουσ-», brought by Hutchinson out of 
Suidas and Phavorinus, αλλήλων ίτηχουτχ», does not, 
in my opinion, give the author's sense of it in this place : 
nobody doubts but these pines grew at some distance 
from one another : but Xenophon means that they grew 
in groups, and then ϋιακοπονσ-*! will have the same 
sense with 8ιχτχχ,$ ίν τις in the second book, where he 
speaks of the Rhodians being disposed in platoons, for 
groups in planting and painting are the same thing with 
platoons in tactics. D'Ablancourt has artfully avoided 
the difficulty by eaying generally, semes de grands pins. 



to the rear, with some others, stood behind, 
without the trees, for it was not safe for more 
than one company to be there. Upon this oc- 
casion, Callimachus made use of the following 
stratagem. He advanced two or three paces 
from the tree under which he stood ; but as 
soon as the stones began to fly, he quickly re- 
tired, and, upon every excursion, more than ten 
cart-loads of stones were consumed. When 
Agasius saw what Callimachus was doing, and 
that the eyes of the whole army were upon him, 
fearing lest he should be the first man who en- 
tered the place, he, without giving any notice 
to Aristonymus, who stood next to him, or to 
Eurylochus of Lusia, both of whom were his 
friends, or to any other person, advanced alone, 
with a design to get before the rest. When 
Callimachus saw him passing by, he laid hold 
on the 2 border of his shield. In the mean- 
time, Aristonymus, and after him Eurylochus, 
ran by them both : for all these were rivals in 
glory, and in a constant emulation of each 
other. And, by contending thus, they took the 
place ; for the moment one of them had gained 
the ascent, there were no more stones thrown 
from above. 

And here followed a dreadful spectacle in- 
deed ; for the women first threw their children 
down the precipice, and then themselves. The 
men did the same. And here ^Eneas the 
Stymphalian, a captain, seeing one of the Bar- 



ζΈπικχμζχνίτχί αύτου τζς Ϋτυο;. I am surprised to 
find ιτυς rendered both by Leunclavius and Hutchinson, 
umbo, when Suidas has explained it so particularly by 
πίξίφιςιια oVxou, and to support that explanation, has 
quoted this very passage of Xenophon now before us ; 
and for fear this authority should not be thought suffi- 
cient to establish this sense of the word, the same au- 
thor quotes part of an inscription on the shield of Alex- 
ander of Phyllos, where "τυ; is very particularly dis- 
tinguished from 6μφΛ\Ις, which is properly umbo. 

Γ^ρ»Κ(χ μ~ίν ίτνιι ττοΧιμαιν ΰπο, γηξχλι* 5» 
ΌμφαΚον. 

D'Ablancourt has evaded this difficulty also, by trans- 
lating it generally, "le prit en passant par son bouc- 
lier ;" Ϋτυ? therefore is what Homer calls «ντυξ πυμίτ», 
where the ocean flowed in the divine shield which Vul- 
can made for Achilles. 

Έν ί' £τ»3ε< ΓτοτΛ,αοΓο μιγχ τοινος 'OxisewoTo 
AvTvyu, 7τας π-υμίτην <τάχ£θς ττύκα τγο»1)ΤοΓο. 

Which Mr. Pope has translated with his usual elegance 
and exactness : 

"In living silver seem'd the waves to roll, 

And beat the buckler's verge, and bound the whole." 
The Latin translators, therefore, ought to have render- 
ed it ora, as Virgil has in that verse, where he speaks 
of the javelin thrown by Pallas at Turnus, 

Viam clypei molita per oras. 

Tandem etiam magno strinxerat il de corpore Turni. 

2G 



230 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



barians, who was richly dressed, running with 
a design to throw himself down, caught 
hold of him ; and the other drawing him 
after, they both fell down the precipice to- 
gether, and were dashed to pieces. Thus 
we made very few prisoners, but took a 
very considerable quantity of oxen, asses, and 
sheep. • 

From thence the Greeks advanced through 
the country of the 1 Chalybians, and, in seven 
marches, made fifty parasangs. These being 
the most valiant people they met with in all 
their march, they came to a close engagement 
with the Greeks. They had linen corslets that 
reached below 2 their navel, and, 3 instead of 
tassels, thick cords twisted. They had also 
greaves and helmets, and at their girdle 4 a short 
falchion, like those of the Lacedaemonians, 
with which they cut the throats of those they 
overpowered, and afterwards, cutting off their 
heads, carried them away in triumph. It was 
their custom to sing and dance, whenever they 
thought the enemy saw them. They had pikes 
fifteen cubits in length, 5 with only one point. 
They staid in their cities till the Greeks 
marched past them, and then followed, harass- 
ing them perpetually. After that they retired 
to their strongholds, into which they had con- 
veyed their provisions : so that the Greeks 

'Δι» Χχκνβων. It is difficult to say what nation 
these were ; I am sensible Diodorus Siculus calls them 
Chalcideans ; but we are much in the dark as to them. 
The reader will, however, observe, that these Chaly- 
bians were a different people from those he will find 
mentioned by our author in the next book. 

» Mf%f » του »|t^ou. To /<ί£ΐ>το» ujto τον ίμςχΧον srxi/, 
ΰχ( « των ujrif χίίοιχ Τξ i%<u<rtu)v t >)tf ov ts seti vtj γύντξ ι- 
όν. Julius Pollux. 

« Άντΐ ην TTTtf \iyitov. These tassels with which the 
skirts of the ancients' armour were adorned, are, by 
our author, in his treatise of horsemanship, called sj-ti- 
fuyi;, which he says should be so large and in so great 
quantity, as to hide the lower part of the belly and 
thighs of the horseman, πι({ Si το «τ^ον χχί τά aiSoT» 

Χχί τχ χολχ χι 7ΤΤί(ν}Ίς το»χυτχι χχί τοο-χυτχ< £0"τιο0"«ν, 
«9-τί σ-τιγαν τχ μιλ.). 

4 su(j>.ijv. ίυ>)λ))• ςιφιίιον, ο ηνις δξίπχνον Κίγθυ'<π. 

Heeychius. 

ι Μ. χν Μγχπψ «%β». This seems to have deserved 
eome attention from the translators. What Xenophon 
calls Κ'-γν.* here, Julius Pollux, speaking of the differ- 
ent parts of a spear, calls αϊχμκ. The sharp iron at 
the other end, with which they fixed their pikes in the 
ground, the same author calls c-xjj wmg, after Homer, 
who describes the pikes ofDiomede and his companions 
in that posture, 

'y /,ι* *« r*».» 

Of»' ί π\ >rxue<oT)tfO; ΐλΐ|λ«το. 

I imagine the pikes of the Chalybians had not this 
lower iron. 



could supply themselves with nothing out of 
their country, but lived upon the cattle they had 
taken from the Taochians. 

They now came to the river Harpasus, which 
was four hundred feet broad ; and from thence 
advanced through the country of the Scythians 
and, in four days' march, made twenty para- 
sangs, passing through a plain into some 
villages ; in which they staid three days, and 
made their provisions. From this place they 
made, in four days' march, twenty parasangs, 
to a large and rich city well inhabited : it was 
called Gymnias. The governor of this coun- 
try sent a person to the Greeks, to conduct them 
through the territories of his enemies. This 
guide, coming to the army, said he would un- 
dertake, 6 in five days, to carry them to a place 
from whence they should see the sea. If not, 
he consented to be put to death. And when 
he had conducted them into the territories be- 
longing to his enemies, he desired them to lay 
waste the country with fire and sword : by 
which it was evident that he came with this 
view, and not from any good-will he bore to 
the Greeks. The fifth day, they arrived at the 
holy mountain called Theches. As soon as 
the men who were in the van-guard ascended 
the mountain, and saw the sea, they gave a 
great shout ; which, when Xenophon and those 
in the rear heard, they concluded that some other 
enemies attacked them in front ; for the people 
belonging to the country they had burned, fol- 
lowed their rear, some of whom those who had 
charge of it had killed, and taken others prisoners 
in an ambuscade. They had also taken twenty 
bucklers made of raw ox -hides, with the hair on. 

The noise still increasing as they came 
nearer, and the men, as fast as they came up, 
running to those who still continued shouting, 
their cries swelled with their numbers, so that 
Xenophon, thinking something more than 



* '0$tv nivrt Ϋ,μίξαιν οψοντχί θάλατ-ι jtv. I donOtknOW 

whether the Latin translators have rendered this pas- 
sage with perspicuity enough ; they have said, "a que 
etunde dierum quinque spatio mare conspecturi es- 
sent." Of which this seems to be the sense, that the 
guide said he would carry them to a place, from 
whence they should see the sea in five days after they 
arrived there : but this is not the sense of our author ; 
for it is obvious from what follows, that the five days 
were to be counted from the time he began to conduct 
them, not from the tin e they arrived at the place to 
which he was to conduct them. Accordingly we find, 
that in five days he led them to the mountain, from 
which they saw the sea. D'Ablancourt has said much 
better, " il promit de montrer la mer aux soldats dan/ 
cinq jours." 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



251 



ordinary had happened, mounted on horseback, 
and, taking with him Lyslus and his horse, 
rode up to their assistance : and presently they 
heard the soldiers calling out, ' sea ! sea V and 
cheering one another. At this they all set a 
running, the rear-guard as well as the rest, and 
the beasts of burden, and horses were driven 
forward. When they were all come up to the 
top of the mountain, they embraced one an- 
other, and also their generals and captains, 
with tears in their eyes ; and immediately the 
men, by whose order it is not known, bringing 
together a great many stones, made a large 
mount, upon which they placed a great quantity 
of shields made of raw ox-hides, staves, and 
bucklers taken from the enemy. The guide 
himself cut the bucklers in pieces, and exhorted 
the rest to do the same. After this, the 
Greeks sent back their guide, giving him pre- 
sents out of the public stock ; these were a 
horse, a silver cup, a Persian dress, and l ten 
daricks. But, above all things, the guide 
desired the soldiers to give him some of their 
rings, many of which they gave him. Having 
therefore shown them a village, where they 
were to quarter, and the road that led to the 
Macronians, when the evening came on, he 
departed, setting out on his return that night. 
From thence the Greeks, in three 4ays' march, 
made ten parasangs, through the country of 
the Macronians. 

VIII. During their first day's march, they 
came to a river, which divided the territories 
of the Macronians from those of the Scy- 
thians. The Greeks had on their right an 
eminence of very difficult access, and on their 
left another river, into which the river that 
served for a boundary between the two nations, 
and which the Greeks were to pass, emptied 
itself. The banks of this river were covered 
with trees, which were not large, but grew 
close to one another. These the Greeks 
immediately cut down, being in haste to get 
out of the place. The Macronians were drawn 
up on the opposite side, to obstruct their 
passage. They were armed with bucklers and 
spears, and wore vests made of hair. They 
animated one another, and threw stones into 
the river ; but as they did not reach our men, 
they could do us no damage. 

Upon this one of the targeteers coming to 



ιΔχ ?£1 χού ς δίχχ. See note 2 , page 169. 



Xenophon, said, he had formerly been a slave 
at Athens, that he understood tho language of 
these people : " and," says he, " if I am not 
mistaken, this is my own country, and, if there 
is no objection, I will speak to the people." 
Xenophon answered, « There is none, so speak 
to them," says he, " and first inquire what 
people they are." He did so, and they an- 
swered, they were Macronians. " Ask them, 
therefore," says Xenophon, «• why they are 
drawn up against us, and seek to be our 
enemies'?" To which they answered, « Be- 
cause you invade our country." The generals 
then ordered him to let them know, it was not 
with a view of doing them any injury ; « but 
that, having made war against the king, we 
were returning to Greece, and desirous to 
arrive at the sea." The Macronians asked, 
" whether they were willing to give assurance 
of this." The Greeks answered, that they 
were willing both to give and take it. Upon 
this the Macronians gave the Greeks a Bar- 
barian spear, and the Greeks gave them one of 
theirs ; for this, they said, was their method 
of pledging their faith ; and both parties cal- 
led upon the gods to be witnesses to their 
treaty. 

When this ceremony was over, the Macro- 
nians came in a friendly manner among the 
Greeks, and assisted them in cutting down the 
trees, in order to prepare the way for their pas- 
sage. They also supplied them with a market, 
in the best» manner they were able, and con- 
ducted them through their country during three 
days, till they brought them to the moun- 
tains of the 2 Colchians. One of these was 



a Tiv κόλχων. We have been a long time following 
Xenophon through countries, the greatest part of whose 
inhabitants are scarcely known but by his history. We 
are now beginning to tread upon classical ground, 
where almost every mountain, every river, and every 
city, is rendered famous by the actions of the Greeks 
and Romans, but more so by their writings. The Col- 
chians are immortalized by the Argonautic expedition, 
but their origin is not so generally known. Dionysius 
Periegetes, after Herodotus, makes them a colony of the 
^Egyptians. 

Πχ£ Si μυχύν Πόντοίο, μίτχ χ$'ονχ TfivSx^tSxwv 
Κολ%οι vxurccoutrt, μετί\Κυ$ις Ai'j-otttgjCj 

Κχυχχσ-ου ιγγυς ί'οντες 

Herodotus says they were either settled there by Sesoa- 
tris, or, being unwilling to follow him any further, re- 
mained there. This he supports by several arguments, 
as that they were blacks, and had curled hair, but 
chiefly because the Colchians, the Egyptians, and 



252 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



very large, but not inaccessible. And upon 
this the Colchians stood in order of battle. 
The Greeks, at first, drew up their army in a 
lino, with a design to march up the mountain 
in this disposition ; afterwards, the generals, 
being assembled, thought proper to deliberate 
in what manner they should engage the enemy 
with most advantage ; when Xenophon said it 
was his opinion they ought to change the dis- 
position, and dividing the heavy-armed men 
into companies of a hundred men each, to 
throw every company into a separate column ; 
" for," says he, " the mountain being in some 
places inaccessible, and in others of easy ascent, 
1 the line will presently be broken, and this 
will at once dishearten the men ; besides, if 
we advance with many men in file, the enemy's 
line will outreach ours, and they may apply 
that part of it which outreaches us, to what 
service they think proper ; and if with few we 
ought not to wonder, if they break through our 
line wherever their numbers and weapons unite 
to make an impression ; and if this happens in 
any part, the whole line must suffer. To 
avoid, therefore, these inconveniences, I think 
the several companies being thus drawn up in 
separate columns, ought to march at so great a 



Ethiopians, were the only people in the world that 
originally used circumcision ; the Phoenicians and Sy- 
rians in Palestine themselves acknowledging that they 
learned it from the Egyptians : Herodotus adds, that 
the Egyptians and Colchians agreed also in their way 
of living, and spoke the same language. If by the 
Syrians in Palestine, he means the Jews, as it is very 
probable, his opinion opens so large a field for argument, 
that, to treat it. cursorily would not be doing justice to 
a subject of so much consequence, and to go the whole 
length of it, would be not only invading the province of 
gentlemen much more capable of discussing it than 
myself, but would also swell this annotation much 
beyond its due length. 

ι Ή μ'ιν γίζ φίκ*γζ ίιχτττχτόίισ-ίτχι ιύίϋς. The rea- 
sons given here by Xenophon for attacking this moun- 
tain in columns, rather than in a line, being the same 
with those alleged by Polybius, in his dissertation upon 
the Macedonian phalanx, for the advantages which the 
Roman legions bad over it, I thought the English reader 
would not be displeased with a translation of this Dis- 
sertation, wherein we find a much more particular de- 
scription of the Macedonian phalanx, and of all its 
operations, than is to be met with in any other author, 
particularly, since the seventeenth book of Polybius, 
in which this Dissertation is, not being entire, has not, 
that I know of, been translated into our language. 
From the reasoning both of Xenophon and Polybius, it 
may be gathered that Philip, the son of Amyntas, and 
father to Alexander the Great, who we find, by Dio- 
dorus Siculus, instituted the Macedonian phalanx, did 
not improve the Greek discipline by that institution. 



distance from one another, that the last on each 
side may reach beyond the enemy's wings : by 
this means, not only our last companies will 
outreach their line, but, as we make our attack 
in columns, the bravest of our men will charge 
first ; and let every company ascend the moun- 
tain in that part where it is of easy access : 
neither will it be an easy matter for the enemy 
to fall into the intervals, when the companies 
are placed on each side, or to break through 
them, when they advance in columns ; and if 
any of the companies suffer, the next will re- 
lieve them, and if any one of them can by any 
means gain the summit, the enemy will no 
longer stand their ground." This was resolved 
on, so they divided the heavy-armed men into 
companies, and threw every company into a 
separate column ; then Xenophon, going from 
the right of the army to the left, spoke thus 
to the soldiers : " Gentlemen ! the enemy you 
see before you, are now the sole remaining ob- 
stacle that hinders us from being already in the 
place whither we are long eince hastening. 
These, if we can, we ought even to eat alive." 
When every man stood in his place, and all 
the companies were drawn up in columns, they 
amounted to about*eighty companies of heavy- 
armed, each of which consisted of near a hun- 
dred men ; the targeteers and archers they 
divided into three bodies of near six hundred 
men each, one of which they placed beyond the 
left wing, another beyond the right, and the 
third in the centre. Then the generals ordered 
the soldiers to make their vows to the gods, 
and after they had made them, and sung the 
paean, they marched. Cheirisophus and Xeno- 
phon advanced at the head of those targeteers, 
who were beyond the enemy's line ; these, see- 
ing them coming up, moved forward to receive 
them, and some filed off to the right, and other» 
to the left, leaving a great void in the centre. 
When the Arcadian targeteers who were com- 
manded by ^Eschines, the Arcadian, saw them 
divide, they ran forward in all haste, thinking 
they fled, and these were the first who gained 
the summit. They were followed by the Ar- ' 
cadian heavy-armed men, commanded by Clea- 
nor the Orchomenian. The enemy, when 
once they began to give ground, never stood 
after, but fled some one way, and some another. 
After the Greeks had gained the ascent, they 
encamped in many villages full of all sorts of 
provisions. Here they found nothing else 
worthy of their admiration ; but their being 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



253 



great quantities of * bee-hives in those villages, 
all the soldiers who ate of the honeycombs 
lost their senses, and were seized with a vomit- 
ing and purging, none of them being able to 
stand upon their legs. Those who ate but 
little, 2 were like men very drunk, and those 
who ate much, like madmen, and some like 
dying persons. In this condition great num- 
bers lay upon the ground, as if there had been 
a defeat, and the sorrow was general. The 
next day, none of them died, but recovered 
their senses about the same hour they were 
seized ; and the third and fourth day, they got 
up as if they had taken physic. 

From thence they made, in two days' march, 
seven parasangs, and arrived at the sea, and 3 at 
Trebisond, a Greek city, well inhabited, and 
situated upon the Euxine sea ; it is a colony of 
the Sinopians, but lies in the country of the 
Colchians. Here they staid about thirty days, 
encamping in the villages of the Colchians, and 
from thence made excursions into their coun- 
try, and plundered It. The inhabitants of 
Trebisond supplied them with a market in 
their camp, and received the Greeks with great 



t Ti Si α-μίνη. The accident, here mentioned by 
Xenophon, is accounted for by Pliny, and further ex- 
plained by Tournefort. The first says there is a kind 
of honey found in this country, called, from its effect, 
manomenon ; that is, that those who eat of it are seized 
with madness. He adds, that the common opinion is, 
that this honey is gathered from the flowers of a plant, 
called rhododendros, which is very common in those 
parts. Tournefort, when he was in that country, saw 
there two plants, which he calls chamarhododendros, 
the first with leaves like the medlar, and yellow flow- 
ers ; and the other with leaves like the laurocerasus , 
and purple flowers ; this, he says, is probably the rho- 
dodendros of Pliny, because the people of the country 
look upon the honey that is gathered from its flowers to 
produce the effects described by Xenophon. 

* Σφόδξ* μιθύονπν ίίΛΧΗτχν. Ressembloient a des 
yvrognes, says D'Ablancourt. Methinks he should 
have rather said, a des gens yvres, for I believe it will 
be allowed, that in his language, un yvrogne signifies 
an habitual drinker, and un homme yvre, a man who is 
actually drunk. 

» Ει? ΤςαττιξουντΛ. As this was a Greek city, the 
Greeks found themselves here in safety, after their long 
and glorious march. The port, which is on the east of 
the town, was built by the emperor Adrian, as we find 
by Arrian, who, in his Periplus of the Euxine Sea, 
which he dedicates to that emperor, says, "that he 
was making a port there, for, before, there was no more 
than a station, where ships could only ride at anchor, 
with safety,in the summer-time." ίι-ταύθ-α ο-ύ πο>>ΐ{ 

λι,αίνχ• 5τάλ.αι yxf'otrov «ττοο-αλιΰίΐι/ Gujalrouj, ο ςμος t\v, 

Tournefort says this part is now called Platana, and 
is much neglected by the Turks. 
22 



hospitality, making them presents of oxen, bar- 
ley-meal, and wine; they also concluded a 
treaty with them in favour of the neighbouring 
Colchians, the greatest part of whom inhabit 
the plain, and from these also the Greeks re- 
ceived more oxen, as a mark of their hospital- 
ity. After this they prepared the sacrifice 
they had vowed. They had received oxen 
enough to offer to Jupiter the preserver, and 
to Hercules, in return for their having con- 
ducted them with safety, and also to the other 
gods what they had vowed. They also cele- 
brated a Gymnic game upon the mountain 
where they encamped, and chose Dracontius 
of Sparta (who having involuntarily killed a 
boy with his falchion, fled from his country 
when he was a child) to take care of the course, 
and preside at the game. 

When the sacrifice was, over, they delivered 
the hides of the victims to Dracontius, and de- 
sired he would lead them to the place, where 
he had prepared the course. This hill, says 
he, pointing to the place where they stood, is 
the properest place for running, let them take 
which way they will. But, said they, how is 
it possible for them to wrestle in so uneven 
and so bushy a place 1 He that is thrown, re- 
plied he, will feel the greater anguish. 4 The 
course was run by boys, the greatest part of 
whom were prisoners, and the long course by 
above sixty Cretans : others contended in 
wrestling, boxing, and the pancratium. All 
which made a fine sight : 5 for many entered 
the lists, and, as their friends were spectators, 
there was great emulation. Horses also ran ; 



* ΣτάίίΟν, ίάλιχον, πάΚην, ττνγμην, πχγχςχτιον. The 

five games, so much celebrated in Greece, are contain- 
ed in the following pentameter verse, 

Άλμα, jroiu)Xi»»|v, ίίΐτκον, «χοντα, πχ\*ν. 

Leaping, running, throwing of the disk, and of darts, 
and wrestling. The first is not here taken notice of ; 
under the second is comprehended o-raiiovandioxixoi, 
the former being a course of six hundred feet, τΙ σ-τά- 
3•«ον ϊ%ι» 5ΓΟί*ί %'. Suidas, and the latter containing 
twenty-four stadia, «ο-τ* Si i ίολ<%θ5 xS'. ο-τάί»», id. It 
is possible that πά,κ* may, in that verse, be taken for 
ivxxKivo7rx\tt f that is, that both boxing and wrestling 
might be comprehended under the word πά,κη, which 
in that case will be the same with πχγχς άτ«ον, since 
this consisted both of boxing and wrestling, πχγχςχη• 

χττχϊς• α5•λ»)τα?ς ττύχταις, ο'ι ταΓ^ χιςοΊ τοΓ; ττουο-» πυχ• 

τυμχχουο -t. Suidas. However, we find them distin- 
guished by Xenophon upon this occasion. 

ι Πολλοί γίς χχτίζηο-χν. In this sense Horace ueee 
the word descendo. 

hie generosior 

Descendat in campum pelitor 



254 



XENOPHON. 



[book IV 



they were obliged to run down to the sea, and 
turning there, to come up again to the l altar. 
In the descent, many rolled down the hill, but, 
when they came to climb it, the 2 ascent was so 



ι n>bj τ*» βαμον. It is very probable, as Hutchinson 
has observed, that this altar might be one of those ta- 
ken notice of by Arrian, in his Periplus, which, he says, 
were standing in his time, and built of rough stone. 

β Αν» Ji χ(1ς rl 1<τχ\ΐξ*ς 0{S»o» JuoMj βί$ην ia-Ofluor- 

τβ ο? ««-«-οι. Not only the sense of the words, but their 
order admirably represents the labour of the horse•, in 



very steep the horses could scarcely come in at 
a foot pace. Upon this the spectators shouted, 
and laughed, and animated their friends. 



climbing the steep ascent. Homer has led the way in 
this, as in all other beauties both of thought and style. 
With what difficulty does Sisyphus crowd up the stone 
to the top of the hill ! 

Αχχν etvai SybtTiit Λ-οτϊ λοφον — 

And then, with what celerity does it come bourdinj 
down ! 

— crura <r«#cyij χυλινίίτο λ««; iv*tSfa. 



THE 



DISSERTATION OF POLYBIUS 



UPON THE 



MACEDONIAN PHALANX. 



Having promised, in the * fourth Book, to 
compare, upon a proper occasion, the arms of 
the Romans and Macedonians, and the dif- 
ferent dispositions of their respective armies, 
as also to consider the advantages and dis- 
advantages of both ; I shall take the oppor- 
tunity of their being engaged together, to 
endeavour to perform my promise. For since 
the Macedonian disposition, recommending 
itself by success, formerly prevailed over that 
of the Asiatics and Greeks ; and on the other 
side, the Roman disposition has been victo- 
rious over that of the Africans, and of all the 
inhabitants of the western part of Europe ; 
and since, in our time, there has been not only 
one, but many trials of the dispositions and 
soldiers of both nations ; it will be a useful and 
a creditable undertaking to inquire into the 
difference of their discipline, and consider the 
cause of the victories of the Romans, and of 
their excelling all other nations in military 
achievements, to the end we may not, by 
attributing their success to fortune, like weak 
men, compliment the victorious without foun- 
dation ; but, by being acquainted with the true 
reasons of it, celebrate and admire the con- 
querors with justice. 

As to what relates to the battles, in which the 
Romans were engaged with Hannibal, and the 
defeats they received from him, it is unneces- 
sary to enlarge upon them, since they were not 
owing either to their arms, or their disposition, 

* See page 252, note 1. 



but to a superiority of genius, and conduct in 
Hannibal. This we have made appear in the 
relation of those battles : and this is farther 
confirmed by the event of the war, (for as soon 
as the Romans were commanded by a general 
equal to Hannibal, they presently became victo- 
rious,) and also by the conduct of Hannibal him- 
self, who, disliking the arms his men had till 
then made use of, upon the first victory he gain- 
ed over the Romans, immediately armed his 
forces with the arms of the latter, and con- 
tinued to use them ever after. It is also cer- 
tain, that Pyrrhus not only made use of Italian 
arms, but also of Italian forces, in his engage- 
ments with the Romans, placing a body of 
Italians, and of his own men, drawn up in a 
phalanx, alternately : however, not even by 
this means, was he able to beat the Romans, 
but the event of all their battles proved doubt- 
ful. It was necessary to premise these things, 
to the end that nothing may seem to contradict 
our assertions. I now return to the proposed 
comparison. Many arguments may convince 
us that nothing can resist the phalanx in front, 
or withstand its onset, when possessed of all 
the advantages that are peculiar to it : for each 
man, with his arms, when drawn up in order of 
battle, takes up three feet in depth ; and their 
pikes, though originally sixteen cubits in length, 
are however, in reality, fourteen ; of these, 
four are taken up by the distance between hie 
hands, and so much of the hinder part of the 
pike, as is necessary to balance the fore part, 
when presented to the enemy. This being so, 

256 



256 



DISSERTATION 



it is plain that the pike, when grasped with 
both hands and presented, must project ten 
cubits before each man. Hence it happens, 
that the pikes of the fifth rank will project two 
cubits, and those of the second, third, and 
fourth, will project more than two before the 
file leaders, and when the intervals between 
the ranks and files of the phalanx are properly 
observed, as Homer has shown in these verses, 

" An iron scene gleams dreadful o'er the fields. 
Armour in armour lock'd, and shields in shields. 
Spears lean on spears, on targets targets-throng. 
Helms stuck to helms, and man drove man along." 

Pope. 

This being truly and beautifully expressed, it 
follows, that five pikes, differing two cubits 
from one another, in length, must project be- 
fore each of the file-leaders; so that it is an 
easy matter to represent to one's self, the ap- 
pearance, and strength of the whole phalanx, 
when being, as usual, drawn up sixteen deep, 
presenting its pikes, it makes an attack. Of 
these sixteen ranks, those that exceed the fifth 
cannot contribute, with their pikes, to annoy 
the enemy ; for which reason they do not pre- 
sent them, but each rank inclines them over 
the shoulders of that before it, in order to se- 
cure them from above ; the pikes, by their 
closeness defending them from the missive 
weapons, which might otherwise, by flying 
over the foremost ranks, fall upon those who 
stand behind them. Besides, each of these 
ranks, pressing in file, with the whole weight 
of their body, the rank which immediately pre- 
cedes, they not only strengthen the attack, but 
make it impossible for the foremest ranks to 
retreat This being the disposition of the 
phalanx in the whole, and in part, we are now 
to give an account of the properties and differ- 
ence of the Roman arms and disposition, by 
comparing them together. The Romans like- 
wise, with their arms, take up three feet in 
depth : but, as they cover their bodies with 
their shields, changing their guard at every 
stroke, and make use of their swords both to 
cut, and thrust, it happens that their line of 
battle is in a perpetual fluctuation ; this makes 
it necessary for each man to have room, and an 
interval of, at least, three feet, both in rank and 
in file, if it is expected he should do his duty ; 
from whence it follows, that one Roman will 
stand opposite to two file-leaders of the pha- | 
lanx, and consequently be exposed to, and en- 
gaged with ten spears which it is not possible ' 



for one man, when once the armies close, to 
cut to pieces, before he is annoyed by them, or 
easy to break through, since the hindmost ranks 
can contribute nothing either to the force of the 
file-leaders, or to the efficacy of their swords. 
From what has been said it may be easily con- 
cluded that, as I before observed, nothing can 
withstand the onset of the phalanx in front, 
while it preserves all the advantages that are 
peculiar to it. What, therefore, is the cause 
that gives the victory to the Romans, and de- 
feats those who make use of the phalanx ? It 
is this : military operations are uncertain both in 
time and place ; whereas the phalanx has but 
one time, one place, and one disposition, in 
which it can perform the service that is expec- 
ted from it. If, therefore, there was a neces- 
sity for the enemy to engage the phalanx at its 
own time and place, in every decisive action, it 
is reasonable to conclude, from what has been 
said, that the latter would always prove vic- 
torious. But, if this is possible, and easy to 
be avoided, why should that disposition be any 
longer looked upon as formidable ? And, in- 
deed, it is allowed that the phalanx stands in 
need of an even and open ground, where there 
is no impediment, such as ditches, chasms, val- 
leys, eminences, and rivers : for all these are 
capable of confounding, and breaking its ranks. 
It must also be allowed, that it is almost im- 
possible, at least, very rare, to find places of 
twenty or more stadia, in which there is no- 
thing of this nature ; however, admit there are 
such places ; if the enemy does not think fit to 
engage the phalanx there, but, instead of that, 
marches round, and lays waste the towns and 
country of their friends, what will be the ser- 
vice of such a disposition ? Since, while the 
phalanx remains in the places that are proper 
for it, so far is it from being able to relieve its 
friends, that it is incapable even of preserving 
itself; for the enemy will easily cut off their 
provisions, the moment they have, without op- 
position, made themselves absolute masters of 
the country : and, if the phalanx quits the places 
that are proper for it, to engage in any enter- 
prise, it will become an easy conquest. But if 
the enemy, resolving to engage the phalanx in 
an even place, should, instead of exposing his 
whole army at once to the onset of the pha- 
lanx, retreat a little the instant it charges, the 
event may be easily foreseen from what the 
Romans now practise. For I desire no judg- 
ment to be formed . of my assertion from what 



ON THE MACEDONIAN PHALANX. 



257 



I eay, but from what has already happened : 
since the Romans do not engage the phalanx 
with all their legions drawn up in a line parallel 
to the former ; but some divisions of them lie 
behind in reserve, while others are engaged ; so 
that, whether the phalanx forces those who are 
opposite to it to give way, or is itself forced by 
them to give way, the property of it is destroyed : 
for, in order to pursue those who fly, or to fly 
from those who pursue, some parts of the line 
must leave the rest ; which no sooner happens, 
than an opening is given for the reserve to take 
the ground they left, and, instead of attacking 
those who remain in front, to break in upon their 
flanks, or their rear. Since, therefore, it is an 
easy matter to avoid the opportunities and ad- 
vantages of the phalanx, but impossible for the 
latter to avoid those the Romans have over it, 
how is it possible there should not in reality 
be a great difference between them 1 Besides, 
it is sometimes necessary for the phalanx to 
march trough, and encamp• in all sorts if 
22• 



places ; at others, to prevent the enemy by 
seizing some advantageous post ; sometimes to 
besiege, at others, to be besieged, and to meet 
with unexpected occurrences ; for all these 
things are incident to war, and either decide 
the victory, or greatly contribute to it : and, in 
all these, the disposition of the Macedonians 
is of little or no use ; it being impossible for 
the men, either in companies, or singly, to per- 
form any service : whereas that of the Romans 
is properly adapted to all ; for every Roman, 
when once armed for action, is equally fit for 
all places, for all times, and all occurrences ; he 
is also ready and equally disposed either for a 
general, or a particular action, to charge with 
his company, or engage in a single combat. 
As, therefore, the disposition of the Romans 
is vastly superior to that of the Macedonians 
in the use of all its parts, so the enterprises of 
the former are vastly more successful than 
those of the fatter 



3H 



GEOGRAPHICAL DISSERTATION 

[269] 






The following Geographical Dissertation is a work of so much learning, that I am c'on- 
fident it will be thought not only to explain, but even to adorn the Expedition of Cy- 
rus ; and though at first, I believe, only designed as a compliment to my book- 
seller, is received with as great acknowledgment by the author, as it will be with ap- 
probation by the public. There are, I observe, some points, in which this learned 
gentleman differs from me in Chronology, and the computation of the Greek mea- 
sures, or rather from Diodorus Siculus, and Arbuthnot, whom I have followed ,• but 
I could never answer it either to the public, or myself, if any difference of opinion in 
those points could create in me a wish to deprive them of so great an improvement^ or 
my work of so great an ornament. 



f260] 



GEOGRAPHICAL DISSERTATION. 



It is observed by a late ingenious author, that 
a prince so entirely bent upon the enlarging 
of his territories, as Lewis XIV. was, could 
not be very well pleased with the mathema- 
ticians who measured his kingdom; for that, 
by fixing the true boundaries of his dominions, 
they robbed him of more land, than he could 
have any hopes of regaining by four or five of 
his most successful campaigns. The Mahom- 
medan princes have still a stronger tie (if 
stronger can be than ambition) in this respect; 
their religion obliges them, both to extend 
their borders, and to be in a peculiar manner 
tenacious of what they already possess. How 
therefore the Grand Seignior may relish the 
measures of our modern geographers, I cannot 
take upon me to say ; but certain it is, that 
they have deprived him of so much land (which 
before he had an uncontested title to), that had 
the Grand Monarque suffered in such a de- 
gree, the world would never afterwards have 
had any reason to fear the Gallic power. 

The Arabians, who are the geographers the 
Turks are most conversant with, lay down 
Byzantium, and the northern parts of Asia 
Minor, in about 45 degrees of north latitude ; 
Ptolemy in 1 about 43 ; and the southern parts 
of Cilicia, Paraphilia, &c. in 2 36° 30' ; where- 



* He places Byzantium in 43• 5'. Bitliyniae Promon- 
torium in 43" 20'. Heraclea, Ponti 43" 10'. Parthenii 
Ostia43°10'. Sinope44<\ Halys Ostia 43» 10'. Amisus 
43" 6\ and Trapezus 43• 5'. So that M. Greaves (Phi• 
losopb. Transact. No. 178.) had no occasion to have re- 
course to Ptolemy's Almagest. Magn. to prove there is 
no error crept into the text, with regard to the latitude 
of Byzantium, since all these places correspond with it, 
and particularly Chalcedon, which stood over against 
it, he puts exactly in the same latitude, viz. 43° 5'. 

* I say in 36° 30', though I might have said less : for 
he places the middle of Rhodes in 35°. Xanthi Fluv. 
Ostia in 36• 0'. Phaselis 36* 25', and Issue 36• 25'. 



as in fact the former lie in about 41°, and the 
latter in 37°. So that the Arabians make this 
part of the Grand Seignior's dominions four 
degrees and a half; Ptolemy, and by far the 
greatest part of the geographers ever since, two 
degrees and a half broader than in reality it is ; 
which, considering the length of the Euxine 
sea, namely, more than a thousand miles, is so 
considerable a portion of country, as a super- 
stitious Mahommedan could not be easily 
brought to part with. 

I think I may venture to say, that the 
Arabians are not to be complimented with 
having made any great improvements in geo- 
graphy. It is probable, the first of them 
made use of a faulty copy of Ptolemy in laying 
down the places above mentioned, or, it may 
be, instead of 43° 5', he mistook the letters, and 
made it 45°, and the rest followed him without 
ever inquiring into the truth. But for Pto- 
lemy, who will, I believe, be allowed to be the 
greatest geographer the world ever produced, 
to fall into such a mistake, is very surprising; 
when we consider, that 3 Herodotus posi- 
tively affirms, that a man, prepared for expedi- 
tion, could go on foot from the Cilician sea to 
the Euxine in five days. Indeed Ptolemy 
makes a degree of the great circle to consist of 
but five hundred stadia, and consequently the 
breadth of Asia Minor (as it is commonly 
called) will not be increased in proportion to 
the number of degrees, it being, according to 
this computation, about four hundred miles 
English : but this is a great deal too much, es- 
pecially as the country is very mountainous, 
for a footman to despatch in so short a time as 
five days. 

Strabo, from Eratosthenes, 4 places the 



« In Clio, cap. 72. 






* Book ii. in the beginning. 
261 



262 



GEOGRAPHICAL 



Sinus Issicus in the same parallel with the 
Fretum Gaditanum ; which is pretty near the 
truth : but then he says again from Hipparchus, 
1 that Narbon, Massalia, and Byzantium lie 
under one parallel. This it is probable 2 led 
Ptolemy into the mistake above-mentioned. 
The latitude of Massalia had been determined 
to be about 43°, by the observations of Pytheas. 
He therefore placed Byzantium and the shore 
of the Euxine in the same latitude, and of con- 
sequence made all this country almost double 
what it is in reality. Indeed Strabo proves 
afterwards, by an 3 odd sort of reasoning, that 

ι Book ii. page 212, and in other places. 

» There might another reason be assigned for Pto- 
lemy's placing Byzantium so far to the northward, and 
that is his making a degree of the great circle to con- 
sist of but five hundred stadia, whereas in reality it 
contains very near six hundred and five: so that the 
greater the distance, the more in proportion are the 
number of degrees increased; six of Ptolemy's not 
being quite equal to five of the great circle. And 
thus we find that the distance between Alexandria, 
in Egypt, the place of Ptolemy's residence, and By- 
zantium, is in reality about ten degrees, the former 
being near tbirty-one, the latter in forty-one; whereas 
Ptolemy increasing one degree in five, has placed By- 
zantium in forty-three. However, as Hipparchus in 
Strabo does affirm, that Byzantium is by observation 
exactly in the same latitude with Massalia, Φιο-ι γίς ί* 
Βυζ*»τια> τβν αύτϊν £«ν«» λο^οκ τοΰ γνύμονζς π(ος τήκ 
β -xiiv, cv £?5γι* ό Π«&ί*5 iv Μχσ-τχΚί»; and as Ptolemy 
makes them exactly the same, viz. μγ. ι 5. 43, 5. I think 
it is most probable be was misled by those authorities. 
We may from this be convinced how little stress ought 
to be laid upon the observations of the ancients, and 
how far their authority is to be relied on, with regard to 
the motion of the poles of the earth. Mr. Cassini, in the 
Mem. of the Acad. Hoyale, has treated this subject in a 
very curious and ample manner ; after which I am sur- 
prised how M. Voltaire (Philosophie de Nueton, cap. 
23) could espouse this opinion of the poles shifting after 
the rate of one minute in 100 years, and affirm that the 
Egyptian astronomers had made regular observations 
of the heavens for two whole revolutions of the poles: 
which makes the Egyptians a very ancient nation in- 
deed: for two revolutions amount to no less than 
4,320,000 years. This he gathers from Herodotus, who 
says that the Egyptian annals mention the sun's ming 
twice in the west. A consequence this, which nothing 
but an exalted genius could have drawn! But we must 
remember this gentleman is a poet as well as a philo- 
sopher. 

» He says, "It is allowed by most people, that the 
line which is drawn from the straits of Gibraltar 
through the fare of Messina, Athens, and Rhodes, 
makes all these places lie under the same parallel. It is 
also allowed that this line (from the Straits to the 
fare) passes somewhere very near the middle of the 
eea. Now we are assured by navigators, that the great- 
est distance from France (from the gulf of Lyons to 
Africa, is no more than 5000 stadia: and consequently 
that this is the breadth of the Mediterranean in the 



the parallel of Byzantium is much more north- 
ward than that of Massalia ; because from By- 
zantium to Rhodes, (which lies in the same 
parallel with the Fretum Gaditanum) he says, 
is allowed by all, to be four thousand nine hun- 
dred stadia : but that from Massalia to the 
aforesaid parallel is not quite two thousand five 
hundred. We may presume that Strabo, 
though a very cautious and very modest writer, 
did not attend to the words of Herodotus : for, 
if he had, he must have concluded, that upon 
the supposition of Hipparchus and Eratosthe- 
nes, a footman could travel in five days the 
whole breadth of Spain, that is, from the Fre- 
tum Gaditanum (the straits of Gibraltar) to 
the Mare Cantabrium, (the bay of Biscay) 
and upon his own supposition in much less; 
either of which a man of his intelligence must 
know to be quite impracticable. 

All that can be said in this case is, that the 
greatest part of the ancients looked upon He- 
rodotus, as an author that indulged himself too 
much in the privilege of travellers ; and there- 
fore in general seem to give very little credit to 
what he advances : though time and experience 
have at last convinced the world, that he had 
a genius superior to the rest of mankind : that 
his diligence and veracity were equal to his 
genius ; and that he, like our countryman R. 
Bacon, discovered truths too sublime for the 
contemplation of the age he lived in. 

This I thought proper to premise, because 
several modern map-makers, and 4 some late 
authors, still adhere to Ptolemy, in placing By- 
zantium and the Euxine two degrees too far to 
the northward. I shall for the future confine 
myself to the proper subject of this dissertation, 
namely, to the route which the Greek army took, 



broadest place. So that from the aforesaid line to the 
farthest comer of the gulf of Lyons, must be 2500 
stadia, and to Massalia somewhat less, because it stands 
more southward than the bight of the Bay. But from 
Rhodes to Byzantium is 4900 stadia : so that the paral- 
lel of Byzantium must be a great deal more northward 
(ποκϋ α.ξγ.τίχ.ώτΐξος) than that of Massalia." page 115. 
The fallacy of this argument is quickly perceived, by 
only casting an eye upon any common map where we 
shall find the difference of latitude between Rhodes 
and Constantinople is not four degrees, that is, not 2500 
stadia; and that the parallel of the Straits runs into the 
coast of Africa. 

* Some of these Mr. Spelman has followed in note 11, 
book iv. page 243, where he says that Armenia lies be- 
tween the 40th and 43rd degrees of latitude; whereas 
Trebisond lies in 40• 4', so that Armenia cannot reach at 
moit to above forty and -a half. 



DISSERTATION. 



261 



in their expedition to Babylon, and in their re- 
turn back again. 

Xcnophon begins his account of their march 
from Sardes, the capital of Lydla, because he 
there joined the army, but afterwards constantly 
computes from Ephesus, the sea-port from 
whence he began his journey. They directed 
their 1 march through the middle of the country ; 
through Lydia, Phrygia, Lycaonia, Cappado- 
cia, and 2 Cilicia, to the gates of Syria, near the 
upper end of Sinus Issicus. 

From thence they proceeded to Myriandrus, 
a sea-port town, of which no footsteps that I 
can hear of at present remain. Ptolemy 3 
places it twenty minutes south of Alexandria 
penes Issum (Scanderun,) upon the same me- 
ridian ; but whoever casts his eye upon the 
chart of the bay of Scanderun, will soon per- 
ceive this to be impossible ; because the bay 
lies near the north-east and south-west, and 
both these towns stood upon the shore. All 
that we can gather from it is, that they were 
distant from each other twenty of Ptolemy's 
minutes, i. e. nineteen English miles ; and that 
therefore Myriandrus is to be placed at the en- 
trance into the bay, just within the Scopulus 
Rhossicus, now called, Ras al Khanzir. 

From hence, the army, in four days' march, 
made twenty parasangs, (in our language 
leagues) and came to the river Chalus, very just- 
ly, by the great Delisle, supposed to be the Cha- 
lib, or Alep, the river of Aleppo ; because the 
name is not only the same, allowing for the 
different genius of languages ; but the distance 
shows it can be no other. For as Aleppo is 
about twenty small hours' journey from Scande- 
run, so it must be something more from 
Myriandrus, which lay near south-west from 
the latter of those places ; and as there lies a 
great bog in the direct road, which was made 

* I shall speak more particularly of this march, when 
I come to take notice of M. Delisle's computations. 

* I would recommend the following passage in Dio- 
dorus Siculus to the consideration of the next editor of 

that author ; Ό ii Ku e o{, i τταδη Sty{K$i rijv Κ<λ<χι'«ν, χαί 
%-χξ *y£vt)^>) 7Γζ ος ττολο» 'Io-o-bv, sjti •θ•«λώττιΐ5 μ\ν χιιμι• 
νιΐν, £<Γ%*τ>)ν ί* ουσ-χν t^j KiX.4x<stj, κατ»π\ιΰ<τ»ς tig «ΰ. 

r»v. Booth translates it, " Having marched almost 
through all Cilicia, he took shipping, and arrived at last 
by sea at Issus, the utmost city of that country, near 
♦he sea-side." Which is indeed a verbal translation of 
the Latin version ; but how to reconcile it with the ori- 
ginal, or with Xenophon's account of this march, I 
confess, I cannot tell. 

3 Alexandria penes Issum long. 69° 10', lat. 36° 10', 
Myriandrus 69° 10'. lat. 35" 50'. Mr Delisle has placed 
this town fifteen minutes to the north of Alexandretta. 



passable but of late years, and which Cyrus's 
army was to go almost round ; we may con- 
clude, that all these put together, must make 
the distance from Myriandrus to the Chalus, 
twenty parasangs, or Persian leagues. In 
mentioning the Chalus, I cannot but make one 
remark, and that is, that it is, in one respect, 
very different from what it was formerly. 
Xenophon says, it was full of fish in his time ; 
and gives a very good 4 reason for it. Rauwolf 
says, there is great scarcity of fish at Aleppo, 
though the inhabitants do not esteem them ; 
but the reason he gives for their indifference to 
this sort of victuals, seems to me a little extra- 
ordinary ; he says, " It is because most of them 
drink water instead of wine." 5 

From the Chalus, in five days' march, they 
made thirty parasangs, and came to the sources 
of the river Daradax, which Xenophon affirms 
to be one hundred feet broad ; by which we 
must naturally conclude, that the army march- 
ed along the bank of it a considerable way ; 
because we cannot suppose any river in this 
country, the edge of the desert of Arabia, to be 
one hundred feet in breadth at the source. 
What river this was, or what is the present 
name of it, is difficult, perhaps impossible, to 
determine. The plethrnm, or measure of one 
hundred feet, is but a lax way of reckoning, 
and might, perhaps, be applied to rivers a 6 great 
deal less than one hundred feet in breadth : 
as our 7 measures, in modern times, are of- 
ten applied to rivers in a very random manner. 
However, as modern travellers take no notice 
of any such river, we must let it rest as it is, 
till more satisfactory discoveries are made in 
these parts. What surprises me most in this 
very particular account of their march is, that 
our author takes no notice of the river, now 
called 8 Ephrin, about half way between the bay 



* Because the inhabitants of that country worshipped 
them as gods. See Book i. page 172. 

» Travels published by J. Ray, part, i. c. 8. 

• Thus we find Xenophon applies the measure of one 
hundred feet to some of the rivers of Cilicia, which other 
authors call no more than brooks falling from Mount 
Taurus cross a small plain into the sea. 

*In this manner Rauwolf says the Euphrates is half a 
league broad at Babylon ; whereas Sir Thomas Herbert 
says it is only almost double the breadth of the Thames 
at London. At Bir, Rauwolf says, it is a mile broad ; 
Maundrel, that it is as broad as the Thames at London. 

» Tavernier mentions two rivers between Alexan- 
dretta and Aleppo : over the first he says is a bridge 
very long and strongly built, Book i. cap. 1. But in 
this he is mistaken, the bridge and causeway being laid 






264 



GEOGRAPHICAL 



of Seanderun ami Aleppo ; and which the army 
must of necessity pass in their march to the 
East ; for it rises in the mountains above 
Korus, ami falls into the lake of Antioch. This 
river is at least as considerable as the Chalus, 
and much more so, I dare venture to say, than 
any river between Aleppo and the Euphrates. 
This, among a great many others, some of 
which I shall have occasion to mention in the 
sequel of this discourse, does almost prevail 
upon me to think, that Xenophon kept no 
journal, at least no regular one, of this ex- 
pedition ; but that he drew it up a great many 
years afterwards, at his leisure, in his * exile, 
from the several particulars, which must have 
made a very strong impression upon his me- 
mory. This will not seem so strange, when 
we consider, that, in Xenophon's days, writing 
was not what it is in our's ; the materials were 
not easy to be had, nor were they easy to be 
carried in such marches as they performed. 

From the source of the Daradax, they march- 
ed, in three days, fifteen parasangs, to Thap- 
sacus, upon the Euphrates. This city, though 
nothing at .present remains of it but the name, 
was formely a place of great note : it was the 
frontier town of the kingdom of Israel, in the 
days of David and Solomon : for it is said, 1 
Kings iv. 24, that Solomon ^33 TYY\ ΓΡΠ 

n-jbiy-i -imn -oy ^Sd bpi rvy "ijfl γ\ώώπό 

"ΙΠ2Π ~\Dy that is, He had dominion over all on 
this side the river, from Thapsakh even to Ngaza 
over all the kings on this side the river, viz. the 
Euphrates. Our translators have rendered 
them Tiphsah and Azzah, which puts such a 
disguite upon these two noted cities, that I dare 
to say, very few people, upon seeing these 
names in the bible, have been able to know 
them. Such confusion has the pointing of 
the Hebrew brought into that primitive and 
sacred language ! Thapsakh, in the original, 
signifies a pass, or passing over, or perhaps, 
in this place, more properly a ford ; for as 
in our nation, there are at present bridges over 
most of the rivers at such places as end in 

over the bog above mentioned ; the other he calls Af- 
rora, and says that upon rains it is not fordable. This 
Ϊ3 the Ephrin, the fording of which does frequently so 
much damage to the bales of goods, that our Turkey 
merchants, some years ago, proposed to build a bridge 
over it at their own expense ; but the Turks would not 
consent, and so the design was dropped. 

1 1 shall speak of this more particularly towards the 
end of thi3 dissertation. 



ford, such as Oxford, Wallingford, Hertford, 
and the like, yet it is certain that these names 
were given them from fording the rivers at 
those places before the bridges were built. In 
like manner, it is more than probable, that 
Thapsakh was so called, from the Euphrates 
being fordable at that place ; because it was a 
town of note in David's time, and consequently 
must have had its name long before, in those 
times of simple nature, when ferry-boats, and 
bridges of boats, were not invented. Ptolemy 
makes the Euphrates fordable here ; and Rau- 
wolf, about the same place found the river so 
full of shoals, that though their boats could 
draw but little water, the navigation was ex- 
tremely dangerous. And, indeed, Menon, who 
was a man of great cunning, must have drawn 
this secret from somebody, else it can scarcely 
be supposed, he would attempt to pass a river 
near half an English mile in breadth, that is 
broader than the Thames at Woolwich. This 

1 have been the more particular in, with a de- 
sign to show what a notable compliment the 
inhabitants of Thapsacus paid Cyrus, when 
they told him that the gods had wrought a 
miracle in his favour, by making the river, the 
great river, to submit to his authority ; inas- 
much as it was never known to be fordable be- 
fore this time. 

I cannot here pass without taking notice of 
a great error crept into the copies of Strabo , 
where speaking of Alexander's design of sub- 
duing the Arabs, he tells us, « That great con- 
queror, seeing the impossibility of attacking 
them by land, proposed to build a great quan- 
tity of boats, in Phoenicia and Cyprus, and 

2 transporting them seven stadia, to Thapsacus, 
to convey them, by means of the river, to Ba- 
bylon." Which makes it not a mile from the 
coast of the Mediterranean to Thapsacus, 
whereas, it must be at least one hundred and 
fifty. I cannot find that any of the learned 



!» Book XVI. page 741. Ά χομκτίιντχ tig Θάψ^χον, 
<γτ*5Ίο»5 irri ι»τ» τ<ο ποτοιμη χαταχ.ομιτ$^ν»ι με'χ,ςι Β»- 

ζυχψνος. It is certain that Strabo, in composing such 
a work as his Geography is, must consult a very great 
variety of authors; and though he himself always 
makes use of the stadium in computing of distances, 
yet in transcribing other writings, he might sometimes 
be forced to adopt other terms: for instance, in this 
place, he might meet with ο•τ*6μο7ς infr», and put it 
down so, as not being able to determine the exact quan- 
tity; which some ignorant scribe, seeing a-rxSi^; m 
all other places made use of, might change, and think 
he had done his author great service. 



DISSERTATION, 



265 



men, who have made their observations upon 
this author, have taken any notice, much less 
made any attempt towards the clearing up of 
this passage. 

Pliny, Stephanus of Byzantium, and Lucan, 
affirm, that Alexander passed the Euphrates 
at Zeugma, (a place near two hundred and 
thirty miles higher up the river than Thapsa- 
cus,) contrary to the authority of all other his- 
torians, and the nature of the thing itself; for 
as Alexander was at Tyre, in his return from 
Egypt, and was to direct his march towards 
Arbela, it would have been near four hundred 
miles out of his way to have gone to Zeugma. 
What might probably lead Pliny and the rest 
into this mistake, was the name of the place : 
for 1 Zeugma was so called, because a bridge 
was laid over the Euphrates there ; and as 
there was also a bridge over the Euphrates 
at Thapsacus, it might easily lead authors, 
at so great a distance, into such a mistake. 
The reason Mr. Hutchinson gives, namely, 
that 2 these authors must speak of different 
expeditions, sounds somewhat strange to me : 
because it ,is certain, that Alexander made but 
one expedition against the Persians ; at least, 
(which is most to our purpose) that he never 
passed the Euphrates but once in these parts. 

As to Ptolemy's placing Thapsacus in 
Arabia Deserta, whereas all other authors 
place it in Syria, it is but very little material ; 
because though it is really within the limits of 
Syria, yet it stands 3 in the desert which ad- 
joins to Arabia. This great geographer places 
Thapsacus in thirty-five degrees of latitude; 
but as he puts all the sea-coast half a degree 
too far towards the south, so I have ventured 
to place this in 35° 30'. 



t What Pliny says, Book v. cap. 26. Scinditur Eu- 
phrates a Zeugmate cctoginta tribus millibus passuum; 
et parte lava in Mesopotamiam, vadit per ipsam Seleu- 
ciam, circa earn prafluenti ivfusus Tigri, is sufficient 
to persuade us, that either there is some error in the 
text, or that Zeugma was a lax term applied to several 
places; for Zeugma, properly so called, stood some- 
where near the place where Bir now stands, from 
whence, to the end of the mountains of Mesopotamia, 
is near three hundred miles : and from thence to the 
plain country of Babylonia, where this division most 
assuredly was, must be above four hundred miles ; so 
that instead of eighty, perhaps it should be eight 
hundred. 

a De diversis nimir%m expeditionihus intelligcnda 
videntur discrepantes auctorum varrationcs. Dissert, 
page 8. 

8 The desert begins two or three leagues from Alep- 
po. Tavcrnier, Book ii. cap. 3. 

23 



The army having passed the Euphrates, 
marched upon the banks of it, for the most 
part: I say, for the most part, because they 
did not do it constantly ; since Xenophon tells 
us, pag. 26. b. i. that some of their marches 
were very long, when Cyrus had a mind the 
army should go on, till they came to water or 
forage. Now they cannot be supposed to 
quicken their marches for want of water, while 
they travelled on the bank of so fine a river. 
We are but little acquainted with the course 
of the Euphrates, though several travellers 
halve sailed down it. It is probable, that the 
river makes some great windings towards the 
south, where no man that is acquainted with 
the country, would keep to the bank of it ; one 
of these Rauwolf mentions, 4 which took them 
up more than half a day to pass. 

Strabo makes the distance between Thap- 
sacus and Babylon, following the course of the 
Euphrates, (that is, the route this army took) 5 
to be four thousand eight hundred stadia, and, 
as it is repeated very often, we depend upon it, 
there is no error crept into the text : and as the 
Greeks in Alexander's time, and for several 
years afterwards, travelled this way, the dis- 
tance must be very well known. However, 
Xenophon, in his account of this march, makes 
it a great deal more, as we shall see by laying 
the several numbers together : namely, 



50 



35 



Parasangs. 

From Thapsacus, through Syria, ~i 

to the river 6 Araxes, in 9 days, 3 
To the river Masca, unknown to ^ 

modern writers, in 5 days, $ 

To Pyke, in 13 days 90 

In Babylonia, 3 days, .... 12 

March in order of battle, p. 187, 

1 day, 
March with less circumspection, 

1 day, suppose, 



3 



* He says, that " on the ninth of October they came 
to a point called Eusy, which took them up more than 
half a day to pass." So that if they were above half a 
day in reaching the point, it is probable that the bent of 
the river wai more than double, and must take them 
more than a day to get round, which could not be an in- 
considerable distance, as the stream was in their favour. 

* Book ii. page 82, &.c. 

β This river Rauwolf calls Chabu, (not observing the 
r in the termination) and says there is a castlo named 
Sere at the mouth of it, p. ii. cap. 5. There was a castle 
in this place in the days of Julian the Apostate, whicii 
Zosimus calls Circesium, Book iii. 
21 



266 



GEOGRAPHICAL 



It is plain from what is said con -Λ 
corning the retreat of Ariaeus, I 
after the battle, p. 192, that up- V 
on the day of battle, they had I 



marched, 



197 



Which amounts to no less than five thousand 
nine hundred and ten stadia : now if we con- 
sider that they were yet a considerable distance 1 
on this side Babylon, (Plutarch says five hun- 
dred stadia) we must perceive this account 
swelled prodigiously above the truth. All the 
solution that I can pretend to give to this dif- 
ficulty is, that the Persians, who were the 
guides of this expedition, must mark out the 
distances according to their fancies : that ex- 
cessive heat and hunger are companions, that 
make a journey seem tedious and long ; and 
consequently, when their Persian friends told 
them they had marched so many parasangs, 
the Greeks made no hesitation to believe them, 
in order to rest themselves. And, indeed, if 
we attentively consider the marches, as set 
down in Xenophon, we shall find most of them 
too long for so great an army to perform, es- 
pecially as they must have a prodigious quan- 
tity of carriages along with them, not only to 
convey their provisions, but also the accoutre- 
ments of the heavy-armed men. For instance, 
from the Araxes to the Masca, they marched 
in five days thirty-five parasangs, which is 
very near twenty-four miles a day. From 
Masca to Pylse, they despatched in thirteen 
days ninety parasangs, which is very near 
twenty-four miles one day with another ; too 
much to be performed by an army of near one 
hundred and twenty thousand men, in the mid- 
dle of summer, in the latitude of thirty-four, 
and with such great numbers of attendants as 
they must of necessity have along with them. 

In marching through the country of Baby- 
lon, they came to the canals which were cut 
between the Tigris and Euphrates, in order, as 
most authors agree, to circulate the waters of 
the latter, which would otherwise drown all 
the adjacent country, when the snows melt 
upon the Armenian mountains. Xenophon 
says, these canals fall out of the Tigris into 
the Euphrates ; whereas 2 Strabo and Pliny 



say the contrary, and Arrian goes so far as to 
affirm, that the level of the Tigris is much 
lower than that of the Euphrates ; so that the 
water must necessarily run always one way. 
Our modern travellers inform us, that the 
country between these two rivers is, in these 
parts, rich low land, something like the pro- 
vince of Holland : so that it is more than pro- 
bable, that these canals were cut to circulate 
the waters of the one river as much as the 
other ; and that as the Tigris is by much the 
most rapid of the two, the water must come 
down with greater fury, and stand in more 
need of being diverted when it arrived in the 
level country. It is worth our observation, 
that these two great rivers could never swell at 
the same season ; because as the mountains out 
of which the Tigris rises, lie in the south of 
Armenia, and those in which the Euphrates 
has its source in the north, it is certain that 
the snows upon the former must melt sooner 
than those upon the latter. Accordingly, we 
find the author of Ecclesiasticus mentions the 
overflowing of the Tigris 3 in the latter end of 
March, and beginning of April. And Pliny 
assures us, that the Euphrates overflows in 
4 July and August. It might so happen that 
the Greek or Roman travellers, from whom 
these authors could have had their intelligence 
(all travellers generally choose the spring to 
perform long journeys in) might not arrive at 
Babylon early enough in the season, to see any 
thing of the rise of the Tigris. But having 
spent March, April, May, and perhaps June, 
in their journey, they must find the channel of 
the Euphrates quite full, and discharging the 
superfluous waters with great rapidity, into the 
Tigris ; sufficient to persuade any common ob- 
server, that the level of the former must be 
above that of the latter. However, had it been 
so in reality, the Euphrates must quickly have 
forsook his old course, and in a few years have 
joined the Tigris, by one or more of these 



ι Xenophon cays no less than three thousand and 
sixty stadia, but this I shall speak more particularly to 
by and oy. 

2 See Mr. Bpelman'e note 1 , page 187. 



» Chap. xxiv. 25. Pliny also says, that the Tigris 
overflows in such a manner, as to run into a river which 
falls into the Euphrates, B. vi. cap. 27. Now, if it does 
this in the upper parts, where its current is so very swift, 
as to merit the appellation of arrow, what can we expect 
in the lower country, where the land is flat, and it3 
stream more gentle ? 

* Increscit (nempe Euphrates) statis dielus, Mesopo- 
tamtam, inundans, sole obtinente vicesimam partem 
Cancri: minui incipit in Virgine, Leone transgresso. 
In totum vero remeat in vicesima nona part» Virginia 
Book v. 26. 



DISSERTATION. 



2G7 



canals ; for Strabo, and modern observers have 
assured us, that the land between these rivers 
is fat and very rotten, and, consequently must 
soon have been worn deep and broad enough to 
convey any quantity of water, which, for a 
constancy, could run through it. When our 
author was in this country, I find, by computa- 
tion, was towards the latter end of September, 
a timo when both the Euphrates and Tigris 
must be very low ; and, therefore, some art 
must be used in order to make these canals so 
full of water. Clearchus, we see, suspected it 
to be the case, and no doubt but he had good 
reason for these suspicions. The Tigris was 
much the smaller river of the two, and conse- 
quently the more manageable. It is therefore 
probable, that they had some works in it, in 
order to raise the water to a proper height ; 
and that when Cyrus approached with his 
army, it is likely the king ordered the country 
to be laid under water, as far as they were able 
to do it, with a design to retard and harass 
them as much as possible. This would turn 
the water through the canals into the Eu- 
phrates, and may be the reason why Xenophon 
differs from other authors in this particular. 

Speaking of the magnitude of the Euphrates, 
puts me in mind of what Strabo says of it, 
where he informs us that it runs through the 
middle of ancient Babylon, and was a stadium 
in breadth, * Ό yag ποτΑμος fat μίτον pu <r«c 
πούωζ στΛίΐϋΛος το ττκάτοζ : which Calmet, 
with the generosity of 2 modern writers, takes 
for granted, without examining what difficulties 
such an assertion is loaded with. Xenophon, 
who forded it himself, affirms, that this river 
is four stadia broad at Thapsacus, above five 
hundred miles higher than Babylon : and all 
the world is sensible, that rivers do not grow 
narrower the further they proceed in their 
course. What surprises me most is, that 
Calmet should fall into this mistake, when he 



» Book xvi. p. 738. 

* Dean Prideaux, Connec. Part I. Book ii. adheres to 
this sense of Strabo, though he quotes Diodorus Sicu- 
lus, who tells us, Book ii. that the bridge of Babylon 
was five stadia long. Now instead of correcting Stra- 
bo by such an authority, he gives it this unnatural turn, 
viz. that the bridge must be a great deal longer than 
the river was broad: though he himself has but just 
before told us, that the person who built this bridge 
had banked up the river on each side with brick, in 
such a manner as the river could never overflow ; so 
that to make the bridge five times as long as the dis- 
tance between these two banks, must be a needless, not 
to eay a ridiculous piece of work. 



had Rauwolf before him, and quotes him in 
this very article, as an author of considerable 
credit. This writer travelled through these 
parts two hundred years ago, and speaking of 
the bridge of Babylon (some of the piers of 
which at this day remain), says thus; ««The 
arches of it are built of burnt brick, and so 
strong that it is admirable : and that so much 
the more, because all along the river, as we 
came from Bir, where the river is a great deal 
smaller, we saw never a bridge : wherefore, I 
say, it is admirable which way they could 
build a bridge here, where the river is at least 
3 half a league broad, and very deep besides." 
p. ii. c. 7. Sir Thomas Herbert, who had been 
in these parts, and it is probable had taken 
a view of the river hereabouts, who, though he 
falls into a great many 4 mistakes in matters of 
learning, yet he must be allowed to be a com- 
petent judge in those things that are the objects 
of sense, assures us, that the Euphrates at 
ancient Babylon was well nigh double the 
breadth of the Thames at London. That 
Xenophon was not mistaken in the breadth of 
the river at Thapsacus, and that there is no 
error crept into the text, we may be convinced 
from what our ingenious countryman Maundrel 
says on the same subject, where he assures us, 5 



3 It must here be observed, that when travellers men- 
tion the breadth of rivers, we must not take what they 
say to be strictly true : they have no instruments with 
them to determine distances ; and had they instruments, 
the generality would not know how to make use of 
them. What Rauwolf says in this place, must be under- 
stood as spoken very much at large, half a league being 
thirteen stadia. Diodorus Piculus, we have seen, makes 
the bridge over it five stadia. Now, as a bridge is 
much more easily measured than a river, and as Xeno- 
phon makes it four stadia at Thapsacus, we may sup- 
pose that five stadia, a little more than half an English 
mile, was the breadth of the Euphrates at Babylon. 

« For instance, he tells us that Ninus enlarged Nine- 
veh the Great upon Tigris, formerly called Nysib and 
Rauhaboth, and since Mosul, being indeed rather the 
ruins of Seleucia. Page 226. He also informs us from 
Xenophon, that Cyrus had one hundred and twenty - 
five millions of pounds when he marched against hiq 
brother Artaxerxes. Page 249. 

* Journey from Aleppo to Beer, April 20, where he 
tells us, that the river is as broad as the Thames at 
London, and that a long bullet-gun could not shoot a 
ball over it, but it dropped into the water. By this it ap- 
pears that it is a great deal broader than the Thames at 
London, for a common fowling-piece will carry a ball, 
without any elevation, more than twice the breadth of 
the Thames at Blackwall. At London bridge the 
Thames is nine hundred feet over : now supposing it 
one hundred feet more at Blackwall, will make it one 
thousand, that doubled is two thousand, almost three 



268 



GEOGRAPHICAL 



; long bullet gun could not shoot a ball 
over the Euphrates at Jerabolus. This I take 
to be the 2 ancient Zeugma, above two thousand 
stadia, or two hundred and thirty miles, higher 
up the river than Thapsacus. So that if it is 
so broad at Jerabolus, we cannot think four 
stadia (not quite half a mile) any thing extraor- 
dinary for its breadth at Thapsacus. 

As to the situation of Babylon, I confess, I 
can find nothing .to determine it with any ex- 
actness. Though astronomical observations 
were made there constantly for several centu- 
ries, yet less remains (if less can remain) of 
these, than of that once so famous city. Mr 
Bedford 2 has reckoned up a great variety of 
opinions concerning the situation of this place, 
and at last himself adheres to one of the worst. 
He quotes three of the principal Arabians, 
who, it is highly probable, had every one of 
them been upon the spot, and made some sort 
of observation to determine the latitude. For 
as they differ among themselves, they could not 
copy from any that went before, nor from one 
another ; and as the difference is but very 
small, it might be owing to the inaccuracy of 
their instruments. But he chooses to forsake 
these, and follow Bochart, who places it 3 al- 
most a whole degree further to the north. As 
to the longitude, he, again from Bochart, makes 
it 77° 46', which is a great deal too much : for 
as the longitude of Scanderun has been deter- 
mined 4 to be 55° 25', so upon the foregoing 



6tadia and one half: so that we may conclude this 
at least to be the breadth of the Euphrates at Jerabo- 
lus. Pliny says, Book v. cap. 24. " Arabiam inde losva, 
Oreon dictam regionem, trischoena mensura, dextra- 
que Commagenem, disterminat (nempe Euphrates)." 
P. Hardouin observes upon the place, "Amnem ibi 
latum esse ait schoenis tribus." Now Pliny assures 
us, Book xii. cap. 14. the schoenus consists of forty 
stadia, or five Roman miles ; so that according to Har- 
douin, the Euphrates must be foiHteen English miles 
broad at Bir. However, as the sentence will admit 
another construction, we have no occasion to father 
such an absurdity upon Pliny. I do not know whether 
it is worth while to take notice of a small mistake or 
two in Delisle's maps. He makes the Euphrates five 
hundred feet broad, and the pyramid near Larissa upon 
the Tigris two hundred paces higfi, and one hundred 
pac-s square. Whereas Xenophon makes the river 
four stadia broad, i. e. five hundred paces, or two thou- 
sand five hundred feet ; and the pyramid one hundred 
feet square, and two hundred high. 

ι I conclude bo from the many beautiful ruins found 
there, and especially from the remains of abridge said 
to be thereabouts. Vide Maundrel ubi supra. 

a Scripture Chronology, Book i. cap. 1. 

«The Arabians place it in 33° 20'. Bochart in 34. 15'. 

« The French place Paris in 20" long, and therefore Mr 



supposition, the meridian distance between 
Babylon and Scanderun must be 22° 21', which, 
upon a little examination, will be found very 
much to exceed the truth. For instance, from 
Scanderun to Aleppo, is not sixty miles ; 
which, considering the winding of roads and the 
difference of latitude, cannot exceed one de- 
gree. From Aleppo to Thapsacus, Xenophon 
makes forty-five parasangs, which upon this 
parallel, the difference of latitude above one 
degree, cannot make above two and a half de- 
grees. From Thapsacus to Babylon was four 
thousand eight hundred stadia, following the 
course of the Euphrates. Now, allowing for 
the difference of latitude, and bending of the 
river, we will suppose 5 Babylon more to the 
east by three hundred geographical miles, (and 
this I am persuaded will be thought too much) 
which being reduced, will be found to be six 
degrees. So that the meridian distance be- 
tween Scanderun and Babylon, cannot upon 
any reasonable calculation be supposed more 
than 6 nine and a half degrees, which added to 
the longitude of Scanderun, makes 64° 55', the 
longitude of Babylon. Bochart therefore has 
placed this city' no less than thirteen degrees 
too far to the east. As for the Arabians, 
Eachard, &c. they followed Ptolemy ; and as 
he had, for the most part, nothing but ima- 
gination to determine the longitude of places 
by, it is not to be wondered at, if he gener- 
ally does it in a manner very wide from the 
truth. 



Delisle makes the longitude of Alexandretta to be but 
54° 15'. However, as we reckon London 19» east from 
Ferro, and Paris 2» 25' from London, and as Mr 
Chazelles found the meridian distance between Paris 
and Scanderun to be 2h 16', i. e. 34^, so the true lon- 
gitude of Scanderun is 55» 15'. 

s This way of reckoning is in some measure con- 
firmed by Josephus, Antiq. viii. c. (3. where he says that 
Thadomira (that is Palmyra) was one day's journey 
from the Euphrates, and six from Great Babylon. Here 
by day's journey, is meant the horseman's journey, or 
sixty miles ; so that from the Euphrates over-against 
Palmyra to Babylon is three hundred miles. But Thap- 
sacus stands somewhat more to the west than this part 
of the Euphrates ; that is, the course of the river is S. 
and by E. and S. S. E. so that three hundred geographi- 
cal miles must be pretty near the true meridian distance 
between Thapsacus and Babylon. Pliny indeed affirms, 
Book v. cap. 25. that from Palmyra to Seleucia upon the 
Tigris is three hundred and thirty-seven miles ; but as 
other copies say five hundred and thirty-seven, I must 
leave it to the decision of the critics. 

« Mr Delisle makes the distance between Babylon and 
Scanderun to be pretty nearly equal to that between 
Babylon and Smyrna. Now the meridian distance of 



DISSERTATION. 



269 



After the * battle, and the death of Cyrus 
the Greeks, though victorious, had no hope left 
but that of getting back again to their own 
country. But to effect this was a matter of 
considerable difficulty. To return by the same 
way they came, was impossible, because all 
their provisions were spent, and they were to 
march through the deserts of Arabia : and they 
wanted guides to show them another road. At 
last they entered 1 into a truce with the king, 
one of the conditions of which was, that he 
should conduct them safe to their own country. 
The officers sent by the king to perform this, 
led them through the middle of Babylonia, a 
country intersected with canals and ditches 
kept full of water, in order to convince the 
Greeks that all endeavours to arrive at Babylon 
must be in vain, if the people of the country 
were their enemies. I am far from being of 
Mr Spelman's opinion, where he supposes the 
distance mentioned by Xenophon between the 
field of battle and Babylon, three thousand and 
sixty stadia, to be a mistake of the transcriber. 
The Persians, without doubt, persuaded them 
the distance was so great, and led them through 
the country with a design to convince them, 
that whoever should attempt to march thither, 
must be entirely discouraged and baffled by the 
many difficulties he would meet with. They 
were no strangers, it is likely, to Daniel's proph- 
ecies, which were wrote in their capital, and in 
their language : and which plainly foretold that 
their empire should be overturned by the Greeks. 



the two latter of these places is by observation found to 
be nine degrees ; so, as the difference of longitude be- 
tween Scanderun and Babylon is nine degrees. 

* Plutarch (in Artax.) speaking of the loss of this 
oattle, lays all the blame upon Clearchus, for not ac- 
cording to Cyrus's order, bringing his Greeks to front 
the king's centre ; but I think the conduct of Clearchus 
may be easily vindicated. This general very well knew, 
from the mock-encounter at Tyriaeum, what was to be 
expected from the rest of Cyrus's forces, viz. that they 
would run away at the first onset, and himself with his 
handful of Greeks be left alone to encounter with the 
king's army. A handful they might be called with the 
greatest propriety, being thirteen thousand against one 
million two hundred thousand, (for so many the king's 
army was supposed to consist of) Clearchus therefore 
kept close to the river, with a design not he surrounded 
by such prodigious numbers ; which had it happened at 
the beginning of the battle, before the Greeks had tried 
the Persian metal, might have disheartened his men, 
and lost the day. Had Cyrus relied upon Clearchus's 
promise, (viz. that all should go well) and waited pa- 
tiently for the event, all had gone well, he had won the 
day, and been king of Persia. 
23* 



This they might endeavour to avert by such 
arts as I have mentioned ; with a design that 
if any of these soldiers should get back again 
to Greece, (which however they did all in their 
power to obstruct) they should spread such an 
account among their countrymen of the diffi- 
culties they had met with, as should for the fu- 
ture put a stop to all undertakings of this kind. 
There can no other reason, I believe, be as- 
signed for conducting them to Sitace : for it 
was entirely out of their way, and they must 
pass 2 by Babylon to arrive at it. This town 
stood near the Tigris, and part of the province 
of Babylon was from it called Sitacene. Stra- 
bo says, the road from Babylon to Susa lay 
through it. Now, as Susa was near S. E. from 
Babylon, Sitace must lie beyond Babylon from 
hence, at the distance of five hundred stadia, as 
the same author informs us. Xenophon con- 
firms this, by making it twenty parasangs, or 
six hundred stadia, from Sitace to Opis, a large 
trading town upon the Tigris, about the place 
where Bagdat now stands. 

From Opis the army marched up the Tigris, 
till they arrived at the mountains of the Car- 
duchians, at present called the Curdes, the 
same untractable people, and show the same 
regard to travellers they did to these Greek 
wanderers. They stroll about upon the moun- 
tains from hence as far as the springs of the 
Euphrates, and plunder every one they meet 
with, that is weaker than themselves. They 
will be under no sort of government, and pay 
as little respect to the Turk, who pretends to 
be their master, as their forefathers did to tho 
kings of Persia. In all this tract, I can find 
very little for a geographer to exercise himself 
upon. If Rauwolf had Xenophon's Anabasis 
along with him, or the contents of it fresh in 
his memory, he might have made several re- 
marks, which wqgjd have given great light into 
our author : for he travelled over the same 
ground from Bagdat to these mountains. 

It took up the army seven days to cross this 
inhospitable country, wherein they suffered 
more than from all the great armies of the Per- 
sians. At last they came to the Centrites, a 
river which, in those days, served as a boundary 
between the Curdes and Armenia. Mons. 
Delisle has made the river run eastward, and 



a I suppose here that they were conducted to the left 
towards the Tigris, and not suffered to pass within 
sight of Babylon. 



270 



GEOGRAPHICAL 



fill into the l lake of Van. I have ventured 
to turn its course westward ; because I take it 
to be a branch of the Lycus, which, when it 
falls into the Tigris, is so very considerable a 
river, that Kauwolf 2 says, is at least a long mile 
broad, and must come out of this country from 
the east ; for had it come from the north, the 
Persians, after the rout at 3 Arbela, would 
have been under no necessity of running such 
risks in attempting to pass it. Besides, we 
ought to reflect, that in these seven days the 
Greeks could not have travelled more than 
seventy miles, considering the many obstruc- 
tions they met with in the country of the Car- 
duchians ; and that as the course of the Tigris 
is in these parts from the N. W. and the course 
of the army to the north, they could not be fifty 
miles from the Tigris at the place where they 
crossed the Centrites. This river was not a 
very small one ; Xenophon makes it two hun- 
dred feet broad, and consequently, if it runs 
towards the east, must rise at least thirty miles 
towards the west ; and then what room can we 
find for the rise and progress of so large a river 
as the Lycus, which must drain the East for a 
considerable distance Ί 

From hence the aTmy marched over the 
plains of Armenia to the river Teleboas, 
which Mons. Delisle in his 4 dissertation and 
map, in the Memoirs of the Royal Academy 
of Sciences, entirely overlooks, and passes 
from the 5 head of the Tigris to the Euphrates, 
without taking any notice of, or laying down 
any river between them; however, in his 
large map published in the year 1723, entitled, 



ι He does not indeed give it any name in his maps of 
this expedition, but in his other maps he makes it the 
lake of Van. 

a Part ii. cap. ix. This must be understood with some 
allowance : Rauwolf assures us he was in very great 
fear while he forded this river,fPhd therefore might 
think it four or five times bigger than in reality it is. 

» This place is still known by the name of Harpel. 
Rauwolf, ubi sup. 

* Entitled, "Determination Geographique de la Si- 
tuation etde l'Etendue de Pays Traversee," &c. in the 
Memoirs of the Acad. Royale, An. 1728, p. 55. 

• M. Delisle brings Herodotus to prove, that there 
were in these parts three rivers of the name of Tigris. 
This he does in order to show that the Greeks did not 
approach near the head of the Tigris properly so call- 
ed, viz. that which flows by Diarbekir; but supposes it 
the most easterly branch. However, he might have 
saved himself a good deal of trouble, had he attended 
to Xenophon's words, who does not say they passed 
the head of the Tigris, or were near it, but only, that 
they were now advanced above it. Vol. i. page 268. 



Retraites des Dix Mille, he has rectified this 
mistake, and laid down the Teleboas as an 
arm of the most easterly branch of the Eu- 
phrates, which M. Delisle has discovered from 
Ptolemy, to rise fifty leagues to the south-east 
of the springs above Ertzrum ; and which he 
makes the Greeks pass just at the fountain. 
So that their passing of this branch of the Eu- 
phrates must be more to the eastward by at 
least two degrees than the meridian of Ertz- 
rum : but how little this squares with the situ- 
ation of these countries, a small degree of re- 
flection will convince us. We have seen above, 
that, upon the most favourable calculation, the 
longitude of Babylon cannot be more than 
64° 55'. After the battle, the Greeks travel- 
led upon the banks of the Tigris, till they 
came to the Carduchian mountains : now, as 
the course of this river is from the N. W. and 
W. N. W. so they must diminish the longitude 
considerably by this long march. Delisle's 
map makes it three degrees ; so that they en- 
tered the Carduchians' country in longitude 
51° 55'. But the Royal Academy of Sciences, 
of which M. Delisle was geographer, places 
Ertzrum 6 in 68° 45', so that the sources of the 
Euphrates, which M. Delisle, from Ptolemy, 
places fifty leagues S. E. of the Ertzrum, must 
be at least in 70° 45' longitude. Upon this 
supposition, therefore, the Greeks, in travel- 
ling three degrees of latitude, for so much M. 
Delisle makes it from their entering the Car- 
duchians* country to their fording the Eu- 
phrates, must deviate to the east no less than 
nine degrees ; which is quite incredible, espe- 
cially as Xenophon himself tells us, and M. 
Delisle repeats his words, that their course 
was north. Again, let us view this affair in 
another light : Tournefort informs us, (vol. ii. 



« This places Ertzrum farther to the east, than any 
geographer I can meet with will allow. I am surprised 
that neither Mr D'Anville, nor the English editor of Du 
Halde's China, in folio, takes any notice at all of this 
circumstance, in determining the situation of the Cas- 
pian sea. The greatest longitude they are willing to 
allow to Astrakhan, is but 68• 55', very little more 
than that of Ertzrum ; whereas there must he at least 
four degrees of difference between them. Observations 
are material evidences in geography. The Acad. Roy- 
al, An. 1699, assures us these situations were grounded' 
upon observations. How therefore this article could 
slip the notice of persons so much interested in the dis- 
covery of it, is to me very surprising. Not but that I 
have reasons (to myself very strong ones) to think that 
those places are not situated so far to the east ; how- 
ever, as there is no reasoning against facts, I desist. 



DISSERTATION. 



271 



let. 6.) that from Ertzrum to Aleppo is thirty- 
five days' journey; and Tavernier (book ii.e. 
4.), that from Bir to Mousul is but fifteen 
days' journey. Now, us Bir is in the road from 
Aleppo to Ertzrum, or very near it, and J four 
days' journey from Aleppo, so it will be thir- 
ty-one days' journey from Bir to Ertzrum. 
Bir is in lat. 37<> 10' ; Ertzrum in 39° 56' 35", 
and Mousul is about 35° 30'. So that Ertz- 
rum is more to the northward with respect to 
Bir, than Mousul is the southward by 1° 6' 35", 
for which we must allow five days' journey ; 
therefore Ertzrum is more to the east than 
Mousul by eleven days' journey. But M. De- 
lisle makes the Greeks enter the Carduchian 
mountains a little 2 to the west of Mousul ; 
and consequently as they travelled north, must 
pass the Euphrates a great deal to the west of 
Ertzrum ; whereas he has laid down their route 
above two hundred miles to the east of Ertz- 
rum. M. Delisle tells us of one M. Duval, 
formerly geographer to the king of France, 
who drew a map of this expedition, and laid 
down the countries as best suited his own no- 
tions, without any regard to their true dimen- 
sions ; by which he doubled the Persian do- 
minions, and made Asia Minor to contain one 
thousand five hundred square leagues, instead 
of six hundred. How much M. Delisle has 
succeeded better, we have in some measure 
seen above. He quotes P. Beze's authority 
for the latitude of Trebisond, but says not one 
word about the longitude : the reason of this 
seems to me to be, that, if he had, it would 
have overset his whole scheme. He places 
Babylon in 62° long. The Royal Academy 
places Trebisond in 65° long., so that had the 
places been laid thus down, and the route of 
the army made somewhere towards the north, 
they must have arrived 3 at the Euxine a good 
deal to the west of Trebisond. In order to 



» Tavernier says it is four days' journey for the horse 
caravan : but then I imagine he must reckon the pass- 
ing of the river into the time. Book ii. cap. iv. 

•This cannot be, because had they advanced up the 
Tigris as far as Mousul, they must have passed the Ly- 
cus, which, aB it is larger than any river they passed 
after the Tigris, Xenophon must have taken notice of it. 

» Especially if we allow, as above, three degrees for 
their westing on the banks of the Tigris. There is in 
Xenophon one material article not taken notice of by 
Mr Delisle, and that is, that where they crossed the ri- 
ver Teleboas, the country was called the Western Ar- 
menia ; which name would but ill suit with the country 
two hundred miles east of Ertzrum. 



remedy this, he has laid down Trebisond in 57 
and a half, and Ertzrum in 58 ; has made the 
ten thousand, from the Carduchian mountains, 
steer a Ν. Ν. E. course ; so that when they 
came into Georgia, they turned to their left, 
and, travelling afterwards near three hundred 
miles due west, arrived at Trebisond. Whereas 
had the Black Sea been 4 extended to its due 
length, the Greeks must have arrived at the 
shore of it where he places Taochir, the place 
where he makes them to turn to the left. 

I think I may venture to say, that M. De- 
lisle is equally unhappy in his guesses, with 
respect to the ancient measures of the Greeks. 
He compares the distances of places, mention- 
ed by Xenophon, with their true distance de- 
termined by astronomical observations. Xeno- 
phon makes the distance between Ephesus and 
the gates of Syria nearly equal to that between 
the gates of Syria and Babylon. Modern ob- 
servers have discovered, that from Smyrna 
(near Ephesus) to Scanderun (near the gates 
of Syria) is pretty near equal to the distance of 
Scanderun from Bagdat (near ancient Baby- 
lon). 5 The same, he tells us, may be said of 
their return from Babylon to Trapezus ; but 
that comparing these distances together, he 
concludes, that the measures of the ancient 
Greeks were much smaller than we suppose 
them ; that a stadium in Xenophon's days was 
but about half so much as it was in the times 
of the Romans. He supposes, that in ancient 
times they made use of a common pace in the 
mensuration of fand, which is no more than 
6 two feet and a half ; whereas, afterwards the 
pace was double, i. e. five feet. He says, what 
confirms him in this opinion is, the quantity of 
a degree determined by Aristotle, who says, in 
his book De Coelo, that the circumference of 
the earth is four hundred thousand stadia, 
which being reduced, gives one thousand one 



« Arrian, who measured the Euxine, makes it from 
the mouth of the Thracian Bosphorus to Trebisond 
seven thousand and thirty five stadia, that is, about 
eight hundred and five miles English. Tournefort doe» 
notalways mention the distances; but, by what he says, 
we may gather he made it about eight hundred miles, 
whereas, Tavernier makes it nine hundred and seventy 
miles, and Gimelli nine hundred. 

* Hie meaning is, that upon his supposition it agre*9 
pretty well with modern observations, i.e. from Babylon 
to Trebisond is about half as much nsXonophon makes it. 

β One step or common stride in walking ; whereas the 
pace was the return of the same foot, or two stride*. 



272 



GEOGRAPHICAL 



hundred anil eleven and one-third to each de- 
cree. However, upon examination, we cannot 
find that Aristotle ever determined the quan- 
tity of a degree, or that it was at all determined 
in his days. He is in this book speaking of 
the smallness of the body of the earth, plainly 
discoverable from the different elevations of the 
stars at different places, not far distant from 
each other : where he says, " 1 That all the 
mathematicians who have attempted by reason- 
ing to discover the earth's circumference, affirm 
that it is four hundred thousand stadia." All 
we can gather from hence is, that, comparing 
the different elevations at several places toge- 
ther, they made a guess at the earth's periphery. 
Strabo seems to intimate, that Eratosthenes 
was the first who applied celestial observa- 
tions to determine the magnitude of the earth ; 
and 2 M. Cassini is positive in this opinion. 
However, we will suppose that Aristotle did 
determine the quantity of a degree to be one 
thousand one hundred and eleven and one-third 
of the stadia of his time, and that Eratosthenes 
discovered it to contain seven hundred of his 
time, it will then of consequence follow, that 
between the days of Aristotle and Eratosthenes, 
the Greek measures were changed in the same 
proportion as one thousand one hundred and 
eleven and one-third bears to seven hundred, 
which is a supposition that will hardly be al- 
lowed, when we consider, that from the death 
of the one to the birth of the other was little 
more than 3 forty-years. Besides, if this me- 
thod of arguing is to take place, there would be 
no end of altering the measures of antiquity. 
Xenophon makes it from Thapsacus to the 
place of battle five thousand nine hundred and 
ten stadia, which, with the five hundred men- 
tioned by Plutarch, makes the distance from 
Thapsacus to Babylon six thousand four hun- 
dred and ten stadia. But in Aristotle's time, 
i. e. at Alexander's expedition, about seventy 



ι Κ»ϊ τΐν μχίημχτιχων oVoi το μίγίΆος χν%ΚογΙζία•$χι 
irn(£vTxt rij; πις ιφί^ι»*,-, li; Τίτταξάχαντ» Kiycvtriv It. 

νχι μυξίίΧχ; wx ****** — Which cannot be understood 
that any one had actually measured the contents of a 
degree ; but only that they had guessed at the whole by 
a computation or reckoning. 

«Acad. Royale, anno 1694. Pliny calls this undertak- 
ing of Eratosthenes, Improbum annum ; but adds, Ve- 
rumila subtili argum ;ntatione comprehensum, ut pu- 
deat nun credere. Book ii. cap. 198. 

« Aristotle died in the hundred and fourteenth Olym- 
piad, and Eratosthenes was born in the hundred and 
twenty -sixth. 



years after Xenophon was in this country, it 
was found to be four thousand eight hundred ; 
so that the stadium must be increased near 
one-fourth in this space of time. 

It is very unlucky for M. Delisle's hypothe- 
sis, that the ancient Greeks never made use of 
such a measure as the pace, or had any such 
term that I can find : all their measures were 
by the foot, and by such compositions of it, as 
are very well known, such were the fathom, 
six feet ; plethrum, one hundred ; and stadium, 
six hundred. This last was the longest mea- 
sure, and therefore they always compute large 
distances by it. When the Greek foot was 
first fixed, is, like the beginning of most 
other things, I believe, quite unknown ; but to 
be sure, a great many centuries before the times 
we are treating of. And when the standard- 
measure of any nation is once fixed, and be- 
comes current, it is not only needless, but ex- 
tremely difficult, afterwards to alter it. Perhaps 
nothing less than the total destruction of a 
people, or a universal change of custom can 
effect this» But suppose, for argument's sake, 
we allow that the Greeks had such a measure 
as the pace, and that originally this pace con- 
tained two feet and a half, but afterwards was 
disused, and the geometrical pace, that of five 
feet, took place : yet how could this effect the 
stadium, which contained six hundred of such 
feet as the pace was composed of 1 As the 
foot was the foundation of both, so they could 
have no influence the one upon the other. 
Indeed, had the stadium been composed of a 
determinate number of paces, as the Roman 
mile was, M. Delisle's argument would have 
had some show of reason in it, some probability 
to support it : but to apply two sorts of paces, 
which consisted of different numbers of feet, to 
the stadium which consisted of a determinate 
number of feet of the same length, is such an 
impropriety, as I am surprised so sagacious a 
person as M. Delisle most assuredly was, 
should fall into. 

But it may be answered, that the difficulty 

still remains. If Xenophon's measures are 

applied to the true distances, determined by 

! astronomy, they will be found double : for from 

1 Ephesus to the gates of Syria, is made to be 

about eight thousand stadia ; whereas its real 

! distance is not five thousand. To this it may 

■ be replied, that great armies, with such num- 

j bers of carriages as they must always have with 



DISSERTATION. 



273 



them, cannot go the nearest way ; they must 
observe the disposition of mountains and rivers, 
and call at towns a good distance from "the di- 
rect road, upon the account of provisions. 
This was undoubtedly the case of the army 
before us, which, if joined to what I said above 
about their Persian guides, may give a tolerable 
account why the distances are so magnified in 
their march from Ephesue to Babylon. But 
in their return the case is very different : at 
this time they reckoned for themselves, and if 
we take the distance from Opis (near which 
Bagdat now stands) to their passing the Eu- 
phrates below Ertzrum, we shall find, allowing 
for their course westward along the bank of 
the Tigris, I say we shall find it correspond 
pretty near with the astronomical observations. 
Whereabouts they passed the Euphrates, I 
cannot take upon me to say ; but we have seen 
above, that it must be considerably to the west 
of Ertzrum, below the junction of its * two 
branches ; for had they passed two rivers by 
the name of Euphrates, Xenophon would cer- 
tainly have taken notice of it. Indeed he says 
the springs of this river were not far off; but 
he speaks not of his own knowledge, and ol 
τζόα-α is an indeterminate expression, which 
does not at all fix the distance ; besides, the 
river was so deep, that it reached up to their 
middle, which is very considerable, as it was in 
the depth of winter, the snow lay upon the 
ground, and consequently could be supplied 
with no water but from the springs. 



1 1 cannot pass without taking notice of a mistake in 
Tournefort, who says, vol. ii. let. C. that one of these 
branches runs a day's journey to the south of Ertzrum, 
the other a day and a half, or two days' journey to the 
north of it ; whereas, he has told us but just before, 
that the bridge of Elijah is but about six miles from 
Ertzrum. It is .well known that, in the East great dis- 
tances are measured by days' journeys, small ones by 
hours : it is therefore probable, that in discoursing about 
the country, he was told it was so many hour's jour- 
ney, whichhe putdownjoumce, without distinguishing 
it from a day's journey. Calmet says, that Strabo and 
Pliny differ from each other almost in every thing con- 
cerningthe Euphrates. For that Pliny represents it first 
running to the south, and then to the west: whereas 
Strabo affirms that it first runs west, and then south. 
However, upon examination, I believe they will be 
found to agree exactly ; and that Calmet has mistaken 
Pliny's meaning. This great naturalist, B. v. cap. 24. 
compares Mount Taurus and the Euphrates to two 
great champions contending with each other ; that the 
mountain, though twelve miles broad, is not able to 
stop the river; but however, prevails so far, as not to 
suffer it to have its way, but diverts it to the south, 
whereas before its course was westward. 



From the Euphrates they proceeded still 
north for three days. We are cortain that their 
course was north, because our author informs 
US, that ϋνψος Βοβίας «ναντ/υς ίβηβΡ viz. that the 
north wind blew full in their faces, in so fierce 
a manner as to scorch and benumb the men. 
Now had they not thought themselves under a 
necessity of travelling north, they would ne- 
ver have chose to face so terrible a wind as 
this. They still proceeded one day farther ; we 
must naturally conclude towards the same 
point of the compass : and then put them- 
selves under the conduct of the bailiff of the 
village. 

And here we meet with the greatest diffi- 
culty in the whole book. 2 Ertzrum is but 
five days' journey from the Euxine : and tho 
Greeks, where they passed the Euphrates, 
could not be much farther from it. We have 
seen they marched to the northward three days 
fifteen parasangs; and another day, the dis- 
tance not mentioned, (suppose five parasangs) 
which amount to above sixty miles ; so that 
they must be at this time half way to the coast 
of the Black Sea. Insomuch that, had they 
kept still on in the same course, they must in 
three or four days more have arrived at Cera- 
zunt, Trebisond, or somewhere thereabouts. 
But, instead of this, we find they made it no 
less than forty-five days' march, and several of 
these very long ones, before they came to Tre- 
bisond. This is very surprising, and the more 
so, when we consider, that from the sources of 
the Euphrates to the banks of the Caspian, is 
not more than thirteen days' journey. So that 
these wanderers were enclosed between the 
Euxine, the Caspian, the Euphrates, and 
Mount Caucasus: and how they could make 
such marches for forty-five days together, in 
this space, is, I confess, entirely beyond my 
comprehension. 

We find after the battle, when the Greeks 
were without guides, that they directed them- 
selves 3 by the sun ; and Xenophon in his 
speech to the army, in the fifth book plainly 
shows, that they understood their compass well 
enough to know the four principal points. 
How therefore they could be so prodigiously 
misled is very strange. However, we must 
remember, that in after-times, «when these 
parts were better known, Artavasdes, the king 

a Tournefort, vol. ii. let. 6. 
» Page 203. 

2K 



274 



GEOGRAPHICAL 



of the country, abused Antony *by mislead- 
ing him. We must consider also, that when 
the Greeks were in this country it was in the 
middle of winter ; my account makes it Janu- 
ary ; and that these countries are at this time 
of the year extremely subject to fogs ; so that 
they might not see the sun for several days to- 
gether : and consequently the old bailiff, like a 
true subject to the king of Persia, might take 
such an opportunity to mislead them, in order 
to distress and destroy them. It is highly pro- 
bable it was this that made him run away, and 
leave his son behind him : 2 for had he done 
his duty, it is not at all likely that he would 
have left his son in such circumstances. He 
might have some ambition in him, though his 
estate was low : though he was but the supe- 
rior of a 3 Troglodyte village, yet he might 
hope that the sacrificing of a son might raise 
him to the government of a province : as we see 
great numbers of garreteers among us, who 
think themselves qualified to be at least minis- 
ters of state. 

After the Greeks had lost their guide, they 
marched seven days thirty-five parasangs, and 
arrived at the Phasis. This M. Delisle strives 
4 to prove is the Araxes. But by what is 



ι B. xi.p. 524. Where he says he led him round 
about more than double the direct way, ΐποι^σ-ί πκιον'ή 

ίιπΚχτιαν T)j; it/df ioc;, Six ο ξ £>r, xxi tcvoS ιών, κ»ϊ χυχλο- 
jrognxg. 

* That is, had he conducted them to towns where 
they could get provisions. But instead of this, he carri- 
ed them into desolate countries, where he concluded 
they must of course be starved ; where the first people 
they could meet with were the Taochians and Chaly- 
Lians, who kept all their provisions in such fastnesses, 
as the bailiff might imagine it was impossible for them 
to force. And indeed he was not much mistaken in his 
«iim ; for had they not with great courage, and no small 
address, stormed the Taochian mou main, it is more than 
probable they had every one perished with hunger. 

a The villages of this country do retain the same form 
to this day. Gimelli, P. i. b. 3. c. 3. tells us, " He was 
in dispute with himself, whether to call the houses 
caves or stables, for they are dug out of the earth ; that 
the roofs are upon a level with the surface of the earth, 
and that the men and beasts lodge together in them." 

* The main of his argument consists in this, that Con- 
stantine Porphyrogonetes says, that the Phasis runs 
near Theodosipolis, that it parted his empire from 
Iberia, and was likewise called Erax. Now Theodosi- 
polis stood near the place where Ertzrum now stands ; 
and therefore if the Colchian Phasis rises somewhere 
in this country, and flows north, it would run as near 
that city as the Araxes could do, and would naturally 
eerve as a boundary between Jberia and the Greek em- 
pire. Ae to the name, it proves very little ; for as aras 
signifies a rapid stream, the Persians applied it to a 
great many rivers. 



said above, it is quite improbable they could 
deviate so far to the east. And to suppose 
they ca!me to the Araxes, after they had pass- 
ed the Euphrates, is still more unlikely ; be- 
cause these two rivers rise out of the same 
mountain, about 5 six miles distant from each 
other ; the Euphrates runs west, and the Araxes 
east, and then south-east. Now, as the Greeks 
had passed the Euphrates, and travelled north- 
ward four days, they must have left the Araxes 
so far behind them, that it is very unlikely they 
could ever come back again to it. I would ra- 
ther for the present, till this country is better 
discovered, suppose it to be the noted Colchian 
Phasis. Strabo affirms, that this river has its 
source in Armenia, 6 Φάσις /uiyetc ποτ&μος \ξ Ά§- 
μηΐΛς τα? άξχας %χων. Dionysius the geographer 
says, 



'Af ζχμινος το 5Γ£ώτον 



Φάβ -ij- 

iff' ou'fioj Άξμινίοιο, 



So that the ancients, who knew these countries 
much better than we do, gave the Phasis a very 
different rise to what is assigned to it by the 
moderns, placing its source in the mountains of 
Armenia, probably, by what they say of its 
long course, not at a great distance from 
the fountains of the Euphrates and Araxes, 
especially as Dionysius calls it, the Arme- 
nian mountain, out of which the Euphrates 
rises. 

This will appear still the more probable, if 
we seriously attend to what Moses says in his 
description of Paradise, Gen. ii. v. 10, &c. 
where he informs us, that a river proceeded out 
of Ngeden to water the garden ; and there Π2\ΰΌ, 
in that place, i. e. in the garden, it was divided 
and became into four heads CZTiSWl Capita, as 
the Latin accurately express it. The name 
of the first Phisun, which encompasses the 
whole country of 7 Khoilh (for so it is written in 
the original, or perhaps Kloilkh,) where there is 



* Pliny, Book vi. cap. 9. says, " Araxes eodem monte 
oritur, quo Euphrates vi. mill, passuum rntervallo ;" 
which is confirmed in some measure by Tournefort, 
who tells us, vol. ii. 1. 7. that the Araxes runs by As- 
sancala, which is but six hours from Ertzrum. 

« B. x. p. 498. and again B. xi. p. 529. he says, 

ΠβτΛ /ttei Si rtfiou; μίν i'urtv iv T)( %u>e x ' γννξίμώτατοι 
SI Φχης μΊν χχι Λύκος. 

1 1 can find nothing to convince me that the Hebrews 
ever used the ) as a consonant. The ^ pronounced soft, 
as some European nations do at present, supplied the 
place of v. Thus Tp ^?2)Γ\ Thubal Cain, is Vulcan ; 
J73# shebang, is seven, and the like. The ) is, I im- 



DISSERTATION. 



275 



gold, and the gold of that country is good ; 
there is also the nVia and the stone ΟΠ5?• All 
which particulars, viz. the name of the river, 
for Phisun and Phasis are very near the same, 
the name of the .country, and the products of 
it, do plainly point out the Colchian Phasis, we 
are now treating of. The ancients are so full 
of the Colchian gold, that it would be endless 
to quote all they say upon this subject. The 
bare mentioning the Argonautic expedition 
(whether real or fictitious) will be sufficient to 
persuade any one that Colchis was formerly 
noted for the best gold. What Pliny 1 says 
of it may convince us, that the character Moses 
gives of it is just, where he tells us that the 
gold of that country is good. As to the nSlD 
it is supposed by the most learned writers, both 
Jews and Christians, to signify Crystal, and 
Onty Emeralds ; both which the ancients make 
Scythia, the country about Phasis, famous for. 
Solinus 2 informs us that though crystal was 
the produce of several parts of Europe, and 
some places in Asia, yet that of Scythia was 
the most valuable. And Pliny mentions the 
emeralds of Scythia in such strong terms, that 
I must beg leave to transcribe his words, it not 
being an easy matter to translate them, 3 " No- 
bilissimi Scythici, ab ea gente, in qua reperiun- 
tur, appellati : nullis major austeritas, nee min- 
us vitii : et quantum Smaragdi a ceteris gem- 
mis distant, tantum Scythici e ceteris Smarag- 
dis." 

It may be objected against what Γ have here 
said, that it is entirely improbable four rivers 
should have the same source, and that accord- 
ingly these four, which I suppose the rivers of 
Paradise, namely the Phasis, the Aras, the 
Tigris, and the Phrat, have their sources at a 
considerable distance from one another. To 
this I answer, that the time Moses speaks of 
was before the flood, when the surface of the 
earth was very different from what it is at pre- 
sent : For that the universal deluge wrought 
prodigious changes in the outward parts of this 
globe, I think, is manifest from the very ruin- 
ous appearance of mountains, the unequal dis- 



agine, the waw, the ο or u of the East, and is always 
used as a vowel. ^ 

> B. xxxiii. c. 3. 

»C. xv. speaking of Scythia, "Istic et crystallus, 
quern licet pars major Europae et particula Asise sub- 
mini9trat, pretiosiseimumtamen Scythia edit." 

» B. xxxvii. c. 5. 



position of their parts, (I mean the heaviest 
bodies mixed with and often placed above the 
lightest) and sea-shells found in great quantities, 
and surprising varieties upon some of the high- 
est of them. Should I attempt to explain the 
cause and manner of these alterations, or to 
write a geographical dissertation upon the an- 
tediluvian earth, what fate could I expect, when 
so many great men have handled this subject 
with so little success. 

I am sensible the current of learned men is 
against me, who almost all agree that Paradise 
was situated about the place where Babylon 
afterwards stood ; that the Tigris and Euph- 
rates met near that place, and afterwards part 
again : one, therefore, that the heads mentioned 
by Moses, are those two partings, making four 
divisions ; the two upper being Hiddekil and 
Phrat, the two lower Phison and Gihon. But 
with due submission to those great names, who 
have espoused this opinion, I believe it is 
founded upon a 4 mistake : for that the Euph- 



* The original of this mistake seems to have come 
from Pliny, who says that the Euphrates is divided: 
(vide p. 20.) that one branch falls into the Tigris at Se- 
leucia, the other runs through Babylon, and is lost in the 
bogs. However, in another place he informs us, that 
this part of the river which runs through Seleucia was 
an artificial canal. Book vi. cap. 28. he calls it Fosa, 
and tells us who it was that made it. This was known 
afterwards by the name of Nahar Malcha, the King's 
River. Straho tells us the land was so rotten, that the 
canals which circulated the water were very subjecl *o 
fill up, so that Alexander caused new ones to be made. 
At the junction of one of these with the Tigris, Seleu- 
cia was built. Trajan and Severus afterwards clean- 
sed this canal for the passage of their fleets to the 
Tigris. Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. xxiv. cap. 6. says, 
id. (viz."Flumen Regium, (which he also calls fossile 
flumen,) antehac Trajanus, posteaque Severus, egesto 
solo, fordiri in modum canalis amplissimi studio cura- 
verat summo, ut aquis illuo ab Euphrate transfusis, 
naves ad Tigridem commigrarent." Notwithstanding 
which, when Julian the Apostate came hither, he was 
forced to cleanse it. Zosimus indeed says (B. iii.) the 
King's River had water in it, but not enough to enrry 
the emperor's fleet without being cleansed : whereas 
Amm. Marcell. positively affirms that it was quite dry ; 
all which plainly proves that this was not the natural 
course of the river. Rauwolf and Herbert both affirm 
that these two rivers meet a little below Babylon ; but 
as they took it upon trust we must believe Tavernier, 
who was an eye-witness. Besides, did the rivers join so 
n#ar Bagdat, why do they complain of selling their boats 
for a trifle at Elago ? They might carry them to Bagdat, 
arid have as good a market for them as any in the East. 
But the truth is, the canals are choked up, and there 
is no getting thither in a boat, but by going above eight 
hundred miles round about. 



L 



276 



GEOGRAPHICAL 



rjt^s and Tigris do not meet together till a 
great many hundred miles below Babylon ; 
nay, it is positively affirmed by the ancients, 
that originally they did not meet at all, but had 
their channels distinct quite to the sea; and 
that the 1 inhabitants of the country by stop- 
ping up the Euphrates, in order to water their 
lands, diverted its course, and turned it into 
the Tigris. In this manner were the Rhine 
and the Maese joined together by an earth- 
quake in latter times ; Tavernier, who himself 
sailed down the Tigris, makes the present 
-junction of these two rivers, to be at Gorno, 
at the distance of one hundred and forty-five 
leagues, or four hundred and thirty-five miles 
from Bagdat, only fifteen leagues from Balsora. 
Indeed, Delia Valle, and the East India Pilot, 
make the river to part again, and fall into the 
Persian Gulf, by two mouths ; but then who- 
ever considers the situation of the country, that 
it is near the sea, and marshy, that the river is 
three or four miles broad, and that it overflows 
the adjacent country every year, will think it a 
very improper place to make a garden of, for 
the entertainment and delight of man in his 
state of innocence. Moses, indeed, says, that 
this garden was in the east from the place he 
wrote in, that is, from Arabia Petraea ; but 
this will prove nothing at all, because the 
Hebrews took no notice of the intermediate 
points ; so that when a place lay any where to- 
wards the east, they said it was situated DlpD 
in the east ; in the same manner as we say, 
that Riga, Revel, and Petersburg, are in the 
east country. Job says, that " Gold cometh 
out of the north ;" meaning, without doubt, 
the gold of the Phasis ; but then we must 
consider, that Job lived a great deal fur- 
ther east, than where Moses wrote, bordering 
upon the Sabeans and Chaldeans, and con- 
sequently would have the Colchians near full 
north. 

But to return from this long, and, I am 
afraid, tedious digression : The Greeks, after 
they had passed the Phasis, wandered into 
countries, of which there are but few marks at 
present to know them by. There is, indeed, 



Pliny, B. vi.c.27. "Inter duorum amnium ostjg, 
xzv. mill, passuum fuere, aut (ut alii tradunt vii.) mi)L 
•jtroque navigabili: sed longo tempore Euphratem pra> 
clusere Orcheni et accolse agros rigantes : nee nisi 
Fashion defertur in mare." 
* Book ii. c.8. 



a province of Georgia, called Taochir, which, 
as it has a plain resemblance to the Taochians, 
and as the Greeks must be in these parts, it 
may be presumed to have been formerly inha- 
bited by this people. Who the Chalybians 
were, or where they lived, I can find nothing 
remaining. What Mr Hutchinson 3 quotes 
from Strabo, that XAxS&iot Χαλν&Γ το a-atAaucv 
Ιναμάξοντο, is plainly meant of the Chalybians. 
in the next book, who, as Mr Hutchinson him- 
self allows, were very different both in country 
and manners, from the people the Greeks had 
to deal with in this place. 

After this they came to the river Harpasus. 
I do allow with Delisle, that there is a river of 
this name in this country, which Tournefort 
calls 4 Arpagi, and makes to fall into the 
Araxes ; but how to bring the Greeks hither, 
and where to assign them the long marches they 
had before performed, is, I confess, quite above 
my sphere. To do any thing tolerable in this 
particular, we must wait till this country is per- 
fectly discovered ; and whenever there shall be 
a complete map of it exhibited to the world, 
we may venture to affirm, that then the learned 
will be able to lay down the march of this army 
with some accuracy. The next people the 
Greeks met with in their progress, were the 
Scythians ; probably the same with those Scy- 
thians, 5 whom Diodorus places in this country. 
From hence they came to a city called Gym- 
nias ; of which I can meet with nothing, but 
that the same is called Gymnasia by Diodorus. 
At this place they were furnished with a guide, 
who was more just to them than the bailiff 
had been : for in five days 6 he conducted them 
to the top of a mountain, from whence they 
could plainly discern the sea. A sight they 
had long desired ! In a short time after this, 
they arrived at 7 Trebisond a Greek city ; and 
keeping near the sea-shore, marched, all that 
were able, to Cotyora. 



* Dissert, p. xiv. 

* So that Mr Hutchinson had no occasion to correct 
Diodorus. 

* B. ii. C. 43. To /u«v civ TTf ώτον (sc. Σχύ9«») ττχς i τον 
'Αξχξην ποτ*μον οΚιγα χ*τ<όχθυν πχντίΚΖς χ*ί Six Tijr 
«ίοξιαν ΧΛταφ^ονού^ινοι. 

β Diodorus Siculus says fifteen days : but in this, and 
several other particulars, he differs so much from Xeno- 
phon, that I suspect, in drawing up the account of this 
expedition, he made use of some other author. 

ι 1 take no notice of the places they touched at, be- 
cause Mr Spelman's notes are as full as can be desired 



DISSERTATION. 



277 



And here Xenophon puts an end to his jour- 
ney ; making this the conclusion of the K*tu- 
βχο-ις (Retreat,) as the placo of battle was of 
the Άνάβασ-ΐΐ (Expedition). The reason of this 
is, because they afterwards sailed much the 
greatest part of their way to Greece. 

Xenophon himself says that from the field 
of battle, in Babylonia, to Cotyora, they made 
eight months ; and in the conclusion he informs 
us, that the whole expedition and retreat took 
up fifteen months. Now whoever will be at the 
pains to compute the marches and halts from 
Sardes to the battle, will find them to amount 
to exactly six months ; but as Xenophon be- 
gins the expedition from Ephesus, we should 
reckon the time from -the same place. There- 
fore, allowing something for their march to, 
and stay at Sardes ; their 1 consulting, and 
passing the Cilician mountains ; their 2 stay 
and quarrel at Carmande ; and the 3 affair of 
Orontas, (where the soothsayer's ten days 
plainly show the time not accounted for Λ I 
say, allowing for these, as Xenophon has said 
nothing about their continuance, we cannot 
think a month too long a time for them all : 
which will make just fifteen months from their 
departure from Ephesus to their arrival at 
4 Cotyora. Our author placing this account at 
the end of his book, has induced all the learned 
men, I can meet with, to suppose, that the 
whole of their transactions, from their first 
setting out, to their joining of Thimbron, took 
up no more than fifteen months. This has 
introduced still a worse mistake, by misplacing 
the year of the expedition in all the chronolo- 
gical tables. Diodorus Siculus places the ex- 
pedition in the last of the ninety-fourth Olym- 
piad ; and, Thimbron's passing over into Asia, 
to make war upon Tissaphernes, in the first of 
the ninety-fifth Olympiad, and all have follow- 
ed him, as far as I can perceive, without ex- 
amining into the affair. However it is most 
certain, that from their departure under Cyrus, 
to their junction with Thimbron, was very 

» Page 173. » Page 182. * Page 184. 

* What puts this beyond all dispute, are the dis- 
tances, which are only computed to Cotyora : for from 
Ephesus to the battle are one million six thousand and 
fifty, and from the battle to Cotyora one million eight 
thousand six hundred stadia, in all three million four 
thousand six hundred and fifty, the whole sum men- 
tioned by Xenophon at the end of the book, without 
taking any notice of their travels after they left Co- 
tyora. 

24 



near if not quite two full years ; and conse- 
quently that the year of the expedition ought 
to be fixed in the third of the ninety -fourth 
Olympiad, and this will account for the chasm 
or non-action which Mr Spclman has 5 dis- 
covered in Diodorus, that year. In order to 
make out what I advance, I reckon up the time 
thus; namely, 

Months, 

From Ephesus to the battle, 7 

From the battle to Cotyora, 8 

From their arrival at Cotyora, to their join- 
ing Seuthes, (upon a moderate computa- 
tion,) 6 

Serve under Seuthes, 2 

From their leaving Seuthes, to their joining 
. Thimbron, must be near 2 

ΰ 

The two months they served under Seuthes, 
were in the middle of winter (suppose Decem- 
ber and January), which is the only mention 
of the season of the year in the whole book. 
From thence we gather, that the battle was 
fought about the latter end of September ; that 
they were in the snows of Armenia about the 
beginning of January, came to Trebisond to- 
wards the end of February, and arrived at Co- 
tyora about the beginning of June. They set 
out from hence towards the latter end of July, 
joined Seuthes at the end of November, and 
were incorporated with the troops under Thim- 
bron, the March following, two full years from 
their first departure from Ephesus, to serve 
under Cyrus. The Greeks, it is well known, 
began their year from the 6 summer solstice. 
Therefore, as this army returned when Thim- 
bron passed over into Asia, (as is plain from 
Xenophon) that is, in the spring of the first of 
the ninety-fifth Olympiad ; so it is apparent, 
that Cyrus mustered his forces, and departed 
from Sardes in the spring of the third of the 
ninety-fourth Olympiad ; which was two years 
before their junction with the Lacedaemonian 
general. Archbishop Usher plainly saw some 
difficulty in this particular ; for, in repeating 
Xenophon's words, where he tells us, they 
were eight months from the battle to Cotyora, 
this learned prelate says, 7 « It ought to be five, 



s Introduction, p. viii. 

β That is, the first month after the summer solstice. 
'"Cotyora venerant octo (vel quinque poiiue ni Se- 
ries Historiae postulare videtur) post ptignam mensibu•." 



278 



GEOGRAPHICAL 



as the course of the history afterwards re- 
quires ;" moaning, without doubt, that out of 
the fifteen months mentioned by Xenophon, 
at the end of the book, some time ought to be 
allowed for their joining the Lacedaemonians. 
But, with all due respect be it spoken, three 
months is not sufficient for this by a great deal ; 
for instance, they staid at Cotyora forty -five days, 
and served under Seuthes two months, besides 
a very considerable train of actions both before 
and after ; all of which together could not, ac- 
cording to my computation, take up much less 
than ten months. But further, if we collect 
the days from the field of battle, to their arri- 
val at Cotyora, as they lie scattered in Xeno- 
phon, we shall find more than seven months 
accounted for, besides two or three places 
where time is not strictly mentioned ; whiclP 
plainly shows that no error can be crept into 
the text ; but that eight months was the time 
they spent in this march. 

It is true, indeed, that the battle was fought 
in the fourth of the ninety-fourth Olympiad ; 
but then it was in the beginning of it ; where- 
as, Diodorus affirms, that Cyrus * hired his 
mercenaries, sent to the Lacedaemonians for 
assistance, mustered his army at Sardes, and 
began his march this same year ; ( 2 supposing, 
without doubt, that they spent but fifteen 
months in the whole of their travels) all which, 
as I think, I have proved beyond all contradic- 
tion, ought to be placed in the third of the 
ninety-fourth Olympiad, Micion being archon 
of Athens. 

At Cotyora they took shipping, and sailed 
to Harmene, a port near Sinope ; and from 
thence to Heraclea. In this second trip, Xeno- 
phon informs us, that they saw the mouths of 
several rivers; first, that of the Thermodon, 
then of the Halys, and, after this, that of the 
Parthenius ; whereas it is most certain, that 
the Thermodon and Halys are a great way on 
the other side of Sinope, and consequently, 
Xenophon must have seen the mouths of them 
in the former run, that is, from Cotyora to 



ι Usher copies Diodorus in all these particulars, and 
yet afterwards says, " commissa pugna est sub initium 
Anni 4. Olympiadis xciv." 

* Ho supposes that Cyrus, having spent the summer 
and winter in preparing for the expedition, set out in 
the spring of the fourth of the ninety-fourth Olympiad, 
and that the Greeks returned late in the spring follow- 
ing. 



Harmene. This will render what I hinted at 
above very probable, viz. that our author kept 
no regular journal of this expedition ; for, if he 
had, where could he have more leisure to write 
than on board, where he could have nothing 
else to do, there being pilots to steer the course, 
and sailors to manage the ships 1 

It is evident, from the digression in the fifth 
book 3 about Diana's offering, that our authoi 
did not write 4 this history in its present form 
till several years after his return from the Ex 
pedition : for he there makes mention of hi? 
sons going a-hunting ; whereas it is pretty 
plain, that at the time we are speaking of, 5 he 
had no children. He staid in Asia with the 
troops, till Agesilaus was recalled, and after 
the battle of Chaeronea he retired to Scilus. 
This battle was fought in the second of the 
ninety-fourth Olympiad, near fi*e years after 
his return from the expedition. In this inter- 
val he married, and had two sons ; and when 
these were grown up, which we must suppose 
would take up about twenty years, 6 he wrote 
this account of the transactions of the Greeks, 



3 Page 287. 

* This work came out under the name of Themisto- 
genes of Syracuse ; and Xenophon himself refers to it 
under this title in the second book of his history. But 
the world was soon convinced who was the true author; 
for there are not only several passages in it which Xeno- 
phon himself alone could know, but it is likewise pen- 
ned with so much harmony and sweetness, as could flow 
from no other than the Attic Bee. Indeed it is the opin- 
ion of some learned men, that Themisto^enes did 
write an account of the expedition, which Xenophon 
refers to, as above ; but that he afterwards wrote one 
himself, which is the work we have now extant. How- 
ever, we shall find this very unlikely, when we reflect 
that our 'Aviganj was wrote while Xenophon lived in 
ease and peace at Scilus, and his sons were alive ; 
whereas his Greek history was not drawn up till after 
the battle of Mantinea; when Scilus was destroyed, 
Xenophon removed to Corinth, and one of his sons 
slain ; so that Scilus was destroyed some time before 
this battle, and the expedition must be written before 
the Greek History. 

'See Book vii. 

β It is probable he wrote this history to vindicate his 
honour, and published it under another name to avoid 
the imputation of vanity. There were other accounts, 
it is likely, of this expedition, which either blamed his 
conduct, or were silent as to its merit. What confirms 
me in this opinion, is the relation which Diodorus Sicu- 
lus gives of the same transactions, which not only va- 
ries from Xenophon in abundance of particulars, but 
never mentions his namewhere he most deserves it, 
viz. in conducting the most memorable retreat that ev- 
er was performed in any period of time. This he attri- 
butes to Cheirisophus, by saying that he was chosen 



DISSERTATION. 



279 



in Upper Asia. So that if some trivial mat- 
ters have slipped his memory, it is not at all to 
be wondered at, since it was penned so many 
years after the affairs it mentions were trans- 
acted. 

And here I cannot forbear to express some 
doubt, concerning our author's age at the time 
we are treating of. Diogenes Laertius, affirms 
that he died in the first of the one hundred and 
fifth Olympiad ; and Lucian, that he lived to 
be upwards of ninety years of age. So, when 
he accompanied Cyrus into Asia, he must be 
at least fifty-one: which to me seems quite 
irreconcilable with the account he gives us of 
himself. When their commanders were all 
destroyed, the Greeks were under great anxiety, 
as being in the heart of the Persian empire, in 
the neighbourhood of a great army, and all 
their best officers murdered. The army was 
so dispirited, that no one seemed to take any 
care for its preservation. Xenophon, revolv- 
ing these things in his mind, says to himself, 
1 " Do I stay for the arrival of a general from 
Greece to take the command upon him 1 Or 
do I wait for years to accomplish myself? 
But I shall in vain hope to grow older, if I 
this day surrender myself up to the enemy." 
He therefore immediately calls up the captains 
who had served under his friend Proxenus, and 
proposes the election of officers in the room of 
those who were put to death ; and concludes 
his speech with saying, that if they should 
choose him for their commander, he would 
not excuse himself by reason of his age. These 
two passages, compared with Phalinus calling 
him boy 2 in the second book, and his taking 
notice of himself frequently as the youngest 
officer, do almost prevail upon me to think, 
that he was no more than twenty-three or 
twenty-four years of age ; his beard not fully 
grown, and therefore he might with some pro- 
priety be called boy. Proxenus was but thirty 
when put to death, and consequently we must 
suppose Xenophon to be less, when he talks 
of excusing his age to the officers who served 



general, B. xiv.c. 5. The only lime lean find he men- 
tions Xenophon's name, is bis warring against the Thra- 
cians. B. xiv.c. 6. 

t'Eyi> olv rev ix, ποίχ; 5Γ0λΐω$ α-τςΛτηγϊν jrfoiox» 
rmuros irqutyiv ; JTOist» J' nkmixv ίμχυτω tKdiTv χνχμίνω • 
$i γχς ίγωγ' ϊτ« πξίΐτβυτιςος Ίτομχι, eiv Ύ^μίςαν tt^oSm 
ΐμχυτον τα'ί; ττοΚιμιοις, where it IS plain by πςί<τβυτΐξθς, 

that he looked upon himself as too young to command. 
« Page 201. 



under Proxenus ; else what he said must have 
been looked upon as a banter upon the years of 
his friend, and upon the men who served under 
such a boy. It may be answered that as the 
Athenians never pressed men into their armies, 
who were above the age of forty, bo Xenophon 
might say he would not refuse the command 
by pleading this custom : but this will be found 
to square but very indifferently with all the 
other particulars ; for had he been upwards of 
fifty, he had been older than Clearchus, 3 whom 
all the rest submitted to of course, and con- 
sequently can never be supposed to be the 
youngest commander, when new ones were 
chosen. Besides, it is not credible, that a man 
Would go volunteer in such an expedition as this, 
that is, to march one thousand two hundred 
miles into an enemy's country, and then, when 
a command was offered him, talk of refusing it 
upon the account of his advanced age. And 
though the Athenians did exempt men from 
forced service at the age of forty, yet this was 
only with respect to the common soldiers ; 
their generals were not thought the worse for 
being, above that age. I think I may leave it 
to all the world to judge, whether it would not 
be ridiculous in any general to talk of resigning 
upon account of his age at fifty-one, especially 
when he was affirming upon every occasion, 
that he was one of the youngest officers in the 
army. 

I cannot take my leave without pointing out 
a very considerable error in Arbutbnot's tables, 
which has misled Mr Spelman in reducing the 
Greek to the English measures at the end of 
the book ; for who could have any suspicion of 
the correctness of a work, which, it is sup- 
posed, was overlooked by»some of the greatest 
geniuses in Europe 1 These tables make the 
Greek foot somewhat larger than the English 
foot: the pace to contain five feet English, 
and yet the stadium to contain about one hun- 
dred paces, four feet four and a half inches ; 
so that six hundred Greek feet are not equal 
to five hundred and five English feet ; and so 
the μίχιον ) which contains four thousand eight 
hundred Greek feet, is made equal to eight hun- 
dred and five paces five feet, that is four thou- 



* Page 202. As the oldest officer, the rest being with- 
out experience. If we may guess at the rest by the 
ages of those mentioned, they must all be young men. 
Proxenus was but thirty, Agias and Socrates about 
forty, when put to death. 



L 



2ΘΘ 



GEOGRAPHICAL DISSERTATION. 



sand and thirtv English feet. This error arises 
from computing by the fathom, instead of the 
pace ; and if this mistake be rectified in the 
next edition, the tables will be correct for any 
thing I know at present to the contrary. The 
surest way of reducing the ancient measures to 
those of the moderns, is to keep in mind the true 
proportion of their respective feet. Thus nine 
hundred and sixty Greek feet are equal to nine 
hundred and sixty-seven English, and therefore 



the thirty four thousand six hundred and fifty 
stadia, contained in the whole expedition and 
return of this army, will, when reduced to our 
measures, amount to three thousand nine hun- 
dred and sixty-six miles. The Greek mile, or 
μίκΐ'.ν is less than an English mile by four hun- 
dred and forty five English feet. An English 
mile contains five thousand two hundred and 
forty-one Greek feet. 

R. FoiiSTEB. 



XENOPHON 



ON THE 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



BOOK V 
[281] 

24* 2L 



CONTENTS OF BOOK V. 



I. The Greeks decide on the prosecution of their journey t>y sea, and send Cheirisophus to obtain ships— Xeno- 
phon takes prudent measures for their other concerns, and provides both that they shall have sufficient ships 
for a sea voyage, and, should they go by land, that they shall find the roads duly prepared for them— Dexip- 
pus is sent to bring in vessels, but sails off with his galley— Polycrates succeeds to the duty, and performs it 
faithfully.— II. Led by the inhabitants of Trebisond to collect provisions, one half of the forces march out 
against the Drillians— The Greeks attack their metropolis, and, after great difficulties, obtain success, and 
return the following day in safety to the camp. — III. Unable any longer to wait for the return of Cheiriso- 
phus, they ship their invalids, and march themselves along the coast to Cerasus— Here they review the army 
—They divide the money arising from the sale of the captives, and a tenth part of it, which had been vowed 
to Apollo and Diana, is distributed by the generals among themselves— Xenophon shows how at a future time 
he employed his share in the service of Diana.— IV. Arrived on the confines of the Mosyncecians, who, 
trusting to their strongholds, dare to prohibit their advance, the Greeks form a treaty of alliance with another 
nation of Mosyncecians against their common enemy— These allies, with whom some of the Greeks had im- 
prudently united themselves, are repulsed with great slaughter — The next day, having encouraged the minds 
of his soldiers, Xenophon leads them, with their barbarian allies, against the enemy, whom he vanquishes 
and disperses — Two forts burned with their garrisons and inhabitants, the capital city plundered, and some 
other places either taken by storm or admitted to surrender— The barbarity of the Mosyncecian manners 
described.— V. They arrive at the frontiers of the Tibarenians, with whom they enter into a treaty, and in 
two days afterwards reach the city of Cotyora — Here they supply themselves with provisions, by plundering 
from the neighbouring Paphlagonia, and from the territory of the Cotyorians themselves— To the ambassador 
of the Sinopians, Xenophon retorts a grave and bold answer. — VI. By the advice of Hecatonymus, ambas- 
sador frOK 3mope, it is resolved to prosecute their journey by sea— Xenophon's design of building a city in 
the Pantus frustrated by the calumny of Silanus the soothsayer — Others, also, are desirous of persuading the 
army to settle on that coast.— VII. Xenophon, being reported as the author of the above design, is induced 
to defend himself in a speech ; in the course of which he gives a circumstantial account of the cruel and 
nefarious conduct of certain Greeks— An inquiry into tbe affair, and the punishment of the malefactors, are 
"unanimously decreed by the council.— VIII. The generals, by the same decree, being called to an accoun . 
of their conduct, Xenophon is arraigned by some of the privates for violence and blows — He confesses that bo 
had sometimes dealt disciplinary blows among them bat maintains that they were bestowed without tyranny 
or injustice; and by solid argument and detail of facts, removes all ground of accusation. 

[282] 



THE 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



BOOK V. 



I. We have hitherto related the actions of the 
Greeks in their expedition with Cyrus, and in 
the march to the Euxine sea ; how they arrived 
at Trebisond, a Greek city, an^ offered the 
sacrifices they had vowed to the gods, in return 
for their safety, in the place where they first 
came into the territories of their friends. 

After that they had assembled to consider of 
the remainder of their march; and Antileon of 
Thuria first rose up, and spoke in the follow- 
ing manner. « For my part, gentlemen ! I am 
already tired with preparing my baggage, with 
walking and running, carrying my arms, and 
marching in my rank, and with mounting the 
guard and fighting ; and therefore now desire, 
since we are arrived at the sea, to l sail from 
hence forward, freed from these labours, and 
stretched out, 2 like Ulysses, sleeping to arrive 



ι Πκΰν το λοιπόν. Xenophon, us we shall see after- 
wards, perpetually uses πιζν ^«όίο-θ•*», to travel by 
land, in opposition to πλην, to travel by sea. There is a 
very remarkable passage in the Institution of Cyrus, 
where our author, speaking of the posts instituted by 
the first Cyrus, says that these posts, performed by 
horses, were the most expeditious method of travelling 

by land, των ν.ν$ςωπινων πιζη ιτοξίΐων uut>\ ταχίβττ»). — 

But our author is not singular in this use of the word ; 
Diodorus Siculus, speaking of the expedition of Arta- 
xerxes against Evagoras, king of Cyprus, calls his land- 
army, though it consisted of horse, as well as foot, πιζίν 
ντξίτινμχ: his words are these; τ&^Ιν γίς σιζ&ν ο-τ^ά- 

tiu.u* μυρίίΪΜν y,v τριάκοντα <ruv iVjtiDo-». I imagine this 

sense of the word in Greek may have given occasion to 
the phrase pedibus ire iu the Latin authors, and to Ca?sar, 
in particular, to say, Lucius Caesar pedibus Adrametum 
profugorat. 

f» '£!(Γ5Γ.'{ Όίυο-ο-ίύί. This relates to Ulysses arriving 
isleep in Ithaca, where the Plueacian sailors left him in 
lhat condition. 

KxJJ' ieg' ίττί ψ«/ί*3ω Ιϊκταν, $ί$μν[μίνθν νττνφ. 

Γ mention this verse to show that D'Ablancourt had no 
reason to excuse his leaving out dormant, by saying that 
it is only an ornament, and not a point of history. 



in Greece." The soldiers, hearing this, ap- 
plauded him, and first another, and then all 
present expressed the same desire. Upon this 
Cheirisophus rose up and said, " Gentlemen ! 
Anaxibius is my friend, and, at present, admi- 
ral; if, therefore, you think proper to send me 
to him, I make no doubt of returning with 
galleys and ships to transport you ; and since 
you are disposed to go by sea, stay here till 
I return, which will be very suddenly." The 
soldiers, hearing this, were very well satisfied, 
and decreed that he should set sail immediately. 
After him, Xenophon got up and spoke to 
this effect. " Cheirisophus is gone to provide 
ships for us ; in the meantime, we propose to 
stay here. I shall therefore acquaint you with 
what I think proper for us to do during our 
stay. In the first place, we must supply our- 
selves with provisions out of the enemy's coun- 
try, for the market here is not sufficient to 
supply us : besides, few of us are furnished 
with money to provide ourselves with what we 
want, and the country is inhabited by the ene- 
my. We shall therefore expose ourselves to 
lose many of our men, if, when we go in search 
of provisions, we are careless and unguarded : 
so that I am of opinion, when you go out upon 
these expeditions, you ought to take 3 guides, 



ι Τ/υν ττξονομχΤς. I suspect there is here some corrup- 
tion in the text; I do not know what to make of <t : jv 
ττξονομχί; - Muretus has a mind it should be ο-ΰν ^foSge- 
μ°>;, but that does not satisfy: both the Latin transla- 
tors have said per excursiones ; but how could they get 
provisions otherwise than by excursions ? D'Ablancourt 
has made very good sense of it by saying, qu'on n'y aille 
point sdwi escorte; but I do not think it can be showa 
thatn-fsvo^ij signifies the escort that attends on foragers. 
I shall thereforo venture to make a small variation in 
the text, a liberty I believe I have not above twice in- 

283 



284 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



in order to be ?nfe, and not wander about the 
country without them, and that the care of pro- 
viding them be left to us." This being re- 
solved, he went on. «• Hear also what I have 
farther to say. Some of you will, no doubt, 
desire to go out for plunder. Let all such 
therefore acquaint us with their intentions, and 
to what part of the country they propose to go ; 
that we may know the number both of those 
who go, and of those that stay, and assist the 
former in any thing they want ; and if it shall 
be found necessary to send out succours, that 
we may know whither to send them ; and that, 
if any person of less experience undertakes any 
thing, by endeavouring to know the strength of 
the enemy, we may be able to advise him." 
This also was resolved. " In the next place, 
consider this," says he : " The enemy having 
leisure to make reprisals, may, with justice, lay 
snares for us, for we have possessed ourselves 
of what belongs to them, and they have the ad- 
vantage of us by being posted upon eminences 
that command our camp. For which reason I 
think we ought to place out-guards round the 
camp ; and if, by turns we mount the guard, 
and watch the motions of the enemy, we shall 
be the less exposed to a surprise. Take this 
also into your consideration. If we were as- 



dulged before; it is this, I would read <rw ηγίμζτι in- 
stead of t-.v χ-ξίνίμχΐ; ; but, in order to support this al- 
teration, I find myself obliged to put the reader in mind 
of what our author says immediately before ; he tells 
the men they will expose themselves, $* χμιλχς -re χ*ϊ 
itpvKxxri.; gr*£fMmn sjri -ri ta-i-rft&i»: thefiratof these 
I think he guards against, by advising them to go out 
for provisions rv* ίί γιμζσ-ι. This reading seems to lead 
naturally to what he adds, χ\κας$ί μη πκχνχτ$χι, and 
further to V"*; το»τ«» i?r<,iiiX>j5ivx«. Those who are 
acquainted with the ancient writers, must be sensible 
that there ie so much method in them, and so close a 
connection between their general assertions and the de- 
tail of them, the latter perpetually growing out of the 
former, that I hope this alteration will not seem too vio- 
lent, particularly where some was necessary. But there 
was another danger against which he was to warn them, 
and that related to private plunder, for that is the sense 
of έη-ϊ khxv TT'^e-Jia-Txi, as it is particularly distinguish- 
ed from public expeditions in the sixth book, where Xe- 
noplion telle us the soldiers made an order that when the 
army staid in the camp, ίξί» ίτ» λί«*ν hv*., the men 
were then allowed to go out for private plunder ; and 
presently he will give us an account of the misfortune 
of Cleaenetue, when the Greeks went out upon that ac- 
count, i-i khxv Itr.iirxv ei EWf.vi; : but when he comes 
to the public expeditions of the army to get provisions, 
which he calls •«-; τ* l«rrnfjie **(»••«*£•<, and which 
were made in consequence oftheir resolution u^pon what 
he proposed, he there tells us that he himselflook the 
guides appointed by the Trapezuntians, and led out one 
half of the army, leaving the other to guard the camp. 



j sured that Cheirisophus would return with a 
! sufficient number of ships to transport us, what 
I am going to say would be unnecessary : but, 
as that is uncertain, I think we ought, at the 
same time, to endeavour to provide ourselves 
with ships from hence : for, if we are already 
supplied, when ho arrives we shall have a great- 
er number of ships to transport us ; and, if he 
brings none, we shall make use of these we 
have provided. I observe many ships sailing 
along this coast ; these, if we desire the inhabi- 
tants of Trebisond to supply us with ships of 
strength, we may bring to the shore, and, taking 
off their rudders place a guard upon them, till we 
have enough to transport us in such a manner as 
we propose." This also was resolved. " The next 
thing I would recommend to your consideration," 
says he, « is, whether it may not be reasonable 
to subsist those belonging to the ships, as long as 
they stay in our service, out of the public stock, 
and pay them their freight, that they may find 
their account in serving us." This was also 
resolved. " I think," added Xenophon, " that 
if by this means we should be disappointed of 
a sufficient number of ships, we ought to order 
the towns, that border on the sea, to repair 
the roads, which, as we are informed, are hard- 
ly passable : for they will obey our orders, both 
through fear and a desire to be rid of us." 

Upon this they all cried out, that there was 
no necessity to repair the roads. Xenophon, 
therefore, seeing their folly, declined putting 1 



ι '£r:vi;i(! /iiv sCiiv. Leunclavius mistook this pas- 
sage when he said nihil sanzit, which Hutchinson has 
properly explained by nihil eos sententias rogavit. — 
Thus is£^<Y>;?'C^madeuseof more than once by Thu- 
cydides, and in this sense he makes Nicias use it upon a 
very important occasion : the Athenians, at the insti- 
gation of Alcibiades, resolved to send a fleet of sixty 
ships under his command, and that of Nicias and La- 
machus, to assist the EgesUeans against the Selinun- 
tians, or rather to conquer Sicily. Five days after this 
resolution, there was another assembly of the peop!e, 
where everything that was necessary towards equip- 
ping and manning the. fleet was to be provided. Here 
Nicias did all that was in his power to divert them from 
the expedition, and after many very solid arguments to 
that purpose, he proposes to them to revoke their form- 
er votes, and leave the Sicilians to enjoy what they pos- 
sessed, and com pose those differences without their in- 
terposition ; after proposing this, he calls upon the pre- 
sident of the assembly, (if he thought it bis duty to take 
care of the commonwealth, and desired to show himself 
a good citizen) to put the question and again to take 
the opinion of the Athenians; χ*< *ΐ S λ-^τ*»», τ*ΰτ* 

(ti-if '*,-/*, TOi Tzpnrr-Anv xy,Sttrbxi τι τ?; jrs>*£»i, χχι Z:i- 
Xti γιητϊχ' 3Γβλιτκ$ χγχϊο;) ίττι^νζιζί, xxt γνχμχς, 
*ξίτι$α χίτι; Άβΐ|**«ο<$. D'Ablancourt has said very 
carelessly, ne laissd pas d'y donner ordrt. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



285 



any question relating to that, but prevailed on 
the towns near the sea to mend their roads, of 
their own accord; telling them, that if the 
roads were good, the Greeks would the sooner 
leave their country. The inhabitants of Tre- 
bisond let them have a galley with fifty oars, 
of which they gave the command to * Dexip- 
pus, who lived in the neighbourhood of Sparta : 
but he, neglecting to take any transport ships, 
went away with the galley, and sailed out 
of the Euxine sea. However, he afterwards 
received condign punishment; for, being in 
Thrace in the service of Seuthes, and car- 
rying on some intrigues there, he was slain by 
IS'icander the Lacedsemonian. The inhabitants 
of Trebisond also supplied them with a galley 
of thirty oars, of which Polycrates an Athe- 
nian, had the command, who brought all the 
transport ships he seized to the shore before 
the camp, and the Greeks, taking out their 
cargoes, appointed guards to take charge of 
them, and retained the ships for their passage. 
In the meantime, the soldiers went out to get 
plunder, some succeeding, and others not. 
But Cleaenetus, in attacking a strong place with 
his own, and another company, was slain to- 
gether with many others. 

II. When the provisions in the neighbour- 
hood were so far consumed, that the parties 
could not return the same day, Xenophon, 
taking some of the inhabitants of Trebisond 
for his guides, led out one half of the army 
against the Drillians, leaving the other to guard 
the camp : because the Colchians, being 
driven out of their houses, were got together 
in great numbers, and encamped upon the 



ι Διζ/χα-ο» Λαχωνιχον a-tfiOixov. Hutchinson lius ren- 
dered this Dezippum Laconem istius loci accolam, and 
D'Ablancourt, in the same sense, qui demeuroit en ces 
quartiers la. This ΐ do not take to be the sense of 
πΐξίοιγ.ος, in this place, which I think Leunclavius has 
rendered very properly Dexippum Laconem e Sparta 
xicinia. The ancient authors in treating of the affairs of 
the Lacedemonians, almost always distinguish between 
< the inhabitants of Sparta and those of Laceda?mon, that 
ii of the country adjoining to it, the former of whom at 
the time of the invasion of Xerxes, consisted but of 
eight thousand men, and were looked upon as better 
soldiers than the latter; for we find Demaratus, in 
Herodotus, saying to Xerxes at the affair of Thermopylaj 
ϊβ-τ» iv τν\ Λχχ.($*ιμον» ϊττά^τ*, πόΚις α.ν$ξων όχτχκκτ- 
χι\κ*ν μ»ΚΗΓΤΛ• xui ούτοι a -άντις ijueToi tin τοΓβ"» ivSaSt 
μ*χιτ»μίνοκτι• ο" γι μ^ν 5λλο• Λ«κιί»</χ6νίθ«, τούτο<σ•ι 

μ\ν οΰχ Όμο,ο,,χγχΒοΙ Si. These inhabitants of the 
country of Lacedasmon are particularly called r*e*w 
by Strabo : who, he tells us, were freed by the Romans, 
when those of Sparta were under the oppression of their 
tyrant». 



eminences. Theso guides did not lead them 
to those places where provisions were easy to 
be had, because the inhabitants were their 
friends ; but conducted them with great cheer- 
fulness into the territories of the Drillians, by 
whom they had been ill treated. This is a 
mountainous country, and of difficult access, 
and the people the most warlike of all those 
who live near the Euxine sea. 

As soon as the Greeks entered their coun- 
try, the Drillians set fire to all the places they 
thought easy to be taken, and then went away. 
So that the Greeks found nothing but swine 
and oxen, and some other cattle that escaped 
the fire. There was one place called their 
metropolis, whither they had all betaken them- 
selves. This place was surrounded by a 2 val- 
ley, exceeding deep, and the access to it was 
difficult. However, the targeteers, advancing 
five or six stadia before the heavy-armed men, 
passed the valley, and seeing there a great 
many cattle with other things, attacked the 
place. They were followed by many pikemen, 
who had left the camp to get provisions : so 
that the number of those who passed the valley, 
amounted to above two thousand men. These 
finding themselves unable to take the place by 
storm (for it was surrounded with a large ditch 
and a rampart, upon which there were pal- 
isades, and many wooden towers) endeavoured 
to retreat ; but the enemy attacked the rear, 
so that, not being able to make their retreat 
(for the pass, which led from the place to the 
valley, was so narrow they could only go one 
by one) they sent to Xenophon, who was at 
the head of the heavy-armed men. The mes- 
senger acquainted him that the place was fur- 
nished with great quantities of effects ; " But," 
says he, " it is so strong, we cannot make our- 
selves masters of it : neither is it easy for us to 
retreat ; for the enemy sallying from the place, 
attacks our rear, and the recess is difficult." 

Xenophon, hearing this, advanced to the 
brink of the valley, and ordered the heavy- 
armed merl to stand to their arms ; then passing 
over with the captains, he considered whether 
it were' better to bring off those who had al- 
ready passed, or to send for the heavy-armed 
men to come over also, in expectation of 
taking the place. He found the first could not 
be brought off without considerable loss, and 
the captains were also of opinion that the 
place might be taken. So Xenophon consented, 



a Xa f ii e *. See note 4, page 226. 



296 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



relying upon the victims ; for the priests 
had foretold there would be an action, and 
that their 1 excursion would be attended with 
success. He sent therefore the captains to 
bring over the heavy-armed men, and him- 
self staid there, and drew off the targeteers 
without suffering any of them to skirmish. 
As soon as the heavy-armed men came up, he 
ordered each of the captains to draw up their 
several companies in such a manner as they 
thought most advantageous. He did this, be- 
cause those captains, who were in a perpetual 
emulation of gallantry, stood near to one an- 
other. While these orders were putting in 
execution, he commanded all the targeteers to 
advance with their fingers 2 in the slings of 
their darts, which, when the signal was given, 
they were to lance, and the archers with their 
arrows on the string, which, upon a signal also, 
they were to discharge ; at the same time he 
ordered the light-armed men to have their 
pouches full of stones ; and appointed proper 
persons to see these orders executed. When 
every thing was ready, and the captains and 
lieutenants, and the men, who valued them- 
selves no less than their leaders, stood all in 
their ranks, and viewed one another, (for by 
reason of the ground the army made a fine ap- 
pearance) they sung the psean, and the trumpet 
sounded ; then the army shouted, the heavy- 
armed men ran on, and javelins, arrows, leaden 
balls, and stones thrown by hand, flew among 
the enemy ; some of the men even throwing 
fire at them. The great quantity of these mis- 
sive weapons forced them both from the pali- 
sades and the towers; so that Agasias of 
Stymphalus, and Philozenus of Pelena, laying 
down their arms, mounted the rampart in their 
vests, only ; when some, being drawn up by 
their companions, and others getting up by 
themselves, the place was taken,' as they imagin- 
ed. Upon this, the targeteers and light-armed 
men, rushing in, plundered every thing they 
could find, while Xenophon, standing at the 
gates, kept as many of the heavy-armed men 
as he could, without : because other bodies of 
the enemy appeared upon some eminences, 



ι Τίλοί τ5ί ijjiisu. Hutchinson understands Ιζίδος 
In this place to relate to the retreat of the Greeks from 
the place, where they seem to have engaged themselves 
rashly ; I have rather chosen to explain it of their ex- 
cursion in quest of provisions, which sense I find Le• 
unclaviue has followed. 

a Ainyxv\trrftt*i ίίνβ». See note 2, page 242. 



strongly fortified. Not long after, there was a 
cry heard within, and the men came flying, 
some with what they had got, and others, pos- 
sibly, wounded. Upon this, there was great 
crowding about the gates. Those who got 
through, being asked what the matter was, said 
there was a fort within, from which the enemy 
sallied, and wounded our men who were in the 
place. 

Xenophon, hearing this, ordered Tolmides 
the crier to publish, that all who desired to 
partake of the plunder should go in ; many, 
therefore, prepared themselves to enter, and, 
rushing in, drove back those who were endea- 
vouring to get out, and shut up the enemy 
again within the fort. The Greeks plundered 
and carried off every thing they found without 
it; while the heavy-armed men stood to their 
arms, some round the palisades, and others 
upon the road that led to the fort. Then Xe- 
nophon and the captains considered whether it 
were possible to take it, for in that case, they 
secured their retreat, which, otherwise, would 
be exceeding difficult : but, upon consideration, 
the fort was found to be altogether impregna- 
ble. Upon this they prepared for their retreat, 
and each of the men pulled up the palisades 
that were next to him ; then the useless peo- 
ple, together with the greatest part of the 
heavy-armed men, were sent out to get plun- 
der ; but the captains retained those, in whom 
each of them confided. 

As soon as they began their retreat, the ene- 
my sallied upon them, in great numbers, armed 
with bucklers, spears, greaves, and Paphlago- 
nian helmets ; while others got upon the houses 
on each side of the street that led to the fort, 
so that it was not safe to pursue them to the 
gates of it, for they threw great pieces of tim- 
ber from above, which made it dangerous both 
to stay, and to retire ; and the night coming on, 
increased the terror. While they were engaged 
with the enemy under this perplexity, some god 
administered to them a means of safety; for 
one of the houses on the right hand took fire 
on a sudden : who set fire to it is not.known ; 
but, as soon as the house fell in, the enemy 
quitted all those on the right, and Xenophon 
being taught this expedient by fortune, ordered 
all the houses on the left to be set on fire. 
These being built of wood were soon in a flame, 
upon which the enemy quitted them also. 
There only now remained those in the front 
to disturb them, it being evident they designed 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



287 



to attack them in their retreat and descent 
from the fort. Upon this, Xenophon ordered 
all who were out of the reach of the missive 
weapons to bring wood, and lay it in the mid- 
way between them and the enemy. When 
they had brought enough, they set fire to it ; 
setting fire at the same time to the houses that 
were next the rampart, in order to employ the 
enemy. Thus, by interposing fire between 
themselves and the Barbarians, they, with dif- 
ficulty, made good their retreat ; the city, with 
all the houses, towers, palisades, and every 
thing else but the fort, was reduced to ashes. 

The next day the Greeks marched away with 
the provisions they had taken ; but apprehend- 
ing some danger in the descent to Trebisond 
(for it was a steep and narrow defile) they 
placed a false ambuscade. A certain Mysian 
by birth as well as name, taking four or five 
Cretans with him, stopped in a thicket, affect- 
ing an endeavour to conceal himself from the 
enemy, while the flashing of their brazen buck- 
lers discovered them here and there. The ene- 
my, therefore, seeing this, were afraid of it, as 
of a real ambuscade ; in the meantime the ar- 
my descended. As soon as the Mysian judged 
they were advanced far enough, he gave the 
signal to his companions to fly in all haste ; and 
he himself, leaving the thicket, fled, and they 
with him. The Cretans (expecting to be over- 
taken) left the road, and rolling down into the 
valleys, got safe to a wood ; but the Mysian, keep- 
ing the road, called out for help, when some ran 
to his assistance, and brought him off wounded. 
These, after they had rescued him, retreated 
6lowly, though exposed to the enemy's missive 
weapons, while some of the Cretans discharged 
their arrows in return. Thus they all arrived 
at the camp in safety. 

III. When neither Cheirisophus returned, 
nor the ships they had provided were sufficient 
to transport them, and no .more provisions were 
to be had, they determined to leave the coun- 
try. To this end they put on board all their 
sick, and those above forty years of age, toge- 
ther with the women and children, and all their 
baggage, that was not absolutely necessary, and 
appointed Philesius and Sophaenetus, the old- 
est of the generals, to go on board, and take 
caro of them. The rest travelled by land, the 
roads being mended ; and the third day they 
arrived at Cerazunt ; * a Greek city, situated 

» E('f Kif «β-ουντα. Cerazunt was the place whence 



' in the country of the Colchians near the sea, 
and a colony of the Sinopiane. Here they 
staid ten days, during which the soldiers were 
reviewed in their arms, and an account taken 

j of their number, which amounted to eight 
thousand six hundred. Theso were all that 
were saved out of about ten thousand ; the rest 
were destroyed by the enemy and by the snow, 
and some by sickness. Here each man receiv- 
ed his share of the money that had been raised 
by the sale of the captives, the tenth part of 
which they consecrated to Apollo, and to Di- 
ana of Ephesus. Of this each of the generals 
received a part, to be appropriated by them to 
that service. Neon the Asinian received that 
which was designed for Cheirisophus. 

Xenophon, therefore, having caused an of- 
fering to be made for Apollo, consecrated it in 
the treasury of the Athenians at Delphos, in- 
scribing it with his own name and that of 
Proxenus, who was slain with Clearchus, there 
having been an intercourse of hospitality be- 
tween them. As to that part of the money 
which was appropriated to Diana of Ephesus, 
he left it with Megabysus, the sacristan of 
that goddess ; 2 when he departed out of Asia 
in company with Agesilaus, with a design to 
go to Boeotia, conceiving it might be exposed 
to some danger with him at Chaeronea. He 
enjoined Megabysus, if he escaped, to restore 
the money to him, otherwise to make such an 
offering with it, as he thought would be most 
acceptable to the goddess, and dedicate it to 
her. Afterwards, when Xenophon was ba- 
nished from Athens, and lived at Scilus, a town 
built by the Lacedaemonians near Olympia, 
Megabysus came to Olympia to see the games, 
and restored the deposit. With this money, 
Xenophon purchased some lands in honour of 
the goddess, in the place directed by the ora- 
cle, through which the river Sellenus happens 
to run, a river of the same name running also 
hard by the temple of the Ephesian Diana, 



Lucullus, in his return from his expedition against Mi- 
thridates, brought cherry-trees into Italy, in the year of 
Rome 680; one hundred and twenty years after that 
they were carried into Britain : they seem to have had 
their name from this city, or the city from them. Tour- 
nefort tells us, that he found all the hills, in the neigh- 
bourhood of it, covered with those trees. Cerazunt 
was afterwards called Pharnaceia, though Ptolemy, 
Strabo, and Pliny make them different towns. 

a Ότι iwmt ο-υν Ά^οπλάω. Sec the Life of Xeno- 
phon prefixed to this translation, where this and many 
other subsequent passages are explained. 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



and in both there are shell-fish, 1 as well as 
other fish ; besides, there are in this place, near 
Scilus, wild beasts of all kinds that are proper 
for the chase. Xenophon also built a 2 temple 
and an altar with this consecrated money ; and 
from that time offered to the goddess an an- 
nual sacrifice of the tenth of the product of 
every season ; and all the inhabitants, with the 
men and women in the neighbourhood, partook 
of the feast ; and all who were present at it have 
barley meal, bread, wine, and sweetmeats in 
honour of the goddess, and also their share of 
the victims that are killed from the consecrated 
lands, and of the game that is taken. For the 
sons of Xenophon, and those of the rest of the 
inhabitants, always make a general hunting 
against the feast, when all who desired it hunt- 
ed along with them ; and wild boars, with 3 roe 
and red deer, were taken both upon the conse- 
crated lands, and upon a mountain called 
Pholoe. The place lies near the road that leads 
from Lacedsemon to Olympia, about twenty 
stadia from the temple of Jupiter, that stands 
in the last of these cities. There are groves 
belonging to it, and hills covered with trees, 
very proper to feed swine, goats, sheep, and 
horses ; so that those belonging to the per- 
sons who come to the feast, find plenty of 
pasture. 

The temple itself stands in a grove of fruit 
trees, that yield all sorts of fruit proper to the 



t Κογχχι. Under the title of Koy%*» in Greek, and 
conchiz in Latin, are comprehended the infinite variety 
of shell fish described by Pliny ; most of which, I dare 
say, I have seen in Sir Hans Sloane's magnificent and 
curious collection of the product of all the four parts of 
the earth ; which collection I look upon as a much bet- 
ter comment upon that author, than all that has been 
written to explain him. 

a'Ea-:i>iff-£ Si xxl vxlv, etc. Pausanias tells us that 
near to this temple stood a monument, said to he erected 
for Xenophon, with his statue in Penteleeian marble. 
The quarry of this marble, so much celebrated among 
the statuaries, was upon a mountain of that name near 
Athens; whatever merit this marble might have, we 
find in Pliny that the first statuaries made use of no 
other than that of Paros, though, since that time, he 
says, many whiter kinds of marble have been discover- 
ed, and, not long before he wrote, in the quarries of 
Luna, a sea-port town of Tuscany. I have lately seen, 
in the hands of a very curious person, a piece of marble 
just brought from the island of Paros : it is exceedingly 
white, and sparkles like the fragments of the most an- 
cient statues, which, by these circumstances, ae well as 
by the authority of the best authors, plainly appears to 
have been of that marble. 

» Δο£ xiifi. See note 5, page 180, upon the first book. 
The mountain Pholoe in Arcadia was famous for all 
sorts of game. 



season. 4 It resembles in little the temple of 
Ephesus, and the statue of the goddess is as 
like that of Ephesus, as a statue of cypress 
can be to one of gold. Near to the temple 
stands a pillar with this inscription ; " These 
lands are consecrated to Diana. Let the pos- 
sessor offer up the tenth part of the annual pro- 
duct in sacrifice, and out of the surplus, keep 
the temple in repair. If he fails, the goddess 
will punish his neglect." * 



* Ό $1 ναος } <*>f A<<*f£i μ-ιγχ\φ τω lv 'E$e(ra> e ix-xirrxf 
xai τΐ ξο«νον tOijeev, <£j χυτηχς ιτα -tvov xgv<ro> οντ« τω ii» 

Έφίο -a). Hutchinson h£is,upon this occasion, quoted a 
passage out of Pliny, wherein that author gives the 
dimensions of the temple of Ephesus ; but it must be 
observed, that the temple there described by Pliny, was 
not in being at the time of our author ; since it was 
only begun after the first was burned down by Heros- 
tratus, which happened the same night Alexander the 
Great was born, that is, in the Attic month Boedromion 
(September), in the first year of the hundred and sixth 
Olympiad : which gave occasion to Timaeus, the his- 
torian, to say, that it was no wonder Diana's temple was 
burned, since the goddess was from home attending 
Olympiasin her labour. The temple, therefore, which 
was burned down by Herostratus, not that described by 
Pliny, (which was not begun till some years after Xe- 
nophon's death, and was two hundred and twenty 
years in building) must have been the model of the tem- 
ple built by Xenophon at Scilus. The last temple of 
Ephesus, Alexander, it seems, was so desirous to have 
inscribed with his name, that he offered the Ephesians 
to bear all the expense they had been, and should be 
at, in building it, provided they would consent to the in- 
scription. This they refused with as great vanity as 
he desired it; but, being sensible that a fiat denial might 
be attended with dangerous consequences, they clothed 
theirs with a piece of flattery, and told Alexander that 
it was not decent for one god to dedicate temples to an- 
other. The same judgment is to he made of the quota- 
tion brought by Hutchinson out of Pliny, in relation to 
the wood of which the statue of the Ephesian Diana 
was made, since we find, by this passage of Xenophon, 
that the statue in the first temple was of gold. I am 
apt to believe also that the representations of the 
Ephesian Diana, which are to be met with in several 
monuments of antiquity, are all taken from the statue 
in the last temple. The great numbers of breasts wit h 
which the body of this statue is surrounded, (from which 
she was called multimammia, ποκυμχβ-τος) confirm the 
opinion of some learned men, that the Egyptian Isis, 
and the Greek Diana, where the same divinity with 
Rhoea from the Hebrew word PljTlj Rahah, to feed. The 
Diana of Ephesus also, like Rhoea or Cybele, was 
crowned with turrets, which symbol of Rhosa, together 
withherfecundtyy, are both set forth in those beautiful 
verses, where Virgil compares Rome to this goddess : 
" En hujus, Nate, Auspiciia ilia inclyta Roma 
lmperium Terris, animos aequabit Olympo ; 
Septemque una sibi Muro cirenmdabit Arces, 
Felix Prole virum ; qualis Berecynthia mater 
Invehitar carru Phrygias turrita per urbes, 
Lseta Deum partu, centum complexa Nepoteg, 
Oranes Crclicolas, omnes supera alta tenentes." 
I am surprised that Montfaucon, in his account of tie 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



289 



IV. From Cerazunt those who went, on 
board before continued their voyage by sea, 
and the rest proceeded by land. When they 
came to the confines of the 1 Mosyncecians, 
they sent Timesitheus of Trebisond to them, 
(between whom and them there was an inter- 
course of hospitality) to ask them, in their 
name, whether they desired the Greeks should 
march through their country as friends or as 
enemies 1 The Mosynoecians answered it was 
equal to them ; for they trusted to their places 
of strength. Upon this, Timesitheus informed 
the Greeks, that the Mosyncecians, who inhab- 
ited the country beyond these, were at enmity 
with them : so they resolved to send to this 
people to know whether they were disposed to 
enter into an alliance ; and Timesitheus being 
sent upon this occasion, returned with their 
magistrates. When they were arrived, they had 
a conference with the generals of the Greeks, 



Diana of Ephesus, and of the various representations 
of that goddess, does not distinguish between the two 
temples and the two statues, but contents himself with 
quoting the same passage out of Pliny, to show the dif- 
ferent opinions of people concerning the wood of which 
the statue was made. But to return to the Greek Diana, 
the Phrygian Rhoba, or the Egyptian Isia, all emblems 
of fecundity, it is very observable that almost all the 
statues of the Ephesian Diana have a crab upon the 
breast: of which Montfaucon, after he has given the 
opinions of the antiquaries, says the signification is un- 
certain. However uncertain it may be, I beg I may be 
allowed to offer a conjecture about it. Every one agrees 
that the representation of the Ephesian Diana was ta- 
ken from the Egyptian Isis, and all authors, both an- 
cient and modern, affirm that the overflowing of the 
Nile becomes remarkable generally at the summer sol- 
stice; bow then could the Egyptians represent fertility 
better than by placing on the breast of their goddess 
Isis, or universal nature, that sign in the zodiac, which 
denotes the summer solstice, when the fertile water of 
the Nile begins to diffuse plenty over the face of their 
country Ί This hieroglyphical manner of representing 
fertility is agreeable to the genius of the Egyptians, 
who seem to have pursued it in the composition of their 
fictitious animal, the sphinx, a figure composed of the 
body of a lion, and the head of a virgin, with the same 
view of denoting plenty spread over Egypt by the over- 
flowing of the Nile, during the time the sun passes 
through the signs of the lion and virgin, which immedi- 
ately follow the summer solstice, )?2ty, Sphang, in He- 
brew, from whence the word sphinx is visibly derived, 
signifying overflowing. 

ι Μοο•υνο.'χ*ι/. The Mosyncecians are thus paraphra- 
sed by Dionysius Periegetes, 



)ι μοττννχς ejjouo"» 



AougMTtOu;.• 

Upon which Eustathius observes λι^ί ι ,αοτυ ν *? ΐχην 
ioujsiTeois ϊ,γουν ξύλινου;. It seems the Greeks gave 
them the name of Mosyncecians, from the wooden tow- 
ers they inhabited, μοσ-νν signifying in Greek a wooden 
tower. 

25 



and Xcnophon spoke to them in this manner, 
Timesitheus being the interpreter : 

" Ο Mosyncecians ! we propose to go to 
Greece by land, for we have no ships : but 
these people, who, as we understand, are your 
enemies, oppose our passage. You have it in 
your power, therefore, if you think proper, by 
entering into an alliance with us, both to take 
revenge of them for any injuries they may have 
formerly done you, and to keep them in sub- 
jection for the furture. Consider then, whether, 
if you neglect this opportunity, you arc ever 
like to be supported with so powerful an alli- 
ance." To this the chief magistrate of the 
Mosyncecians made answer, that he approved 
of this, and accepted our alliance. « Let us 
know then," said Xenophon, " what use you 
propose to make of us, if we become your al- 
lies 1 And of what service you can be to us in 
our passage 1" They answered, " We have it 
in our power to make an irruption, on the 
other side, into the country of those who are 
enemies to us both, and to send hither ships 
with men, who will be both auxiliaries, and 
your guides." 

Upon these terms they gave their faith and 
received ours, and then returned. The next 
day they came back with three hundred canoes, 
three men being in each, two of whom disem- 
barking stood to their arms in order of battle, 
and the third remained on board. These went 
away in their canoes, and the rest disposed 
themselves in the following manner. They 
drew up in several lines, each consisting of 
about one hundred men, which, like, rows of 
dancers faced one another ; they had all buck- 
lers, made of the hides of white oxen with the 
hair on, and shaped like an ivy-leaf; and in 
their right hands a spear, six cubits in length, 
with a point on the upper part, and on the 
lower a ball of the same wood. They wore 
vests, which did not reach to their knees, of 
the thickness of the linen bags 2 in which car- 
pets are usually packed up : and on their heads 
helmets made of leather, like those of the 
Paphlagonians, from the middle of which there 
rose a tuft of hair 3 braided to a point, resem- 



a Linen bag. — Στξωμχτοδεα-μος. It was in one of these 
sacks that Cleopatra conveyed herself in order to de- 
ceive CffiBar'e guards, and solicit him against her broth- 
er — χπ«ςθν ii,says Plutarch, του λ«θ•«Γν οντος χΚΚας, 
►Ι μιν ί'ις (Γτρωματοόκτμον ίν&υ<ΓΧ } wfOTUvei μχχξχν tiu- 
T)jv• ό ϊι ΆποΚΚϊδωξΟς Ιμχντι (Τυνδησ-χς τον ■ (*>μχτο- 
ίιτ,κονι ίΐβ-χομιζίΐ ττςος τον X.uitrx(x. 

* Tuft of hair.— Kf w(fu\ov. I shall quote a passage of 
2M 



290 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



bling a tiara. They had also battle-axes made 
of iron. Then one of them led the way, and 
all the rest followed, singing also, and march- 
ing in time ; when passing through the ranks 
of the Greeks, as they stood to their arms, 
they advanced immediately against the enemy, 
to a fort that seemed in no degree capable of 
making resistance. This fort stood before the 
city, which they called the metropolis, that 
contained within it the most considerable cita- 
del of the Mosynoecians. This citadel was 
the subject of the present war between them ; 
for those who were in possession of it were 
always looked upon to have the command of 
all the rest of the Mosynoecians : they told us, 
that the others had seized this place contrary 
to all justice, it belonging to both nations in 
common, and by seizing it had gained the as- 
cendant over them. 

Some of the Greeks followed these men, not 
by the orders of their generals, but for the 
sake of plunder. The enemy, upon their ap- 
proach, kept themselves quiet for a time ; but, 
when they came near the fort they sallied out, 
and, putting them to flight, killed many of the 
Barbarians, together with some of the Greeks 
who were of the party, and pursued them till 
they saw the Greek army coming up to their 
assistance. Upon which they turned and fled : 



Thucydides, upon this occasion, not only to explain the 
signification of this word, but also because the passage 
itself contains an account of a very odd dress in use 
among the Athenians of old, with the observation of the 
Greek Scholiast upon it. Thucydides tells us, that not 
long before his time, the old men at Athens, of the rich- 
er sort wore linen vests, and the braids of their hair 
interwoven with golden grasshoppers : χ«» of π^ιτβύτι• 

^ οι χΰτοϊς των ιΰδχιμονων, Six το «SgoiietiTOv, ού ποΚνς 
%jOvoj £5Γ£•ϊΐ) χιτωνχς Ti\ivouj ΐπχΰρχνχο φοξουντι; χ«ί 
%fuo-<ov TiTTiyini' £V£fO-|« ΧξωβυΚον κνχδουμινΟί των iv tjj 

xt ς>*λ»ι τξ ιχ«ν, The Greek Scholiast, in his observation 
upon this, passage, fully explains the word χ?ώ/3υλθί, 
made use of by Xenophon in that now before us : χςά• 

U •j/.:; , says he, ίο*τίν n'ibf πΚιγ-μχτΙς των τς ι%ων } άττο 
ίχχτίξ -jiv ίίς ό?ϋ άττολ^ον ίχαλίΓτο St των μ\ν χνδςων, 
ΚξύβυΚος• των ίί yuv*ix.uv } χόξνμβος' των St itxiS-mv (τκος• 

νιος Ιφοςουν ίι τιττί^*?, Six το μου<τι>ι6ν > ίΐ Six το 

αντοχ,$3νχς ιΐνχι, χ*ί γχς το ζωον γ^γινίζ. And this IS 

the sense I have given to the word χξωβυκος, in my 
translation of this passage. The last reason given by 
the Greek Scholiast for the Athenians wearing grass- 
hoppers in their hair seems the best founded, thatis, that 
they did it to show they were the original inhabitants of 
the country ; for every body knows this was their pre- 
Xension. I am at a loss to know what induced D'Ablan- 
court to translatexe<e/3u\o?, un cerele defer. He has been 
equally unfortunate in rendering the following passage 

— χ»τ«ν<ο•χου{ ίί tvtSlSvxKTXv νπΐξ γονάτων, "ilsavoient 

des cottes d'armes, qui leur paeeoient lea genoux." 



and, cutting off the heads of the slain, they 
showed them both to the Greeks and to the 
Mosynajcians, their enemies ; dancing at the 
same time, and singing a particular tune. 1 This 
accident gave the Greeks great uneasiness, both 
because it encouraged the enemy, and because 
their own men, who were of the party, in great 
numbers ran away ; which had never happened 
before during the whole expedition. Upon 
this Xenophon, calling the soldiers together, 
spoke to them in this manner. « Gentlemen ! 
do not suffer yourselves to be cast down by 
what has happened ; for the good that attends 
it is not less than the evil. In the first place 
this has convinced you, that our guides are in 
reality enemies to those to whom we are so 
through necessity. Secondly, those Greeks 
who despised our discipline, and thought them- 
selves able to perform as great things, in con- 
junction with the Barbarians, as with us, are 
justly punished : so that for the future they 
will be less desirous of leaving our army. Pre- 
pare yourselves, therefore, to let those Barba- 
rians, who are your friends, see that you are 
superior to them in courage, and to show those 
who are your enemies, that they will not find 
you the same men now, as when they engaged 
you, while you were in disorder." 

Thus they passed this day. The next, as 
soon as they had offered sacrifice, and found 
the victims favourable, they took their repast. 
After that, the army being drawn up in co- 
lumns, and the Barbarians placed on their left 
in the same disposition, they went on, the 
archers marching in the intervals, a little within 
the foremost ranks of the heavy-armed men ; 
for the enemy's forlorn consisting of light- 
armed, advanced before the rest, and discharged 
a volley of stones among the Greeks. These 
were repulsed by the archers and targeteers. 
The rest marched slowly on, and first went 
against the fort, before which the Barbarians 
and the Greeks, who were with them, had been 
put to flight the day before : for here the ene- 
my was drawn up. The Barbarians received 
the targeteers, and fought with them : but, 
when the heavy-armed men came up, they 
fled ; and the targeteers immediately followed, 



» Singing a particular tune. Κόμωτινι «oWif. No/uoj 
is used in the same sense by Herodotus, where speaking 
of the adventure of Arion, he says, tIv St (Ά? «on») lv. 

Svvtx τι πχνχν Tt\v e*x<ut)v | xoef λ»βόντ« τήι/ χ<θάςν», 
ο-τάκτ* lv τοΓο-< (ίώλοιο-ί ί»(ξιλίιΓνΐΌ/κο»'τον οξθίο?. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



291 



pursuing them up the hill to the metropolis, 
while the heavy-armed men marched on in their 
ranks. As soon as the Greeks had gained the 
top of the hill, and came to the houses of the 
metropolis, the enemy being now got together 
in a body, engaged them, and lanced their jave- 
lins ; and with other spears, which were of that 
length and thickness that a man could scarce 
wield one of them, they endeavoured to defend 
themselves hand to hand. 

However, the Greeks pressing hard upon 
them, and engaging them in a close fight, they 
fled, and presently all the Barbarians quitted 
the town. But their king, who resided in a 
wooden tower situated upon an eminence, 
(whom, while he resides there, and guards the 
place, they maintain at the public expense,) re- 
fused to leave it, as did also those who were 
in the place that was first taken ; so they were 
burned there, together with their towers. The 
Greeks, in sacking the town, founfl in the 
houses great heaps of bread, made according to 
the custom of the country the year before ; as 
the Mosynoecians assured, us ; and the new 
corn laid up in the straw ; ί it was most of it 
spelt. They found also dolphins cut to pieces, 
lying in pickle in jars ; and in other vessels the 
fat of the same fish, which the Mosynoecians 
used as the Greeks do oil. In their garrets 
were great quantities of 2 chestnuts. These 
they boil, and generally use instead of bread. 
There was found wine also, which when un- 
mixed was so rough that it appeared sour, but 
being mixed with water became both fragrant 
and sweet. 

The Greeks, having dined there, went for- 
ward, delivering up the place to those Mosy- 
noecians who had assisted them in taking 
it. As for the rest of the towns they arrived 
at, which belonged to the enemy, the easiest 
of access were either abandoned or surrender- 
ed ; the greatest part of which are of this 



nature. They are distant from one another 
eighty stadia, some more and some less ; and 
yet, when the inhabitants call out to one 
another, they can be heard from one town to 
another ; so mountainous and so hollow is the 
country. The Greeks proceeding still for- 
wards, arrived among their allies, who showed 
them boys belonging to the rich men, fatted 
with boiled chestnuts : their skin was delicate 
and exceeding white, and they were very 
near as thick as they were long. Their backs 
were painted with various colours, and all their 
fore parts 3 impressed with flowers. They 
wanted publicly to make use of the women the 
Greeks brought with them. It seems this is 
their custom. The people of this country, 
both men and women, are very fair. All the 



t Zhou. Zhx, or ζ«'<* in Greek, is what the Romans 
called far, as we fin<1 very particularly in Dionysius 
Halicarnassensis, where speaking of the matrimonial 
ceremony, by them called, " confarreatio," he says it 
had its name *»« t>j,- xo<vuv>*; too φκρρβ;, ί χαλοΰμιν 
ΗΛ»ιΓί ζίχν ; I am apt to believe it was what we call 
spelt. Pliny says the epithet of <fni<uf oj, which Homer 
gives so often to «e όυ? «, is derived from ζ«», not from 
ζί», according to the general opinion. 

* KxfUB τ* πλ,χτίχ. οϋχ «%οι/τ» διχφυην ouii.uiav. 

Literally "flat nuts without any cleft ;" x* iU <* signi- 
fies nuts in general ; by these additions they are distin- 
guished both from common nuts and walnuts. 



s 'Eo-T«y^£vouc ύν^ιμιον. I am not at all suprised that 
the translators are puzzled at the word κν^ιον in 
this place, for I believe it is no easy matter to find it 
used in thi9 sense by any other author. Hutchinson 
has said, after Leunclavius, "pictura florida distinctis," 
which though I am far from condemning, yet I think 
mvSe/uoiv is the word used by all authors in that sense. 
This is the epithet Homer gives to the basin or charg- 
er which Achilles proposes as one of the prizes to the 
victor in throwing the dart. 

Koiiii λίβ>ιτ' α7Τυξθν /3obj αζιον α.ν5ιμοιντ» 
Θϊ)χ' ϊς aySivu, φίςνν. ■ 

Which Mr Pope has translated, as he ever does, with 
great propriety, 

" An ample charger of unsullied frame, 
With flowers high wrought." 

The lexicons are as silent, in relation to this sense of the 
word κι/9ί/ί<οι/, as the authors. Hesychius says it signi- 
fies a winding line in pillars, γςχμμη Tif ίλ«χθ£ΐοί{ is 
toij x»o<ri. I suppose he means twisted pillars; it is 
therefore submitted to the reader whether Xenophon 
may not say that the fore-parts of this people were im- 
pressed with this kind of flourishes. D'Ablancourt has 
said, with great art and little fidelity, " ils avoient le dos 
et 1'estomac peints de diverses couleurs," by this means 
he has left out ίνβιμιον. The custom, mentioned by 
Xenophon, to have been in practice among the Mosynoe- 
cians, of painting their bodies, was also ueed by our 
ancestors, as we find in Ceesar, who says that all the 
Britons painted themselves with woad, which makes a 
blue dye. "Omnes se Britanni vitro inficiunt, quod 
cceruleam efficit colorem." This word vitrum has, I 
find, puzzled the commentators : but it signifies here the 
plant which the Greeks call ισ-χπς, in English, woad, 
a plant well known to the dyers, who use great quanti- 
ties of it to make their blue dye. " Herba," says Mar- 
cellus Empiricus. " quam nog vitrum, Graci Isatida 
vocant." The French called this herb, in Pliny's time, 
glaetum, and, in this day they call it giicsde, as well at 
pastel. I am informed that the Welch, as well as the 
inhabitants of lower Brittany in France, still call i l 
glass, so that it is probable the equivocal application of 
vitrum may have given occasion to the equivocal sense 
of the word glass. 



^0*2 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



amy agreed that these were the most barba- 
rous people they had met with in all their ex- 
pedition, and the most distant from the man- 
ners of the Greeks. For * they do those things 
in puhlic which others do in private, otherwise 
they dare not do them at all : and in private, 
they behave themselves as if they were in pub- 
lic. They talk to themselves, they laugh by 
themselves, and dance, wherever they happen 
to be, as if they were showing their skill to 
others. The Greeks were eight days in pass- 
ing through the enemy's country, and that 
which belonged to the Mosyncecians their 
allies. 

V. After that they arrived among the 
2 Chalvbians. These are few in number, and 
subject to the Mosynoecians ; and the greatest 
part of them subsist by the manufacture of 
iron. From thence they came to the 3 Tibare- 
nians. This is a much more campaign coun- 
try, and their towns near the sea are not so 
strong. These the generals were disposed to 
attack, that the army might have the advantage 
of some plunder. For this reason they declin- 
ed receiving the presents which the Tibarenians 
sent them as a token of hospitality : but, hav- 
ing ordered those who brought them, to wait 
till they had conferred together, they offered 
sacrifice ; and, after many victims were slain, 
all the priests agreed that the gods by no means 
allowed them to make war upon this people. 
Hereupon they accepted their presents, and 
marching as through a country belonging to 
their friends, they came to 4 Cotyora, a Greek 



1 Έντί γΰ,ξ οχκω ονπς. This account of tbe very 
odd manners of this people is transcribed almost word 
for word by Eustathius, in his notes upon Dionysius 
Periegetes. Upon this occasion, I cannot help men- 
tioning what Strabo says of the Irish, ςανεςως μκτγε- 

r$xi τχΤς τ£ st\K»n yucxiji, xcti μ^τςίσι x.xt άίίλφαΓ; J 

but, lest we should think ourselves less barbarous than 
our neighbours, Caesar says the same thing of the 
Britons. 

* E»j Χίκυζχς. Strabo is of opinion that these were 
the same with the Alizonians mentioned by Homer, 

Αύτα^ Άκιζώνων Όοιο; Si 'ΕπκττξΟφος ϊ,ξχον 
Τ*λ•β«ν ίξ Άλύο>); aiiv ifyujou ιττ» yeveSKn. 

And that either the poet wrote «* Χ»λυζ»υ } or that the 
inhabitants were originally called Alybians. By this 
passage of Homer it seems they were, at that time, as 
famous for their mines of silver as they were afterwards 
for those of iron. 

* TiS*f tivowj. These were called by Dionysius Perie- 
getes, ττολυρ^νις TiSa^vii'st, which epithet agrees very 
well with the account our author gives of their country. 

* KoTu-of *. This town was no more than a village 
in Arrian'e time, and, as he says, a small one. 



city, and a colony of the Sinopians, situated in 
the territory of the Tibarenians. 

Thus far the army travelled by land, having, 
in their retreat from the field of battle near 
Babylon to Cotyora, made, in one hundred and 
twenty-two marches, six hundred and twen- 
ty parasangs, that is, eighteen thousand six 
hundred stadia, in which they spent eight 
months. Here they staid forty-five days ; 
during which they first offered sacrifice to the 
gods ; 5 then, dividing themselves according to 
their several nations, made processions, and 
celebrated gymnic games. After that they 
went out to get provisions, taking some out of 
Paphlagonia, and the rest out of the country 
of the Cotyorians : for they refused to supply 
them with a market, or to admit their sick in- 
to the city. 

In the meantime ambassadors arrived from 
Sinope ; these were in pain both for the city 
of the Cotyorians, which belonged to them, and 
paid them tribute, and for the country, which 
they heard was plundered. When they came 
to the camp of the Greeks, they spoke thus, 
Hecatonymus, who was esteemed a man of 
great eloquence, speaking for the rest : " Gen- 
tlemen ! the city of Sinope hath sent us hither, 
first to commend you, for that, being Greeks, 
you have overcome the Barbarians ; next, to 
congratulate you upon your safe arrival, through 
many, and, as we are informed, grievous hard- 
ships. But we have reason to expect that, as 
we are Greeks also, we shall rather receive 
favours, than injuries from Greeks : parti- 
cularly, since we have never provoked you by 
any ill treatment. I must acquaint you then, 
that Cotyora is our colony, and that having 
conquered this country from the Barbarians, we 
have given it to them. For which reason, 
they pay us the tribute at which they are taxed, 
in the same manner with the inhabitants of 
Cerazunt and Trebisond ; so that whatever in- 
jury you do them, the city of Sinope will look 
upon it as done themselves. Now, we are in- 
formed that you have entered their town by 



s Κ*τ' Ιίνος. Leunclavius has translated this, I think, 
properly, " Greeds per singulas nationes distinctis," and 
Hutchinson, who takes notice of this translation of 
Leunclavius in his notes without any mark of disappro- 
bation, has, however, chosen to render it " quisque pro 
more gentis ;" I own I doubt whether χ«τ* Ί5νος signi- 
fies " pro more gentis." By the little acquaintance I 
have had with the Greek authors, ί observe that**T* 
τά 7ra.T(tx is almost always the expression they make 
use of upon that occasion. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



293 



force ; that some of you are quartered in their 
houses, and that you take what you want, out 
of the country, without their consent. These 
things we cannot approve of; and, if you con- 
tinue this behaviour, we shall be obliged to 
enter into an alliance with Corylas, and the 
Paphlagonians, and with any other nation we 
can prevail upon to assist us." 

Then Xenophon rose up, and spoke thus in 
behalf of tho soldiers. " We come hither, 
Ο men of Sinope ! well satisfied with having 
preserved our persons, and our arms ; for, to 
bring our booty along with us, and at the same 
time to fight with our enemies, was impossible. 
And now, since we arrived among the Greek 
cities, at Trebisond, for example, we paid for 
all the provisions we had, because they supplied 
us with a market ; and, in return for the ho- 
nours they did us, and the presents they gave to 
the army, we paid them all respect, abstaining 
from those Barbarians who were their friends, 
and doing all the mischief we were able to their 
enemies, against whom they led us. Inquire 
of them what usage they have received from 
us ; for the guides, whom that city has sent 
along with us through friendship, are here 
present. But wherever we find no market 
provided for us, whether among the Barbarians 
or Greeks, we supply ourselves with provi- 
sions, not through insolence, but necessity. 
Thus we made the Carduchians, the Chal- 
dseans, and the Taochians, (though no subjects 
of the kin<fc yet very warlike nations,) our ene- 
mies, by being obliged to take what we wanted, 
because they refused to supply us with a 
market; while we treated the Macronians, 
though Barbarians, as friends, and took nothing 
from them by force, because they supplied us 
with the best market they were able. And if 
we have taken any thing from the Cotyorians, 
who, you say, are your subjects, they are them- 
selves the cause of it : for they have not be- 
haved themselves to us as friends; but, shut- 
ting their gates, would neither suffer us to 
come within their walls, nor supply us with a 
market without : and of this they lay the fault 
upon the person you have sent hither as their 
governor. As to what you say concerning our 
quartering in their houses by force, we desired 
them to receive our sick under their roofs : 
they refusing to open the gates, we passed 
through them into the city, without committing 
any other act of violence, and our sick lodged 
25*. 



now in their houses, without putting them to any 
expense. We have, it is true, placed a guard 
at tho gates, that our people may not be under 
the power of your governor, but that we may be 
at liberty to carry them away whenever we may 
think proper. The rest of us, as you see, en- 
camp, in order, in the open air, prepared, if any 
one does us a favour, to return it; if an injury, 
to resent it. You threaten to enter into an 
alliance with Corylas and the Paphlagonians, 
if you see convenient, against us. Know then, 
that if you force us to it, we will encounter you 
both (for we have already engaged much more 
•numerous enemies ;) besides, we have it also 
in our power, if we think fit, to enter into an 
alliance with the Paphlagooian ; for we are 
informed that he wants to make himself master 
both of your city and of the maritime towns. 
We shall therefore endeavour, by assisting him 
in attaining what he desires, to gain his friend- 
ship." 

'Upon this, the rest of the ambassadors showed 
a visible dislike of what Hecatonymus had said ; 
and another of them advancing, said they were 
not come to declare war, but to express their 
friendship. " And if," says he, " you think 
fit to come to Sinope, we will receive you in a 
hospitable manner, and for the present, direc- 
tions shall be given to the inhabitants. of this 
place to supply you with every thing ; for we 
are sensible you advance nothing but what is 
true." After this, the Cotyorians sent presents 
to the army, and the generals of the Greeks 
also treated the ambassadors with all hospita- 
lity. They all conferred together a considera- 
ble time in a very friendly manner ; and, among 
other things, the generals inquired concerning 
the remainder of the way, and both of every 
thing that related to their respective concerns. 
And thus ended that day. 

VI. The next day the generals thought pro- 
per to call the soldiers together, and to consider 
of the rest of their march, in the presence of 
the Sinopians ; for, if they determined to 
travel by land, they thought these might be of 
service to conduct them, for they were well ac- 
quainted with Paphlagonia ; and, if by sea, 
they imagined they should also want the assist- 
ance of the Sinopians, for they alone seemed ca- 
pable of providing a sufficient number of ships to 
transport them. Calling therefore the ambassa- 
dors, they consulted together: and the generals 
desired that, as they themselves were Greeks, 



294 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



R ould first show their hospitality by their 
benevolence to Ghreeke, and by giving them the 
best advice they were able. 

Then Hecatonymm rose up, and first made 
an apology, for having said that they would 
enter into an alliance with the Paphlagonian, 
alleging, that he did not say this with a view of 
making war upon the Greeks, but to let them 
see, that, having it in their power to make an 
aliiance with the Barbarians, they preferred 
that of the Greeks. Being called upon to 
give his advice, he first invoked the gods : then 
said thus : " If the advice I am going to give 
you, appears to me the best, may I be prosper- 
ous ; otherwise, miserable ; for the present 
counsel seems to be of the nature of those, 
which are termed * holy. If, therefore, I am 
found to advise you well, I shall have many to 
applaud me, and, if ill, many to curse me. I 
am sensible, then, that we shall have much 
more trouble, if you return by sea ; for in that 
case we shall be obliged to supply you with 
ships : whereas if you go by land, it will be 
incumbent on you to fight your way through. 
However, I must speak what I think; for I 
am, well acquainted both with the country of 
the Paphlagonians, and with their strength. 
Their country contains many very fair plains, 
and mountains of a prodigious height. And first 
of all, I know the place where you must, of 
necessity, enter it ; for there is but one pass, 
and that lies between two points of a rock 
exceeding high. These a very few men, posted 
there, may defend ; and, if the enemy are once 
masters of this pass, all the men in the world 
cannot force their way. This I can make 
appear to any one you think proper to send 
along with me. On the other side of this pass, 
I am well assured, you will find plains, and 
upon them a body of horse, which the Barba- 
rians themselves think exceeds all the cavalry 
the king is master of. These, though lately 
summoned, did not attend him, their commander 



ι 'U e x <ru/*)2cj>.i. We find by this passage of Xeno- 
phon, and by another in Plato, that it was a common 
eaying among the Greeks, that counsel was a divine 
thing. " If." says the latter to Demodocus, " counsel is 
called a divine thing, none can be more so than that 
which relates to the present question ;" this was educa- 
tion. *XX '■ μ'*ν 'ικ ■■" Alf/toffottf. «ι /.ιγιται yi σ-υμ&ουλνι 
• If 5* '/.(*μχ iivxi. ΖΊ-ίξ oZv xsei xhf.v, xtitcCv irrtv uji 
xxi aCry, S.v t'y. tti,>\ γ,ς οϋ ν'ύν <τνμϋθ\>Κίυ>}. D'Ablan- 

court was sensible this parenthesis could have no grace in 
a modern language: but I doubt whether that reason will 
be thought to justify his leaving it out. 



being too haughty to obey. But, admit you 
could even seize the pass between these moun- 
tains unobserved, and prevent the enemy, and, 
afterwards, in the plain, defeat their horse and 
foot, whose numbers amount to above one hun- 
dred and twenty thousand men, you will still find 
several rivers in your way. First, the 2 Ther- 
modon, which is three hundred feet over: the 
passage of which seems to me very difficult, par- 
ticularly, when you have a numerous army in 
front, and another in your rear. Secondly, the 

3 Iris ; this is also three hundred feet broad. 
The third river you will meet with, is the 

4 Halys, not less than two stadia in breadth. 
This you cannot pass without boats ; and who 
is there to supply you with them 1 The 5 Par- 
thenius is, in like manner, impassable. This 
river you would arrive at, if you could pass 
the Halys. So that I do not look upon this 
road as only difficult but absolutely impassable. 
Whereas if you go by sea, you may sail from 
hence to Sinope, and from Sinope to Heraclea ; 
and, from Heraclea, there will be no difficulty, 
either in going by land, or by sea : for there 
you will find great numbers of ships." 

When he had done speaking, some suspected 
he said this out of friendship to Ccrylas, for 
there was an intercourse of hospitality between 
them ; others, that he expected to be reward- 
ed for his advice ; and some, that he said 
it, fearing lest, if they went by land, they 
should do some damage to the country of the 
Sinopians. However, the Greeks eoted to go 
by sea. After that Xenophon said, " Ο men 
of Sinope ! the soldiers have determined to go 
in a manner you advise. But thus the case 
stands. We are contented to go by sea, pro- 
vided we are furnished with such a number of 
ships, that not a man of us shall be left be- 
hind. But if it is proposed, that some of us 
should be left, and some set sail, we are re- 
solved not to go on board at all : because we 
are sensible, that wherever we are the strongest, 
we shall not only he safe, but get provisions 
also ; and that, if we are any where found 
weaker than our enemies, we expect no better 



a Tcv Θιρ,ίίώίοντα. See note upon the sixth book. 

» 'lg tv. This river rises out of the kingdom of Pon- 
tus, and, having received the Lycus, runs through the 
plain of Themiscyra, and, from thence, falls into the 
Euxine sea. 

« Άλυν. See note upon the sixth book. 

t Πχξίίνας. See note upon the sixth book. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



295 



uteagc than to be made slaves." The Sino- 
pians, hearing this, desired the Greeks to send 
ambassadors to them, and accordingly they 
sent Callimachus an Arcadian, Ariston an 
Athenian, and Samylas an Achaian ; who set 
out immediately. 

In the meantime Xenophon, considering the 
great number of Greek heavy-armed men, of 
targeteers, archers, slingers, and horse, who, by 
long experience, were now become good troops, 
looked upon it as an enterprise of great repu- 
tation to add to the acquisitions of Greece, 
that of a country, with the power annexed to 
it, by building a city upon the Euxine sea, 
where so great an army could not be got to- 
gether without a vast expense. He had reason 
to think this city would now grow considerable, 
both from the number of his own men, and of 
the neighbouring inhabitants. Calling, there- 
fore, Silanus of Ambracia, to him, the same 
who had been soothsayer to Cyrus, he offered 
sacrifice upon this occasion, before he commu- 
nicated his thoughts to any of the soldiers. 
But Silanus, fearing this should take effect, 
and that the army would settle in some place, 
acquainted the soldiers that Xenophon pro- 
posed to detain them there, and, by building a 
city, to acquire reputation and power to him- 
self. The design of Silanus in this was to get 
to Greece as soon as possible, having saved 
the three thousand 1 daricks which he received 
from Cyrus, when sacrificing by his order, he 
told him the truth concerning the ten days. 
As soon as the soldiers were informed of this, 
some thought it was best for them to stay 
there ; but the greatest part disapproved 
of it; and Timasion the Dardanian, and 
Thorax the Boeotian, told some merchants of 
Heraclea and Sinope, who were present, that 
if they did not supply the men with money 
sufficient to buy provisions when they set sail, 
they were in danger of having so great an army 
settle in their neighbourhood. " For," said 
they, « Xenophon is the author of this resolu- 
tion, and advises us, as soon as the ships arrive, 
immediately to speak to the army in these 
terms: Gentlemen! we observe you are at a 
loss both how to get provisions for your voy- 
age, and enrich your families in some measure 
when you come home ; but if vou have a 
mind to make choice of some part of the inha- 



See note 6, page ΙυΌ. 



bitcd country that lies round the Euxine sea, 
and possess yourselves of it, and that those 
who are desirous to return home, may go away, 
while the rest stay here, we are now furnished 
with ships for that purpose ; so that you have 
it in your power to make an unexpected descent 
upon any part of the country you think fit." 

The merchants, hearing this, informed their 
cities of it; and Timasion of Dardanus sent 
Eurymachus, also of Dardanus, and Thorax of 
Boeotia with them, to confirm it. As soon 
as the inhabitants of Sinope and Heraclea were 
acquainted with this, they sent to Timasion, to 
engage him, in consideration of a sum of money, 
to persuade the army to sail out of the Euxine 
sea. He was pleased with the offer, and spoke 
thus to the assembly of the soldiers: " Gentle- 
men ! we ought not to think of staying here, 
or to prefer any other country to Greece. I 
hear some people are offering sacrifice upon 
this occasion, without even acquainting you 
with their purpose : but I promise you, if you 
sail from hence, the first 2 day of the month, to 



a 'Airb νονμηνιχ;. We find by several passages in 
Xenophon and other authors, that the soldiers among 
the Greeks received their pay monthly. The interest 
of money was also payable monthly among the Greeks 
as it was among the Romans. As the payment both of 
the principal and interest, and the rigorous methods al- 
lowed by law to compel it often occasioned great con- 
vulsions among the latter, it may not be amiss to make 
some cursory observations upon this subject, particular- 
ly since Dacier, in his notes upon Horace, and many 
other modern authors, have very much misrepresented it. 
It is certain, then, that this monthly interest was one 
per cent, by the law of the twelve tables, that is, twelve 
per cent, per annum; this they called "unciarium 
fcenus:" and, what is very extraordinary, Livy says, that 
by the establishment of this interest, usury was madu 
easy, "unciario fcenore facto levata usura erat;" an 
evident sign of the scarcity of money; but then it must 
be considered that the year to which this reflection of 
Livy relates, was so early as the three hundred and 
ninety-ninth of Rome. Afterwards, that in, in the four 
hundred and eightieth year of Rome, T. ManliusTorqua- 
tus and C. Plautius being consuls, this monthly interest 
was reduced to half per cent, that is, to six per cent, 
per annum, "semunciarum ex unciario fcenus factum." 
But to return to the νιυμννι*, the year of the Greeks 
was luni-solar, that is, formed of twelve synodical 
months, making in all but three hundred and fifty-four 
days, with an intercalation of seven months in nineteen 
years, invented by Meton, (from whom it was called 
Μίτωνος evixuT-bi) to answer the annual difference of 
eleven days between the lunar and solar year; this wae 
their civil year: and as their new year began at the fust 
new moon of ihe summer solstice (the Romans begin- 
ning theirs at the first after the winter solstice) it tiece»• 



296 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book V, 



I tA of you a * Cyzicene, for your monthly 
My ilosi-n is to lead you into Troas, 
from whence I am banished ; where my fellow- 
citizens will assist you, for I know they will 
receive me with pleasure. Thence I propose 
to carry you to those parts, where you shall 
enrich yourselves; for I am acquainted with 
.■Eolia, Phrygia, and Troas, and with all the 
country belonging to the government of Phar- 
nabazus; with one of them by being born there, 
and with the other, by having served there un- 
der Clearchus and Dercellidas." 

Immediately Thorax the Boeotian, who had 
a perpetual contest with Xenophon for the 
command, rose up, and said, if they sailed out 
of the Euxine sea, they might settle in the 
Chersonesus, a country of great beauty and 
fertility ; where those who were willing, might 
inhabit, and from whence those, who were not 
so, might return home. He added, that it was 
ridiculous to hunt after lands, among the Bar- 



sarily happened that the first day of the year of both be- 
gan about sun-set, for at that time only the new moon 
became visible. It is very possible that the crescent 
with which Diana is represented, is owing to the cus- 
tom of proclaiming the new moon, particularly if, as I 
observed upon another occasion, Diana and the Egyptian 
Isis, who is often represented with a crescent upon her 
head, were the same divinity. This ceremony of pro- 
claiming the new moon still continues in the Levant, 
where the Turks, whose year is lunar, publish, with 
great solemnity, the first appearance of the new moon 
of their month of Ramazan, which is their Lent. 

ι Ε•£*Μ••». Hesycbius and Phavorinus inform us, 
that the Cyzicene was a coin famous for being well 
struck ; and that it bad a woman's head on one side ; to 
which Snidas adds, that, on the other, was the head of 
a lion. Demosthenes tells us they were worth twenty- 
eight Attic drachms, that is 18s. and Id. sterling. The 
woman's bead is possibly Cybele, who was supposed to 
be drawn by lions, and who was worshipped in a par- 
ticular manner at Pes6inus in Phrygia, not far from 
Cyzicus. whose tutelar god, however, was, I imagine, 
Hercules, whom they looked upon as the founder of their 
city, as may be seen by a medal of Domitian, on the 
reverse of which is a Hercules, with this inscription : 
TON ΚΤΙΣΤΗΝ ΚΤΖΙΚΗΝΩΝ. But we have great 
reason to conclude that the woman's head is designed 
for Cybele, from what we find in Strabo, who says, that 
near to Cyzicus stood a temple of Cybele built by the 
Argonauts, upon the mountain Dindymun, from which 
Cybele was called Dindymene. This being so, the globe 
and the fish, and particularly the ears of corn and bunch- 
es of grapes with which she is crowned, will be very 
proper symbols of universal nature, which, as I endea- 
voured to show upon another occasion, was represented 
by Cybele. D'Ablancourt is of opinion that the Turkish 
sequin is derived from Cyziquin ; but Menage says that 
it comes from the Italian zeccbino. a Venetian dncat, 
which takes its name from Zecca, the place where it is 
coined. 



barians, when others, of a great extent, offered 
themselves in Greece. " And, till you arrive 
there,' ' says he, " I, as well as Timasion, pro- 
mise you pay." This he said from being ac- 
quainted with what the inhabitants of Heraclea 
and Sinope had promised to Timasion, upon 
condition the army set sail. All this time 
Xenophon was silent. Then Philesius and 
Lycon, both Achaians, said, it was not to be 
suffered, that Xenophon should persuade the 
soldiers in private to stay, and offer sacrifice 
upon this occasion, without letting the army 
partake of the sacrifice, yet say nothing of all 
this in public. So that he was under a neces- 
sity of rising up, and of speaking as follows: 

■ Gentlemen ! I offer sacrifice, as you are 
sensible, to the utmost of my abilities, both for 
you and myself, to the end that my words, my 
thoughts, and actions may be employed in those 
things that are most for the credit ' and advan- 
tage of us all. And even now I was consult- 
ing the gods by sacrifice, whether it would be 
more expedient to mention this and treat with 
you about it, or not to concern myself at all in 
the matter. Here Silanus, the soothsayer, as- 
sured me, that the victims, which is of the 
greatest moment, were favourable, (for he knew 
that I, by being constantly present at the 
sacrifices, was not unacquainted with these 
things) but informed me, at the same time, 
that, according to them, some fraud and treach- 
ery seemed to threaten me : and in this, indeed, 
he was in the right, since he himself designed 
treacherously to accuse me before you : for he 
has spread a report that I had already purposed 
to effect this without your approbation. But 
the truth is, when I saw you in want, I con- 
sidered by what means you might possess 
yourselves of some town, to the end that those 
among you who are willing, might set sail im- 
mediately, and that those who were not so, 
might stay till they had acquired something 
to carry home to their families. But now I 
find both the inhabitants of Heraclea and Si- 
nope are sending us ships, and that these men 
promise you your pay from the beginning of 
the month, I look upon it as an advantageous 
circumstance for us to be conducted with safety 
to the place we desire, and to be 2 paid for be- 



3 M-- .*.-. This appears to me far pre 

ferabletoui!T-.:. -',; -:;;.*; ; it not only makes the sense 
stronger, but seems to be the natural result of - 
reef, which immediately precedes it. I am &orry to dif- 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



297 



ing preserved. For this reason, I not only 
give over all thoughts of that kind myself, but 
desire those who came to me to declare them- 
selves in favour of that measure, to desist also. 
For this is my sense of the matter ; while you 
continue together as you are now, in great 
numbers, you will be sure to find esteem, and 
never to want provisions, for victory carries 
with it a right to whatever belongs to the con- 
quered. But, if you suffer yourselves to be 
divided, and the army to be broken into small 
bodies, you will neither be able to find subsis- 
tence, nor have reason to be pleased with your 
treatment. My opinion, therefore, is the same 
with yours, that we ought to go on to Greece : 
and further, if any one stays behind, or is taken 
endeavouring to desert his companions before 
the whole army arrives in a place of safety, 
that he be punished as an offender. And who- 
ever is of this opinion, let him hold up his 
hand." And they all held up their hands. 

However Silanus cried out, and endeavoured 
to show that every one ought to be at liberty to 
go away. This the soldiers would not bear, 
but threatened him, if they took him endea- 
vouring to make his escape, to inflict the pun- 
ishment on him. After this, when the inha- 
bitants of Heraclea were informed that the 
Greeks had resolved to sail out of the Euxine 
sea, and that Xenophon himself had 1 put the 
question, they sent the ships, but disappointed 
Timasion and Thorax of the money they had 
promised them to pay the soldiers. Hereupon 
those who undertook for it were confounded, 
and afraid of the army ; and taking with them 
the rest of the generals, who were privy to 
their former designs, (these were all, except 
Neon the Asinian, who commanded under 
Cheirisophus, then absent) they came to Xeno- 
phon, and told him they were sorry for what 
had passed, and thought the best thing they 
could do, since they had ships, was to sail 
to the river Phasis, and possess themselves of 
the country belonging- to the Phasians; of 
whom the son of JEt&s was at that time king. 
Xenophon made answer, that he would men- 
tion nothing of this kind to the army ; " But," 



fer both from Leunclavius and Hutchinson upon this 
occasion. D'Ablancourt has said de reeevoir recom- 
pense pour retourner en votre pais, which gives the 
sense, but not the beauty of the Greek expression. 
φ ι Έττίψι^ίχοίί. See note 1, page 287. 



says he, " do you assemble them, and if you 
think fit, propose it." Upon this, Timasion 
the Dardanian gave his opinion that they 
ought not to call the soldiers together ; but 
that each of the generals should first endea- 
vour to persuade his own captains to come 
into it. So they departed to put this in execu- 
tion. 

VII. In the mean time the soldiers were 
informed cf what was in agitation ; and Neon 
told them that Xenophon having prevailed 
upon the rest of the generals, designed to de- 
ceive the army, and carry them back to the 
Phasis. The soldiers hearing this, resented it, 
and holding assemblies and private meetings 
among themselves, gave great reason to appre- 
hend they would break out into the same violen- 
ces they had committed upon the persons of the 
heralds of the Colchians, and the commissaries 
of provisions, all of whom they had stoned to 
death, except those who escaped to the sea. 
As soon as Xenophon perceived this, he re- 
solved immediately to call the army together, 
and not to suffer them to meet of their own 
accord : so he ordered the crier to assemble 
them. They readily obeyed the summons. 
Then Xenophon, without accusing the other 
generals of coming to him privately, spoke to 
them in the following manner : 

" I am informed, gentlemen ! that some 
people accuse me of a design to deceive you, 
and carry you to the Phasis. Hear me, there- 
fore, for heaven's sake, and, if I appear guilty, 
I do not desire to depart hence, before I re- 
ceive the punishment that is due to my crime : 
but if they find they accuse me wrongfully, I 
hope you will treat them as they deserve. I 
make no doubt but you all know in what quar- 
ter the sun rises, and where it sets ; and that 
the way to Greece lies westward, that to the 
Barbarians, eastward. Is there any one there- 
fore who can make you believe that the sun 
rises where it sets, and sets where it rises 1 
You are also sensible that the north wind 
carries you out of the Euxine sea to Greece, 
and the south to the Phasis ; and when the 
wind is in the north, you always say it is fair 
for Greece. Can any one therefore so far im- 
pose upon you, as to persuade you to go on 
board when the wind is in the south ? But 
suppose I embark you in a calm : I shall how- 
ever sail but in one ship, while you sail, at 
least, in a hundred. How therefore can I 
2N 



298 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book V 



either compel you to keep me company against 
your consent, or deceive you with regard to the 
place to which I carry you 1 But let us fur- 
ther suppose that I do deceive you, and, by 
some magic art, carry you to the Phasis, and 
also that we land there ; you will soon be sen- 
sible that you are not in Greece; and I who 
have deceived you shall be but one man, while 
you who have been deceived by me, will be 
near ten thousand with your arms in your 
hands. By what means therefore can one man 
court punishment more effectually, than by 
forming designs so prejudicial both to himself 
and you 1 But these rumours are spread by 
weak men, who envy me because I am ho- 
noured by you ; though without reason : for 
which of them do I hinder from proposing any 
thing for your advantage, if he can, from fight- 
ing both for f ou and himself, if he is willing, 
or from watching for your safety, if he is dis- 
posed to undertake that care. Why should I 
hinder them ? When you choose your com- 
manders, do I oppose the pretensions of any 
person 1 I * resign ; let him take the com- 
mand ; only let him make it appear he can do 
something for your advantage : but I have 
said enough of this. If any of you thinks him- 
self in danger of being deceived, or that any 
other person has deceived him in this, let him 
declare it ; but since you have heard enough of 
this subject, I desire you would not depart 
until I have acquainted you with a thing, that 
I find begins to show itself in the army, which, 
if it makes any progress, and becomes what it 
threatens to be, it is high time for us to take 
proper measures, that we may not appear both 
to gods and men, to friends and enemies, the 
most abandoned, and most infamous of all 
men, and consequently incur a general con- 
tempt." The soldiers hearing this, wondered 
what it might be, and desired him to go on ; so 
he resumed his discourse. " You know there 
were some towns upon the mountains belong- 
ing to those Barbarians who were in alliance 
with the inhabitants of Cerazunt ; from whence 
some of the people came down to us, and sold 
us cattle and other things. Some of you, I be- 
lieve, went into the nearest of these towns, 



ι n*f iVui. Nicias, at the close of one of his speeches 
to the" Athenians, uses this word in the same sense, 
with the addition of k ξΧήν' fl St τ« χΚλ,ως SoxiT, πχξί^μι 
*ύτ<β τι)» ΰξ'/,γ,ν. 



and after you had bought provisions there, re- 
turned to the camp. Clearatus, one of the 
captains, finding this place both small and un 
guarded, because the inhabitants looked upon 
themselves to be in friendship with us, marched 
against them in the night, with a design to 
plunder it, without acquainting any of us with 
his purpose. For he determined, if he had 
made himself master of the place, to have 
returned no more to the army, but to have 
gone on board the ship in which his com- 
panions were sailing by the coast, and, with his 
booty, to have escaped out of the Euxine sea. 
And all this was concerted between him and 
his companions, who were on board, as I am 
now informed. Calling, therefore, together as 
many as he could prevail upon to follow him, 
he led them against the town. But the day 
surprising them in their march, the inhabitants 
got together, and defended themselves from 
their strong places so well, both with mis- 
sive weapons, and their swords, that Clea- 
ratus himself, and several others, were slain ; 
part of them, however, escaped to Cerazunt. 
This happened the same day we left Cera- 
zunt to march hither. Some of those also 
who were to sail along the coast, were still 
in that city, having not as yet weighed an- 
chor. After this, as the inhabitants of 
Cejazunt inform us, three of the elders came 
from the town, desiring to be introduced 
to the assembly of the Greeks; but not 
finding us, they told the citizens of Cera- 
zunt, they wondered what we meant by attack- 
ing them. These assured them, that the at- 
tempt was not countenanced by public autho- 
rity ; with which they were very well satisfied, 
and resolved to sail hither, in order to give us 
an account of what had passed, and to let us 
know that they gave leave to those who were 
willing to carry off the dead, and bury them. 
It happened that some of the Greeks, who had 
fled to Cerazunt, were still there. These, per- 
ceiving whither the Barbarians purposed to go, 
had the confidence to throw stones at them 
themselves, and to encourage others to do the 
same. By this means these ambassadors, being 
three in number, were stoned to death. After 
the fact was committed, some of the inhabi- 
tants of Cerazunt came to the generals, and 
informed us of what had happened. These 
proceedings gave us great concern, and we con- 
sulted together with them, in what manner th^ 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



299 



Greeks who were slain might be buried. While I 
we were sitting in consultation without the 
quarter of the heavy-armed men, on• a sudden 
we heard a great uproar, and people crying out, 
« Knock * them down, knock them down, stone 
them, stone them ;' and immediately we saw 
great numbers running to those who cried out, 
some with stones in their hands, others taking 
them up. Upon this the inhabitants of Cera- 
zunt, ~ having been witnesses of what had hap- 
pened in their own town, were frightened, and 
ran to their ships : some of us also, I do assure 
you, were not without fear. For my part, I 
went directly up to them, and asked them what 
the matter was ? Some of those I inquired of 
knew nothing about it ; yet had stones in their 
hands. At last, meeting with one who did 
know, he told me that the commissaries of pro- 
visions oppressed the army in a most grievous 
manner. While he was saying this, one of the 
soldiers perceived the commissary Zelarchus, 
retiring towards the sea, and cried out ; the 
rest, hearing this, as if a wild boar or a stag 
had been roused, ran at him. The citizens of 
Cerazunt, seeing the soldiers making towards 
them, and thinking themselves aimed at, fled 
in all haste, and ran into the sea. Some of our 
men ran in after them, and those who could not 
swim were drowned. What do you think these 
men were afraid of? They had committed no 
crime ; they must imagine that some madness 
like that of dogs had seized our men. If 
these things continue, consider what will be 
the condition of the army. You will not have 



ι ΠχΓ ; , -.τχΤς, βίκ\ι, SixKi. Literally, attack them 
both sword in hand, and with missive weapons, comi- 
nus eminusque incesse, which I should think might do 
as well as cede, cade, feri, feri, in the Latin translators. 
I have considered the Greeks here as a mob, which 
they were upon this occasion, and have consequently 
made use of terms very familiar to an English mob in 
tumults. For the same reason I think D'Ablancourt 
has said very properly tue, tue, though I am very sen- 
sible that the French troops use this word when they 
pursue the enemy, as they call it, Vepee dans les reins. 



it in your power, by a general coi.sent, to make 
either war or peace, as you see convenient ; 
but every private man may lead the army upon 
whatever enterprise he pleases. And if, at any 
time, ambassadors come to you to sue for 
peace, or for any thing else, any one may put 
them to death, and thereby prevent your being 
informed of their demands. The consequence 
of which will be, that those, whom you, by a 
general voice appoint to command you, will be 
no longer regarded ; but whoever erects him- 
self to be your general, and pleases to cry 
* Stone them, stone them,' may, if he finds the 
same obedience that was lately given, put to 
death not only your commander, but any pri- 
vate man, untried. Consider what services 
these self-elected generals have done for us. 
If Zelarchus, the commissary, is guilty, he has, 
by sailing away, escaped punishment ; if he is 
innocent, he has left the army, from the fear of 
being unjustly put to death without trial. 
Those who have stoned the ambassadors, have 
done you this piece of service — they have made 
it unsafe for you alone, of all the Greeks, to 
go to Cerazunt, without a force sufficient to 
protect you : and not less so even with 3 a 
herald to bring off your dead, whom, before 
this, the same persons who killed them, gave 
you leave to bury : for who that had a hand in 
killing heralds, will serve in that capacity 1 
However, we have desired the citizens of Ce- 
razunt to bury them. If these things are right, 
give them a public sanction, that, as attempts 
of this kind are to be expected, every man may 
be upon his guard, and endeavour to pitch his 
tent upon places of advantage and strength. 
But, if you look upon them rather as the ac- 
tions of wild beasts, than of men, consider how 
to put a stop to them : otherwise, how, in the 
name of the gods, shall we offer sacrifice with 
cheerfulness, if we are guilty of impiety 1 Or 
how shall we fight with our enemies, if we 
kill one another? What city will receive us 



» ίΐς ΰν t-ojaxOTif τδ Jrafc iavroij πξίγμι 



If the 
Latin translators, by rendering thie.ui qui f acinus apud 
se designatum etiam vidissent, mean perpetratum, I 
think that signification of the word designo, is too un- 
common for a translation; but, if they mean it in the 
ordinary acceptation of the word, the fact was not only 
designatum but commissum ; for what is said of the 
fear of the inhabitants of Cerazunt, visibly relates to 
the outrage committed by the Greeks upon the persons 
of the three ambassadors, who were stoned to death in 
their town. D'Ablancourt has I think said much bet- 
ter, instruits pares qui s'etoit passe dans leur ville. 



» χΰν χ^υχιω. Κΐ)^υχ»ον or xtifuxiiov, for it is written 
both ways, waa'the caduceus which heralds carried in 
their hands, when they were sent upon public occa- 
sions from one army to another. It is particularly 
described by the Greek Scholiast upon Thucydides; 
but so many bas-reliefs, and other monuments of an- 
tiquity represent Mercury with his caduceus in his 
hand, that I think it needless to translate what he says 
of it. It is reported to have been a present from 
Apollo to Mercury, in exchange for the harp, which 
tradition I find, by Diodorus Siculus. was derived from 
the Egyptians. 



300 



ΧΕ Ν OP Η ON ON THE 



[book v. 



as friends, when they see us guilty of such 
enormities ? Who will bring provisions to us, 
with any confidence, if we are found to offend 
in things of so great moment ? As to the ap- 
plause which we promised ourselves with so 
much confidence, who will speak well of us if 
we dishonour ourselves by such actions 1 For 
I am well assured, that we should condemn 
others, were they guilty of them." 

Upon this, they all rose up, and said the au- 
thors of these disorders should be punished ; 
that it should be unlawful to begin such enor- 
mities for the future, and that those who were 
guilty of it should be put to death. They 
then ordered that the generals should bring 
them all to their trial ; where it should be in- 
quired whether any person had received any 
other injury since the death of Cyrus ; and ap- 
pointed the captains to be the judges. At the 
same time, upon Xenophon's 1 motion, and the 
concurrence of the priests, it was resolved to 
purify the army. And the army was purified 
accordingly. 

VIII. They furthur decreed that the gene- 
rals themselves should be called to an account 
for their past conduct ; and, upon their trial, 
Philesius and Xanthicles were condemned in 
a fine of twenty mines, to the amount of which 
sum they had embezzled 2 the effects that had 



η ΧξΛ , 



■ ; ?'« 



a»is 



ΚΤΧΙξί 



το o-TfiTfj/K*. Xenophon seems to imitate Agamemnon 
upon this occasion, who, as Homer tells us, having at 
last sent Chryseis back to her father with a hecatomb, 
to appease the anger of Apollo, orders the Greek army 
to be purified, and it was purified accordingly: 

Λ*:ν; S 1 'ArgetStjg Ά7Γ0\υμχίνι<τ5•χ» uvmyiv 

Οι ί' χ*-ολυ/ίχ«νχ»το, χχι ας χλχ Κυμχτ' Εο*λλον. 

Thus translated by Mr. Pope, 

The host to expiate, next the king prepares, 
With pure lustrations, and with solemn prayers, 
Wash'd by the briny wave, the pious train 
Are cleansed ; and cast th' ablutions on the main. 

There can be no doubt, as Mr. Pope has very properly 
observed from Eustathius, that Χυμχτ» is derived from 
&•»«, which justifies him in the use of the word ablu- 
tions, a word much more decent than those made use 
of upon this occasion by all former translators. It was 
a prevailing opinion, it seems, among the ancients, 
that the water of the sea had a sovereign virtue in ex- 
piations : it was from this opinion that Iphigenia says 
in Euripides, 

SxKxve-x χΚίζιι stxvtx τ* ίν$(<07των Kctxi. 
«Τ»» γχυκιτ>χ*ν '/.ξ',μχτ*γ. The ancient Lexicons 
say that /«λ:; signifies a certain kind of ship used by 
the Phoenicians, but I find γχυκος in Herodotus for a 
Phoenician ship, where he says that Dionysius of Pbo- 
ca:a sailed to Phoenicia, and having sunk the merchant 



been taken out of the ships, and committed to 
their charge. Sophsenetus was fined ten mines, 
for that, being chosen a commander, he had 
neglected his duty. Some accused Xenophon, 
complaining they had been beaten by him, and 
brought their accusation against him for abus 
ing them. Upon this Xenophon rising up, 
desired the first person who appeared against 
him, to acquaint the judges where he had been 
beaten. He answered, * Where we were dy- 
ing with cold, and there was abundance of 
snow." Xenophon replied : " If, during the 
storm you speak of, when we had no victuals, 
nor so much wine as would serve us to smell 
to ; when many of us were spent with laboer, 
and the enemy at our heels, if, in that season I 
was abusive, I own myself more 3 vicious than 
asses, which, through viciousness, are said to 
be insensible to fatigue. However, say for 
what reason you were beaten. Did I demand 
any thing of you, and beat you because you re- 
fused it 1 Did I insist upon your restoring any 
thing? Was it in struggling to subdue you to 
my passion, or' when I was drunk, that I abus- 
ed you !* And upon his saying that it was 
nothing of all this, Xenophon asked him 
" whether he belonged to the heavy-armed 
men Γ' He answered, " No." " If to the tar- 
geteers f w " Neither," says he : " but I was 
driving a mule at the desire of my comrades, 
being a free man." Upon this Xenophon call- 
ed him to mind, and asked him, " Are you not 
the man who carried a sick person 1" << The 



ships, and taken a great booty, sailed to Sicily, Διονυβ-»»? 

Si b 4>iuxxifvj £3Γλίί £if Φοίνι'κ»)»• γχυΚοϊις St ίνθ'χυτ* 

χχτχίκτχ?, χ χι χξνιμχτχ ΚαΖων ττοΚΚα, ιπΚα ιις Σιχίλι^ν; 

so that ^χυλιχχ χςημχτχ may, no doubt, signify the 
freight of those ships ; but in this place I imagine it 
means the cargoes of those ships the Greeks had taken, 
which cargoes our author in the beginning of this book 
calls κγώγιμχ ; he also says in the same place that 
the Greeks having taken out the cargoes of these 
ships, appointed guards to take care of them. It is 
very probable that Philesius and Xanthicles might have 
the command of these guards, and consequently the 
charge of these effects, and that they might have em- 
bezzled as much of them a9 amounted to twenty 
mines; if the reader will cast his eye on note 1, page 
J 175, he will find that γ,ξημχτχ is often made use of by 
the best authors to signify effects. There seems to be 
; so great a relation between this passage, and that in 
J the beginning of this book, that I cannot approve of 
j pecuniam de navigiis coactam in Leunclavius and 
| Hutchinson, and much less of du priz des navires in 
j D'Ablancourt. 

j » Τω» ovmv Ιζςιβ-τιχοτίξο; iim. Everybody knows 
| that asses, and mules, their offspring, have snch an in- 
j bred viciousness, that no fatigue can subdue it. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



301 



same," says he ; " for you forced me to it, and 
threw about the baggage that belonged to my 
comrades." « But," s,ays Xenophon, " in this 
manner I threw about their baggage ; I distri- 
buted it to others to carry, with orders to re- 
turn it to me ; and having received every thing 
safe, I restored them to you, after you had 
shown me the man I gave you in charge." 
" But I desire," says he, "you will hear how 
this matter was, for it is well worth while." 

« One of the men being unable to continue 
his march, was left behind. This man I knew 
no otherwise than that he belonged to the ar- 
my ; however, I obliged you to carry him, that 
he might not perish: for, as I remember, the 
enemy were at our heels." This the other 
confessed. "Then," says Xenophon, "after 
I had ordered you to go before, I quickly over- 
took you again, as I came up with the rear 
guard, and found you digging a pit, with a de- 
sign to bury the man ; and stopping, I com- 
mended you : but the man drawing in his leg 
while we stood by, all who were present cried 
out, that he was alive ; and you said whatever 
you thought fit, as, « I will not carry him.' 
Upon which I struck you, you say, and you 
say true ; for you seemed to me to be sensible 
that the man was alive." " But," says the 
other, " did he die the less after I showed him 
to you 1" " We must all die," replies Xeno- 
phon, " but are we for that reason to be buried 
alive ?" At this they all cried out, that he had 
not beaten him so much as he deserved. Then 
Xenophon desired the rest to inform the judges 
for what reason each of them had been beaten ; 
but they not rising up, he spoke thus : 

" I own, gentlemen, that I have struck a 
great many of the men, for not keeping their 
ranks. These ought to have been contented 
with being preserved by your means, while you 
marched in order, and fought where it was ne- 
cessary ; but instead of that, they Wanted to 
leave their ranks, and run before you for plun- 
der, that they might have the advantage over 
you. Had we all done the same, we had all 
been destroyed. I own also, that finding some 
overcome with sloth, unwilling to rise, and 
ready to abandon themselves to the enemy, I 
struck them, and forced them to march. For 
being myself once obliged, when it was exces- 
sive cold, to stay for some of the men who 
were getting their baggage ready, and sitting 
for a considerable time, I found myself scarcely 
26 



able to rise and stretch out my legs. Having, 
therefore, had the experience of this in myself, 
afterwards, when I saw any one sitting down, 
and indulging his sloth, I drove him before me ; 
for motion and vigorous efforts created warmth 
and * suppleness, while sitting down and rest, 
I observed, made the blood to congeal, and the 
toes to rot off; which you are sensible was the 
case of a great many. Others, who suffered 
themselves to be left behind through laziness, 
and by that means hindered you, who were in 
the van, and us, who were in the rear, from 
advancing, I might possibly strike with my fist, 
that they might not be struck by the spear of 
the enemy. These, therefore, who have been 
thus preserved, may, if they have suffered any 
unjust treatment from me, now be relieved : 
whereas, had they fallen under the power of 
the enemy, what relief could they have had 
though their treatment had been ever so griev- 
ous 1 I speak to you in all simplicity. If I 
have punished any one for his own good, I am 
willing to submit to the same chastisement that 
parents receive from their children, and mas- 
ters from their scholars. Physicians, also, use 
incisions and caustics for the good of their pa- 
tients. If you imagine I did these things 
through insolence, consider with yourselves, 
that now, with the assistance of the gods, I en- 
tertain greater hopes and confidence than at 
that time, and drink more wine, yet strike no 
man ; for I see you are now in a calm. But 
when a storm arises, and the sea runs high, do 
not you find that the 2 pilot, for a nod only, 
quarrels with those who are at the head of the 
ship, and the steersman with those at the 
stern 1 because, upon those occasions, the least 
fault is enough to ruin every thing. You 
yourselves then determined that their chastise- 

t 'Ύγξ ότ»ιτοί. 'Ύγς ότ>ι;, in this place, is used by Xeno- 
phon in the earne sense in which the Greeks say hy(mi 
iyxxKxt, which Horace has finely translated in that ode, 
where he represents the false Neaera holding him in her 
arms, while she swears fidelity to him. 

Arctius atque hedcra procera astringitur ilex, 
Lentis adhaerens brachiis. 

And when our author, in his Art of Horsemanship, re- 
commends a colt that moves his knees with freedom, he 

saySTeyi μην γονχτχ ijv βχδιζων ο 5τ£λθ{ vy^Hg χχμτττΐ). 
a Π^ uifju?. Ιίςαΐξ»ϋ; in Greek, and proreta in Latin 
signify an officer, whose business it was to keep a loot 
out, as the sailors call it, at the head of the ship. I av 
informed that we have no term in our naval institution 
that properly explains it; that of pilot, the gentlemen o* 
the navy tell me, comes the nearest to it. 



302 



XENOPHON. 



("book v. 



ment was just ; for you were present with arms 
in your hands, to assist them if you had thought 
proper, not J with billets to give your votes in 
their behalf. However, in reality, you neither 
assisted them in escaping the punishment due 
to their irregularity, nor me in inflicting it. Thus 
by suffering their insolence, you have given a 
sanction to their remissness : for I am of opin- 
ion, if you observe, you will find that those 
who were then most remarkable for their ne- 
glect of duty, are now so for their insolence. 
An instance of this you see in Boiscus, the 
Thessalian boxer: he then contended, under 
pretence of sickness, not to carry his shield, 
and now, I am informed, he has stripped se- 
veral of the inhabitants of Cotyora. If you 
are wise, therefore, your treatment of this man 
will be the reverse of that bestowed on dogs ; 
for these, when they are cursed, are tied up in 



ι Υίςουί. Yijipoi signifies literally a pebble; and as 
the Greeks give their votes with these, their votes came 
to be called ψ<ι?ο« : this literally translated would not 
be intelligible to an English reader, so that it seems ne- 
cessary to render it in such a manner as may relate to 
our customs ; and as every person who votes by ballot 
puts a billet into the ballot box, signifying his sense of 
the question, I thought ψ>ιφο« could not upon this occa- 
sion be properly translated by any other word than 
billets. D'Ablancourt seems to have been sensible of 
the difficulty of translating ψ»ιφοι with propriety, by 
his leaving it out. 



the day-time, and let loose in the night ; where- 
as, if you do well, you will tie him up in the 
night, and let him loose in the day. I own I 
am surprised to find, that if I have given 
offence to any of you, you call it to mind, and 
publish it ; but if I have defended any from 
the cold, or from the enemy, or relieved them 
when they were sick, or in want, these things 
are remembered by none of you : if I have 
commended any for a proper behaviour, or ho- 
noured brave men to the utmost of my power, 
these things also are not remembered. Yet it 
is certain, there is more honesty, justice, piety, 
and pleasure in remembering good than ill 
offices." 

Upon this the assembly rose, and called to 
mind what was passed : so Xenophon was 
2 acquitted, and all was well. 



a Πί^κχίνιτβ. Both the Latin translators have said 
hie exitus erat: I have rather chosen to render it in the 
same sense in which Thucydides uses the word in the 
speech of the Corinthians to the Lacedaemonians, 
where they tell them that in the war between them 
and the Athenians they often owed the advantages 
they gained to the oversights of the enemy, rather than 
to the assistance they received from the Lacedaemoni- 
ans; x*i ττξος αυτννς το»{ Ά^νκιου;• τγοΚΚχ Ϋιμας ijSif 
τθ"ί ΖμΛξτημχτιν »υτων μα,ΚΧον Υ, τ>1 άφ* υμών Ti/UOji* 

ΐΓί(ΐγίγιν*ιμινους. So that I imagine Xenophon means 
that at his trial he bod She advantage over his ene- 
mies, that is, he was ac^yUted. 



XENOPHON 



ON THE 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS, 



BOOK VI. 

[303] 






CONTENTS OF BOOK VI. 



I. The Paphlagonian ambassadors sent to negotiate a peace, are treated by the Greeks with a sumptuous 
banquet— Peace being concluded, the Greeks set sail from Cotyora, and land at Harmene— Here they remain 
five days, and, weary of indecision, offer the command of the whole army to Xenophon — He prudently re- 
fuses, and Cheirisophus is placed at the head of affairs.— II. The army sails to Heraclea, where a sedition 
arises among the troops, and they divide themseves into three distinct bodies: one, and the largest, consisting 
of Arcadians and Achieans, chooses for itself ten commanders; another remains under the command of 
Cheirisophus; the third is attachrd to Xenophon.— III. The Arcadians, eager of booty, set out the first, and 
being arrived in the port of Calpe, march forth and plunder the Bitliy nians — Presently they are beset by them 
on a rising ground, and are in danger of destruction— Xenophon, hearing of their distress, terrifies the Bithy- 
nians by fires in the night — They raise the siege and depart — Xenophon arrives in safety the next day with 
the Arcadians at the port of Calpe, where he finds Cheirisopus landed with his troops — IV. Port of Calpe 
described— The soldiers refuse to encamp there, lest they be detained to build a city ; and prefer passing the 
night on the open shore — They pass a decree that no one, under punishment of death, shall hereafter propose 
to divide the forces— Desirous of marching out to collect provisions, they consult the entrails, but find them 
unfavourable — Neon nevertheless leads out two thousand men to forage — The cavalry of Pharnabazus kills 
five hundred of them ; and the rest, who had taken refuge on a mountain, are at length brought back by 
Xenophon to the camp. — V. Admonished by their danger, the soldiers suffer their camp to be pitched in the 
fortified place, and surround it with intrenchments— Xenophon, having sacrificed with favourable auspices, 
leaves the camp under a guard, and leads out the armed forces— They bury the dead whom they find on their 
path, and having captured some booty in the villages, they behold the barbarians posted on a hill— Forming 
their line of battle, they advance on the enemy, and the barbarians are vanquished and put to flight. — VI. The 
Greeks gather booty on all sides fromi the lands of the Bithynians — In the interim arrives Cleander, a' Spartan 
governor, and with him appears Dexippus, by whose knavery Cleander is indisposed towards the Grecian 
army — By Xenophon's endeavour he is reconciled, and being offered the command, he declines it — Under its 
former leaders the army marches through the territory of the Bithynians, and laden with plunder arrives at 
Chrysopolis of Chalcedonia. 



[304] 



THE 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



BOOK VI. 



I. From this time, some of the Greeks, while 
they staid here, subsisted themselves by the 
provisions they bought in the market, and 
others, by those they got in plundering the 
country of Paphlagonia. On the other side, 
the Paphlagonians lost no opportunity of rob- 
bing the stragglers, and, in the night-time, en- 
deavoured to annoy those who were encamped 
in places more advanced than the rest. These 
proceedings increased the ill blood that was be- 
tween them. Upon this, Corylas, who was at 
that time governor of Paphlagonia, sent ambas- 
sadors to the Greeks in costly robes, and well 
mounted, with instructions to acquaint them 
that Corylas desired neither to do an injury to 
the Greeks, nor receive any from them. To 
this the generals answered, that they would 
consider of it with the army. In the mean- 
time, they entertained them with all hospitali- 
ty, and invited such of the army as they judged 
most proper: then having killed some of the 
oxen they had taken, and other cattle, they 
gave them a handsome entertainment, the 
company lying * on beds made of brushwood, 
covered with grass and leaves, and drinking 
out of horn cups which they found in the 
country. 

As soon as the libations were over, and they 
had sung the paean, two Thracians first rose 
up, and danced with their arms to the sound of 
a flute : they capered very high, and with great 
agility ; then made use of their swords. At 
last one of them struck the other in such 
a manner, that every one thought he had kill- 
ed him, (but the stroke was given with art,) 

» Στιβά<τ»ν. This is the explication giyen by Hoey- 
euiue and Phavorinus of ττιβίς. 
26 * 



upon which the Paphlagonians cried out ; and 
the other, having despoiled him of his arms, 
went out 2 singing a song of triumph in ho- 
nour of Sitalces : then other Thracians carried 
off the man as if he had been dead, though 
indeed he was not hurt. After this, some 
3 -iEnians and Magnesians rose up, and danc- 
ed 4 in thek arms, what they call the Carpeean 

a Άίων Χιτίκκχν. Herodotus, Thucydidcs, and Dio- 
dorus Siculus speak much in commendation of Shakes, 
king of Thracia, in whose honour, no doubt, this song 
of victory was composed by the Thracians : Thucydides 
tells us that he was slain in a battle against the Tribal• 
tians, and that his nephew Seuthes succeeded him. As 
this happened the first year of the eighty-ninth Olym- 
piad, that is, the eighth of the Peloponnesian war, and 
only twenty years before the time of this expedition, it 
is possible this Seuthes may be the prince in whose ser- 
vice the Greeks engaged, as we shall find in the seventh 
book ; though I am sensible that Thucydides makes him 
the eon of Sparadocus, and Xenophon of Maesades. 

3 Ati-iivsc και Μχγνητις. Possibly the first might 
belong to JEnea, a town said by Dionysius of Halicar- 
nassus to have been built by ^Eneas, after the .taking of 
Troy. 

4 Oico£%oDvTOT>ji/ xeef παιχν χ-ΛΚουμίνην i» το?{ ΌττΚοιί. 

The pantomime representation of the ancients is so often 
confounded In translations of their works into modern 
languages with what is now called dancing, that I think 
myself obliged to explain my sense of this passage, in 
order to prevent my translation of it from being thought 
to fall under the general mistake. It is certain that the 
Greeks and Romans had, besides their tragedies and co- 
medies, a mute pantomime representation, which was 
called by the former οξ%η<ης, and by the latter saltatio. 
This is that representation, in praise of which Luciau 
has written a particular treatise ; what he designed for 
praise, we may make use of for information. After 
having run through a detail of the vast knowledge an 
oefciTTijf or pantomime ought to bo master of, ho saye, 
that as hid profession consists in imitation, and as he un- 
dertakes to represent, by his gestures, what tin• chorus 
singj or recites, his chief business ii perspicuity, to the 
end that none of his action's may stand in need of anex> 
planation, but that the spectators may, like the Pythian 

2 Ο 305 






306 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



dance ; the manner of which is as follows. 
On• of thorn having laid down his arms, sows, 
and drives a yoke of oxen, looking often behind 
him, as if he were afraid ; then a robber ap- 
proaches, whom the other perceiving, he catches 
up his arms, and advancing, fights with him * 
in defence of his oxen (and all this these men 
performed in time to the flute). At last, the 
robber binds the ploughman, and carries him 
off with the oxen. Sometimes the ploughman 
overcomes the robber, and, fastening him to the 
oxen, ties his hands behind him, and so drives 
him away. 

After this, Mysus entered with a buckler in 
each hand, and danced sometimes, as if he had 
been engaged with two adversaries ; then used 
his bucklers, as if engaged with only one ; 



oracle, understand the pantomime though mute, and 
hear him though he does not speak. By the way, the 
Greek verse attributed to the Pythian oracle, to which 
Lucian alludes, is preserved by Plutarch, 

Kx< κωφού iruvinju» x«i ού λ«λ£θντθ£ κχ,αύω. 
Upon this occasion Lucian tells a story of a famous pan- 
tomime in Nero's time, who, to show the excellence of 
hie art to Demetrius the Cynic, commanded the music 
and even the chorus to be silent, while he represented 
by himself (ΐ?' ί'χυτου ώ^α-ατο) the amour of Venus 
and Mars, the Sun giving information, and Vulcan 
catching them both in a net, the gods standing by, Venus 
blushing and Mars trembling and asking forgiveness: 
Lncian adds, that Demetrius was so well pleased with 
the performance, that he cried out, I not only see but 
hear what you represent, for you seem even to speak 
with your hands. The reader will pardon this short 
dissertation upon an art, which is so far lost, that it is 
thought by many never to have existed. Lucian applies 
the word ορχούμινος with great humour to the unfortu- 
nate companion of his captivity and his labour, as he calls' 
him, τον «3•λ»ον χοινωνον και τ^ς αιγ,μχΚωιτιΐί,ς, xxt τν\ς 
k%bo$ogixq i I mean the poor ass that was thrown down 
the precipice, upon which he says, 5 $ϊ, ύ-π^ι xir», τον 
■θάνατον ό^ου/κίνβ;, which I do not translate, because I 
cannot. The dance here mentioned by Xenophon is, by 
Heeychius, called a Macedonian dance ; it is so particu- 
larly described by Xenophon, that I think I may venture 
to call it after him, the Carpaean dance, without trans- 
lating the word. 

1 Μά%ίτα« 7Tgo του ξιυγους. Both the^,atin trans- 
lators have said ante jugum dimicat, which D'Ablan- 
court has followed; but as πςο is very frequently used 
in the sense I have given it upon this occasion, that is 
for vTrcg , I thought it more natural to say that the hus- 
bandman fought with the robber in defence of his oxen, 
than before them, particularly as the oxen seem to be 
the prize contended for : since, when the robber gets 
the better, he drives away the oxen ; but, if there can 
be any doubt whether πιο is used in this sense, the fol- 
lowing passage in Euripides will clear it up; it is in 
Alcestis, where Admetus says to Pheres, 

Ούχ ή$ίλ>)<Γ*5 ούϊ' ΐτ^λμηο-χς SxviT* 
Toy o-eu )ΤξΙ πιιιί'ος. . 



sometimes he 2 whirled round ; then threw 
himself head foremost and fell upon his feet, 
without parting with the bucklers : this made 
a fine sight. Last of all he danced the Per- 
sian dance, striking his bucklers against each 
other, and in dancing, fell upon his knees, then 
sprung up agpain, and in all this he kept time to 
the flute. He was succeeded by some Manti- 
neans and other Arcadians, who, being dressed 
in the handsomest armour they could provide, 
rose up, and advanced in time to a flute that 
played a point of war. They sung the paean, 
and danced in the same manner that is practised 
in solemn processions. The Paphlagonians 
were amazed to see all these dances performed 
by men in arms. Upon this, Mysus, perceiv- 
ing their astonishment, prevailed upon one of 
the Arcadians, who had a woman dancer, to 
let him bring her in ; which he did according- 
ly, after he .had dressed her in the handsomest 
manner he was able, and given her a light 
buokler. She danced the Pyrrhic 3 dance with 
great agility : upon which there was great clap- 
ping ; and the Paphlagonians asked whether 
the women also charged with their troops. The 
others answered, that it was they who drove the 
king out of their camp. This was the end of 
that night's entertainment. 

The next day the generals brought the am- 
bassadors to the army : when the soldiers came 
to a resolution neither to do any injury to the 
Paphlagonians, nor suffer any from them. After 
that, the ambassadors departed : and the Greeks, 
finding they had as many ships as they wanted, 
embarked and sailed with a fair wind all that 
jday and the next night, keeping Paphlagonia 
on their left hand ; and the day after they ar- 
rived at Sinope, and anchored in 4 Harmene, 



a Tori Se ΙίίνίΓτο χ*ί Ιξ8χυβ»ο-τ«, Homer tells us that 
Vulcan represented two dancers performing a dance of 
this kind upon Achilles's shield, 

— — ίοίώ is κυδ»ο-τ>)^£ κατ' αυτούς 
Μολττιιί ίζίξχοντις ίδινιυον χ. χ τ χ. μιττους." 

And Tournefort says that the Turkish dervises preserve 
this kind of dancing, which they make a religious cere- 
mony ; and that upon a signal from their superior, they 
turn round with an amazing velocity. 

» Πυρρών. This dance is called by Dionysius of Ha- 
licarnassusand Hesychius ί νοπκιος igxtic -ις, the first leav- 
ing it in doubt whether Minerva or the Curetes were 
the authors of it ; and the second whether one Pyrri- 
chue a Cretan, or Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles, was the 
inventor of it. 

* Άϊμ^ν. Both Strabo and Arrian make mention 
of Armene or Harmene as a sea-port belonging to Sinope, 
from which the former says it was distant fifty stadia, 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



307 



one of its ports. Sinope is situated in Paph- ' 
lagpnia ; it is a colony of the Milesians. The 
inhabitants sent the Greeks, as a mark, of hos- 
pitality, three thousand medknni * of flour, and 
fifteen hundred 2 ceramia of wine. Hither ι 
Cheirisophus came with some galleys. The ' 
soldiers expected he would bring them some- 
thing : however he brought nothing, but gave 
them an account that both Anaxibius the ad- 



aiid the latter forty. Herodotus says that the Cimme- 
rians flying from the Scythians into Asia, built a town 
upon the peninsula, where Sinope, a Greek city, now 
stands. But we find by Strabo that the inhabitants of 
Sinope looked upon Autolycus, one of the Argonauts, to be 
their founder, whose statue, made by Sthenic, Lucullus 
carried away when he took the town. The same author 
tells us, that the Milesians, observing the advantageous 
situation of the place, and the weakness of the inhabitants, 
sent a colony thither. And by the account that author 
gives of Sinope, no city could be more advantageously 
situated ; for he says it stood upon the isthmus that 
joined the peninsula to the main land, having on each 
side a sea-port, where great quantities of the tunny fish 
were taken as they swam along the Asiatic coast, from 
the Palus Mseotis, where they are bred, to the Bospho- 
rus. He adds, that the peninsula was surrounded with 
sharp rocks which made the access to it very difficult, 
that the land above the town was very fertile, and dis- 
posed into gardens, and that the city was well built and 
adorned with a place of exercise, a market, and magni- 
ficent porticoes. This account both of the situation of 
Sinope, and of the country round it, is confirmed by 
Tournefort, who was there himself; and, in the relation 
he gives of it, is grievously out of humour with the mo- 
dern geographers for taking no notice either of the pen- 
insula, or of the sea-ports lying on each side of it. Sinope 
is famous for having given birth to two considerable men 
of very different characters, Diogenes, the Cynic philoso- 
pher, and the great Mithridates. Strabo says it was in 
his time (that is, in the reign of Augustus) a Roman co- 
lony. I cannot part with this subject without taking no- 
tice that Sinope furnished the ancient painters with a red 
earth, which is one of the four colours with which alone. 
Pliny tells us, Apelles, Echion, Melanthius, Nicomachus 
painted those immortal works; "quatuor coloribus solis 
immortalia ilia opera fecere; ex albis Melino, ex silaciis 
Attico, ex rubris Sinopide Pontica, ex nigris Atramento, 
Apelles, Echion, Melanthius, Nicomachus." 

» Μιδ'ιμνους. Μί^ιμνο; — μίτςον Ιττ\ ζ^ων, οίον ιτυςων 
Vi xg&uiv *χίΐ Si χ,οίνικχς οχτώ χαϊ τιττχξ άχοντα. ΗβΓ- 
pocration. So that the medimnus was a dry measure 
containing forty-eight chaenixes, each of which Arbuth- 
not makes equal to an English pint ; but then he says a 
medimnus contains four pecks and six pints, which is a 
mistake ; for if, as he says, sixteen pints make a peck, 
it is plain that forty-eight pints will make but three 
pecks : so that, in reality, a medimnus is equal to three 
English pecks. 

' Ki( χ μιχ. Κί(ίμιθν ) το του οίνου ΐ 8ίχτο$ ο-τχμνιον. 
Hesychius. And. in another place χάίο;, χιςίμιον. Now 
the cadus Arbuthnot makes equal to the metretcs, which 
he says contains ten gallons, two pints, so that xij ά^ιον, 
upon these authorities, will be a liquid measure contain- 
ing ten gallons, two pints. 



miral, and the rest of the Lacedaemonians, cele- 
brated their praise, and that the former promised 
them, if they would come out of the Euxine 
sea, they would have pay. 

The soldiers staid five days at Harmene : 
and looking upon themselves to be in the neigh- 
bourhood of Greece, they were more desirous 
than before to carry some booty home with 
them. 3 They thought, if they made choice 
of one general, that single person would find a 
readier obedience from the army both by night 
and day, than if the command were vested in 
many : where it was necessary for him to con- 
ceal his designs, he would conceal them better, 
and where to prevent the enemy, he would use 
greater expedition, for there would then be no 
need of conferences, but whatever that single 
person resolved upon, would be put in execu- 
tion : for hitherto in all operations the generals 
were governed by the majority. While they 
had these things under consideration, they cast 
their eyes on Xenophon ; and the captains 
came to him and acquainted him with the re- 
solution of the army : and each of them, ex- 
pressing his affection to him, endeavoured to 
prevail upon him to undertake the command. 
Xenophon was not averse to it, when he con- 
sidered that he should, by this means, increase 
both his credit with his friends, and his repu- 
tation in his country, and that possibly also, 
he might be the cause of some advantage to 
the army. 

These considerations led him to desire to be 
commander-in-chief. On the other side, when 
he reflected that future events being concealed 
from all mankind, he might, for that reason, 
run a hazard of losing the glory he had already 
gained, he was in suspense. While he was in 
this doubt, he thought the best .thing he could 
do was to consult the gods : in the presence 
therefore of two priests, he offered sacrifice to 
4 Jupiter the king, to whom he was directed by 



3 Ήγνσχντο ουν, t) tvx ίλοιντο <*£%οντ<», /καλλον £v, ij 
td\mx( χ««{ oi/Viif, dvvxtrbai τον ivoe χ( >ιο-3•«ι τω ο-τ(χτίύ• 
μάτι χαί νυχτδί *<*» νΐμίξχς' χαΐ ί« τι Stoi λβνθάνκν, 
μάλλον &ν και xj ϋτττίο-^χι, χ«ί II Ti αΰ ίίοι φβχνίΐν, 
?ττον αν υβ-τίξίζαν ού γχξ δνλο^ων St7v ίΓξος «λλίλου.-, 
αλλ» το ίόζαν τω ίνί πΐξ αι'νιο-θαί «v. I have transcri- 
bed this whole passage, that the reader may see how 
dreadfully D'Ablancourt has mangled it; these are hie 
words, " Les soldats done, pour mieux couvrir Ieur enter- 
prise, et Texecuter plus promptcment resolurcnt d'clire 
un general." 

«Διι τω βαπλιΤ. Harpocration mentions two porti- 
coes dedicated at Athene to Jupiter under two different 



303 



XENOPHON Off THE 



[book VI. 



the ortfde of Delphos to address himself; and 
whom he looked upon to be the author of the 
dream he had, when, together with the other 
generals, he was first appointed to take charge 
of the army. He called to mind also, that, 
when he left Ephesus in order to be presented 
to Cyrus, * an eagle cried on his right, sitting 



appellations ; the first to Jupiter i\fw5i{io b -, because the 
people of Athens, as Dydimus says, were freed from the 
Persians by his assistance ; the other to Jupiter βχσ-ιΧίυς . 
This passage explains what our author mentions in the 
third book, whero he says the oracle of Delphos directed 
him to sacrifice to the proper gods, by which, we find 
here, he means Jupiter the king. 

« AiTiir ίνιμιμνντχιτο ieturou ίίξιον. It was an old su- 
perstition among the Greeks to look upon all appearances, 
and particularly that of an eagle on the right hand, as an 
omen of success. When Telemachus takes his leave of 
Menelaus, Homer makes an eagle appear on his right, 
with a goose in his talons. 

Ώς χςχ ofiiVovT» £3τυττ*τ» ex\iru> 5Ίξ»ος ο;»!; 

AiiTOf, »ξγ»ιν xuva ψ((ΐαν θνύχι<τ<Γΐ πιΚνξΟν, 

This omen Helen, who was present, takes upon herself to 
interpret, and says it signifies that Ulysses shall rpturn 
and punish the suitors, who, it seems, were represented 
by the white goose. By the way, Homer makes Helen 
rather than Menelaus interpret this omen, possibly to 
avoid making the good man indirectly reproach his wife 
by this interpretation ; for Menelaus seems to have 
forgotten or forgiven all that was past, and they then 
lived very well together. It may be asked why the 
Greeks looked upon the omens that appeared on their 
right to be prosperous, and the Romans on those that 
appeared on their left to be so ? This question, though, 
at first sight, it may appear frivolous, is of so great 
consequence to the understanding many passages both 
in the Greek and Roman authors, that I really think it 
very well deserves to be discussed. The first thing to 
be considered is, that the Greeks and Romans did not 
turn their faces towards the same quarter of the heavens 
when they took their stand in their augural ceremonies, 
the former turning theirs to the north, and the latter 
theirs to the east. But this deserves something more 
than a bare assertion. Homer, who is always a religious 
observer of the ceremonies of his country, makes Hector 
reprimand Polydamas for advising him to attend to the 
flight of birds, and says he cares not whether they fly 
to the right, that is, to the east, or to the left, that is, to 
the west. 

— TeSf Out» μιτχτς ίπομ , } ούο* κΚίγιζω, 
Είτ' 65τί ί«ξϊ Teori a-fbc >i«> τ' ίίλιον τ£, 
Ειτ" ίπ' ΰρισ-τιςχ τοι^ι, π-οτί ζοφοιι ήί^οίντ*. 
It may not possibly be so easily allowed that the Ro- 
mans, upon these occasions, turned their faces towards 
the east : I say this because I remember to have seen 
the contrary asserted by a very learned man, I mean 
Dacier, in hie Notes upon Horace ; he there says, 
" ccux qui prenoient lee auspices, tournoient toujours 
le visage vers le midi;" and a little after he adds, "cela 
a toujours ete observe de meme par lee Romains, sane 
qui'l y ait jamais eu aucun changement ; et «'est une 
verite si constante, que Ton ne scauroit expliquer ni 
coneilier autrement tous les passages dee anciens, ou il 
e«t parte de cee matieres." Errors in authors of little 



however on the ground, which the priest, who 
accompanied him, said was an omen, that poi- 



merit are of little consequence; but when ushered into 
the world under the sanction of a name deservedly 
famous for critical learning, they are either taken for 
truths, or at best pass uncontradicted. That this is an 
error will appear to a demonstration, from the two 
following passages of those two oracles of the Ro.nan 
history, Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus. The 
first, speaking of the inauguration of Numa Pompilius, 
says, " Augur ad laevam ejus, capite velato sedem roepit- 
dextra manu baculum sine nodo aduncum tenens, quern 
lituum appellaverunt. Inde, ubi, prospectu in urbem 
agrumque capto, Deos precatus, regionem ab oriente ad 
occasum determinavit : dextras ad meridiem partes, 
lavas ad septentrionem esse dixit." In this division 
then we find the south was on his right hand, and the 
north on his left, consequently his face was turned to 
the east. Dionysius of Halicarnassus not only confirms 
this, but gives several reasons why the augurs, upon 
these occasions, turned their faces to the east. The 

first is this, ό'τ» χ,χίίδς* μιν eff-T» xaci (Γτάα-ις χςι<π>\ των 
siwvoi; μχντίυομίνων ί) ί&Κίπουο'χ ττξος κνοιτολ*;, ό'βιν 
>)λιου τ£ ύ,νχφοξχϊ yivovrxi χαϊ <Γίλ»|ΐΊΐί, και άστίςιον 
5Γλαν»)-ιων τ£ χαί άττλανων >)'τ£ του χοα-μου ττί^ιφο^χ, ii'ijo 
τοτί μ\ν Gfj-if yijs α,πχνπχ τχ iv β»ύτιβ yii/srai, τοτ£ £' 
Ιπο γκς, ίχ.εΐ$εν αξ^χμινη τν,ν £^-κύχλ»ον άττοϊιίίοο-ι 
%ivt\riv. This reason, according to the system of astrono- 
my then in vogue, was a very plausible one, that is, be- 
cause the heavenly bodies began their motion from the 
east. To this I shall add the reason given by the same 
author, why the Romans looked upon the lightning that 
appeared on the left hand, as a happy omen. I mention 
this not only to confirm what has been said, but also to 
show that a passage in Virgil, which, like many others, 
is looked upon as poetical, is, like them, merely historical. 
Dionysius says that Ascanius, the son of iEneas, being 
besieged by the Tuscans, under Mezentius, and upon the 
point of making a sally, prayed to Jupiter, and to the 
rest of the gods, to send him a happy omen ; upon which, 
they say, the sky being clear, it lightened on his left. 
Now let us see what use Virgil has made of this tradi- 
tion. Ascanius is besieged by the Rutulans and Tuscans, 
commanded by Turnus and Mezentius ; he is insulted 
by Remulus, but, before he takes revenge of him, he 
prays to Jupiter to favour his coup d'essai ; Upon this 
a clap of thunder was heard on the left, where the sky 
was dear, 

" Audii t, et coeli genitor de parte serena 

Intonuit larvum." 
This is told almost in the same words by the Greek his- 
torian, $a<riv χίίξίας Oy<rijs ex Tern xg KTTifvuv άο-τ^άψαι 
τον ονςχνίν. 

However, I desire I may not be understood as if I 
meant by this that Virgil took this passage from Dio- 
nysius. I am very sensible that the Greek historian 
speaks of the seven hundredth and forty-fifth year, as 
of the year then present, in the preface to his history, 
Claudius Nero for the second time, and Calpurnius Piso 
being consuls ; and that Donatus tells us, in his life of 
Virgil, that, designing to return to Rome with Augus- 
tus, whom he met at Athens, as the latter was coming 
out of the east, he died at Brundusium, Cn. Plautius 
and Q.u. Lucretius, being consuls. Now Dion Cassia• 
says, that Augustus went into the east in the spring of 
the year, in which M. Apuleius and P. Siliue were con- 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



309 



tended something great, and above a private 
station, something illustrious, though toilsome ; 
for other birds attack the eagle chiefly when 
she is sitting upon the ground. He added that 
the omen foretold nothing lucrative, because, 
when the eagle preys, she is generally upon the 
wing. While therefore he was offering sacri- 
fice upon this occasion, the god plainly signified 
to him, that he ought neither to seek the com- 
mand, nor, if they chose him, to accept it : and 
this was the issue of the affair. However the 
army assembled, and they all agreed to choose 
a single person to command them : this there- 
fore being determined, they proposed him : 
when it was manifest they would choose him, 
if any one put the question, he rose up, and 
spoke as follows : 

" Gentlemen ! as I am a man, I take a plea- 
sure in the honour you design me, and return 
you thanks for it ; I also beseech the gods to 
give me an opportunity of being the occasion 
of some advantage to you : but I cannot think 
it will be any either to you or myself to give 
me the preference, when a Lacedaemonian is 
present : on the contrary, if you should want 
their assistance in any thing, you will, by this 
means, be the less entitled to it. Neither do 
I look upon this as a thing altogether safe for 
me to engage in ; for I am sensible they never 
ceased making war upon my country, till they 
made the whole city acknowledge, that the 
Lacedaemonians were the masters of Athens, 
as well as of the rest of Greece : however, up- 
on this acknowledgement, they desisted, and 
immediately raised the siege of that city. If, 
therefore, I, wh^ am sensible of this, should 
seem, where Τ have it in my power, to invali- 
date their authority, I have reason to fear that 
I should very soon be taught my duty. As to 
your opinion, that the command of a single 
person will leave less room for contest, than 
that of many, be assured that, if you choose an- 
other, you shall find I will not oppose him : 
for I look upon it, that, in war, whoever op- 
poses his commander, opposes his own safety : 
1 whereas, if you choose me, I shall not be 
surprised, if you find others who will be of- 
fended both at you and me." 



suls, which, in the fasti consulares, is the 733d of Rome, 
and that he returned to Rome the next year. All that I 
mean by what I have said, id that both the poet and the 
historian took the passage from the history of Rome. 

» 'Άιι &' ιμ» ikqa-dt, ούχ «κ θβυμάο-βιμι £i rivot t\jg ο «τι 
*«; Ιμϊν χαί iuui kx&iptvov. D'Ablancourt has left out 
all this sentence 



After he had said this, much greater num- 
bers than before rose up, and said, he ought to 
take upon him the command. And Agasias 
the Stymphalian alleged it would be ridiculous 
to suppose what was mentioned to be true ; 
because, at any rate, the Lacedaemonians might 
as well be angry, if, when they met to eup to- 
gether, they did not choose a Lacedaemonian 
for their president ; for, says he, if that is the 
case, neither ought we, it seems, to be captains, 
because we are Arcadians. Upon this the as- 
sembly showed by their murmur that they ap- 
proved of what they said. 

Xenophon seeing it was necessary to enforce 
what he had alleged, advanced and went on. 
" But, gentlemen ! that you may know all the 
circumstances of this affair, I swear by all the 
gods and goddesses, that, after I was acquaint- 
ed with your resolutions, I sought by sacrifice 
to know whether it were for your advantage to 
confer this command upon me, and for mine to 
accept it : and the gods signified to me, by the 
victims, in so clear a manner that the most ig- 
norant man could not mistake it, that I ought 
to decline the command." Upon this they 
chose Cheirisophus, who, after he was chosen, 
came forward and said, " Be assured, gen- 
tlemen ! I should have given you no opposi- 
tion, if your choice had fallen upon another. 
But," says he, " you have done a service to 
Xenophon by not choosing him, since Dixip- 
pus has lately accused him to Anaxibus, in the 
strongest manner he was able, though I en- 
deavoured all I could to silence him." Cheiri- 
sophus added that he thought Anaxibus would 
rather desire Timasion of Dardanus, who had 
served under Clearchus, for his colleague, than 
himself, though he was a Lacedaemonian. 
" But," says he, " since you have made choice 
of me I shall endeavour, on my part, to do you 
all the service in my power. In the mean- 
time, be ready to sail to-morrow, if the weather 
is favourable. Heraclea is the port we must 
all endeavour to arrive at. When we are 
there we will consider of what we have farther 
to do." 

II. The next day they weighed anchor with 
a fair wind, and sailed two days along the 
coast : and, in their passage, saw the Jasonian 
shore, where the ship Argo is said to have 
come to land ; and the mouths of several rivers; 
first that of the 2 Thermoden ; then of the 



» Του ««ί.αα.ίομτοί. This river, after it has received 
many others, runs through a plain called Themiscyra, 



310 



Χ Ε NOP HON ON THE 



[book VI. 



1 Hairs, and, afterwards that of the ~ Parthe- 

and having sailed by the last, they ar- 
rived at 3 Heraclea, a Greek city, and a colony 
of the Megarians, situated in the country of 
the Maryandenians, They came to anchor 
near to the peninsula of Acherusias, where 
Hercules is said to have descended to bring up 
-us, and where they show, at this day, a 

. two stadia in depth, as a monument of 
his descent. The inhabitants of Heraclea 
sent the Greeks three thousand medimni of 

meal, and two thousand ceramia of wine, 
as he- -ents, with twenty oien, and 

one hundred sheep. Here the river Lycus, 
about two hundred feet broad, runs through the 
plain. 

The soldiers being assembled, deliberated 
whether they should proceed the rest of the 

.1 they were out of the'Euxine, by land 
?n of Achaia rising up 

I 4 wonder, gentlemen ! at your generals, 



- 

- . Strabo says, took its name 
e beds of salt through which it runs. 

Be adds, that its source is in the 
ifocia: and. upon this occasion, Arrian 
blames Herodotus for saying it Sows from the south. 
whereas it comes, as be says, from Hie east. This river 
formerly parted the Persian and Lydian empires. 
Tourt. bo full of fossil s-d.lt, 

that it is to be found in the high roads, and ploughed 



The Partbenros rises, according to 
Strabo. in Paphlagonia, ar ame from the 

cheerful meadows through which it runs, 

Heraclea was anciently a 
great coaaderaiion. and in alliance with Some, till 
IQlhridstes made himself master of it by corrupting 
Lamachus, one of their magistrates, which f. 
Ootta, who served under Lueullus. with a pretence 
bath of p'undering it, and reducing it to ashes, for 
which be was deservedly censured a: 
Some. I find Strabo makes Heraclea lo have been a 
colony of the Milesians, bat Xenophon seems to de- 
serve most credit, since be is r. Ε odorus 
Bst mms . Pausanias. and many other authors of the best 
note. Heraclea was afterwards called by the modern 
Creeks, to whom it b elong ed , Penderaehi. and by the 
Turks, in whose poss ess ion it now is. Eregri. There 
are many medals to be seen at this day, formerly struck 
by this city in honour of the Soman emperors, with a 
Hercules on the reverse, by which it appears that he 
e pajoa of it ; and when Cotta took it, there 
was a statue of Hercules in the market place, with all 
his attributes of gold. But it must be observed, that 
this was the Grecian, not the Egyptian Hercules, from 
whom Diodoms Sicalos o b s e r ves the Greeks borrowed 
most of the great actions which they ascribed to their 

4 s» 



for not endeavouring to find money for us to 
buy provisions ; for the presents we hj > 
ceived will I the army three 

neither is there any place,*' says he, n from 

, whence we can supply ourselves. My advice 
therefore is, that we demand of the inhabitants 
of Heraclea no less than three thousand 5 cyzi- 
cenes." Another said a month's pay, no less 
than ten thousand : and that " we ought to 
choose ambassadors, and send them immedi- 
ately to the town while we were assem': 
the end we might know what answer they 
thought proper to return, and thereupon con- 
sider what measures to take."' Upon this they 
proposed sending, as ambassadors, first Cheiri- 
sophus, because they had chosen him for their 
general; and some named Xenophon. 
both these declined i: 

concurred in opinion, that they ought not to 
constrain a Greek city, in friendship with them, 
to supply them with any thing against their 
will. When they found these were ur.- 
to go, they sent Lycon of Achaia, Callimachus 
of Parrhasie, and Agasias of Sfymphalos. 
These, going to the town, informed the inha- 

; bitants of the resolutions of the army : it was 
said Lycon even added I :d not 

comply with all their demands. The inhabi- 
tants hearing this, said they would consider of 
it, and immediately removed all their 6 effects 
out of -γ, and carried all thei: 

sions into the town ; at the same tin 

' gates were shut, and men in arms appeared up- 
on the v: 

1 Hereupon, the authors of these disturbances 
accused the generals of haeng defeated the 

I design ; and the Arcadians and Achaians as- 

"sembled together: 'they w&e chiefly headed 

n. and Ly: 

Achaian.) They said it was a shame that one 

:an, who brought no : army, 

should have the command both of th; 

ponnesians and Lacedemonians, Tbey said 

.3 the labour, and otr. — 

which was the less to be suffered, because the 

preservation of the army was owing to them ; 

for they said the Arcadians and Achaians had 



- 

- das. 
See note 1, page £96, upon I 



■ 



:>on the first 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



311 



preserved it, and that the rest of the army was 
nothing; (and it was true the Arcadians and 
Achaians made above half the army) if, there- 
lore, they were wise, they ought to assemble, 
and having chosen their own generals, to march 
by themselves, and endeavour to get some 
booty. This was resolved: and those Arca- 
dians and Achaians, who served under Cheiri- 
sophus, leaving him and Xenophon, joined to 
the rest, and chose their own generals, to the 
number of ten. These they voted to execute 
whatever should be approved of by the majo- 
rity. Here, therefore, ended the generalship 
of Cheirisophus, the sixth or seventh day after 
he was chosen. 

Xenophon was inclined to march in their 
company, looking upon that as safer than for 
every one to travel by himself; but Neon, who 
had been informed by Cheirisophus, that Ole- 
ander, the Lacedaemonian 1 governor of By- 
zantium, said he would come to the port of 
Calpe, with some galleys, persuaded him to go 
by himself. He gave him this advice to the 
end that none should partake of this oppor- 
tunity, but only they, with their own soldiers, 
should go on board the galleys ; and Cheiriso- 
phus, partly discouraged at what had happened, 
and partly through the hatred he, from that 
time, conceived against the army, permitted 
Xenophon to do as he thought fit. The latter 
had some thoughts also of leaving that part of 
the army that remained with him, and of sail- 
ing away ; but while he was offering sacrifice 
to Hercules the Conductor, and consulting that 
god, whether it were better for him to march 
on with the resj of the soldiers, or to leave 
them, the god signified, by the victims, that he 
should go on with them. By this means the 
army was divided into three bodies : the first 
consisted of Arcadians and Achaians, being 
above four thousand five hundred in number, 
all heavy-armed men ; the second, of fourteen 
hundred heavy-armed men, and seven hundred 
targeteers, belonging to Cheirisophus, the last 
being Thracians, who had served under Clcar- 
chus; and the third of seventeen hundred 
heavy-armed men, and three hundred targe- 
teers, who followed Xenophon ; the horse, 
which amounted to about forty, were solely 
commanded by him. 



•wcxocuj 5τολίΐ{ «{χοντί} Ιχπϊμττίμινοι, Harpocration. 



The Arcadians, having furnished themselves 
with ships from the inhabitant of Heraclea, 
first set sail, that, by falling upon the Bithy- 
nians unawares, they might get the greater 
booty. With this view they landed in the 
port of Calpe, situated about the middle of 
-Thrace. Cheirisophus, leaving Heraclea, tra- 
velled through the country ; but when he ar- 
rived in Thrace, he kept near the sea, because 
he was in an ill state of health ; and Xeno- 
phon, having provided himself with ships, 
landed upon the confines of Thrace, and of the. 
territory of Heraclea, and from thence, marched 
through the middle of the country. 

III. In what manner, therefore, the general- 
ship of Cheirisophus was abrogated, and the 
Greek army divided, has been already related. 
The actions of each of them were as follows : 
the Arcadians, landing by night at the port of 
Calpe, marched to the next villages, at the 
distance of about fifty stadia from the sea. 
When it was light, each of their generals led 
his own division to a village, and, where arty of 
the villages seemed larger than the rest, they 
marched in a body formed of two divisions : at 
the same time they fixed upon a hill where 
they were all to re-assemble ; and, as their 
irruption was unexpected, they 3 took many 
slaves, besides great numbers of cattle. 

The Thracians who escaped, got together*: 
for, being targeteers, many of them made their 
escape from the Greeks, who were heavy- 
armed men. Being now assembled in a body, 
they first attacked the division commanded by 
Smicres, one of the Arcadian generals, while 
he was upon his march to the place of rendez- 
vous with a considerable booty. For some 
time, the Greeks fought as they marched ; but, 
while they were passing a valley, the Thra- 
cians put them to flight, and killed Smicres 
with all his men. They also defeated another 
division commanded by Hegesander, one of the 
ten generals, eight only escaping ; and with 
them Hegesander himself. The rest of the 
generals came to the place of rendezvous, some 



* Τικ Φ^άχ>κ. These are the Thracians, who, as 
Herodotus says, having settled in Asia, were called 
Bithynians. He adds, that they were driven out of 
Thrace ify the Teucrians and Mysians. 

■ Π>{ϋβ«λοντθ, Hij </3*λλθ/ΐ*ίνθ{• 3r(0<rirae" r *. u,i " i *• 

Suidas. Phavorinus. So that I cannot think the 
word college made use of by both the Latin translators 
so proper upon this occasion. 



312 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



with difficulty, and others without any at all. 
The Thracians, after this advantage, gave no- 
tice to one another, and assembled, with great 
resolution, in the night: and as soon as it 
was day. great numbers of horse and targeteers 
were drawn up round the hill, upon which 
the Greeks were encamped; and their num- 
bers continually increasing, they attacked the 
heavy-armed men, with great security ; for the 
Greeks had neither archers, darters, or horse ; 
while the others, advancing with their light- 
armed men, and horse, lanced their darts, and 
when the Greeks offered to attack them, re- 
treated with ease; and assailing them in dif- 
ferent places, gave several wounds, without 
receiving any ; so that the Greeks could hot 
stir from the place, and were at last debarred 
from water by the Thracians. Being reduced 
to great extremity, terms of accommodation 
were proposed, and other things were agreed 
upon ; but the Thracians refused to give hos- 
tages, which the Greeks insisted on. This put 
a stop to the treaty ; and this was the situation 
of the Arcadians. 

In the meantime, Cheirisophus, marching 
with safety along the coast, arrived at the port 
of Calpe. While Xenophon was upon his 
march through the middle of the country, his 
horse, who were upon the scout, met with 
some ambassadors, who were travelling the 
road. When they were brought to Xenophon, 
he asked them, whether they had any where 
heard of another Greek army. These men 
informed him of every thing that had passed ; 
that the Greeks were actually besieged upon a 
hill, and that the whole army of the Thracians 
had surrounded them on all sides. Upon this 
he ordered the men to be strictly guarded, that 
he might use them as guides, where it was 
necessary ; and having placed his scouts, he 
assembled the soldiers, and spoke to them as 
follows ; 

" Gentlemen ! part of the Arcadians are 
slain, and the rest besieged upon a hill. It is 
my opinion, that if these are destroyed, all 
hopes of our own safety are desperate, the 
enemy being so numerous, and so much em- 
boldened by their success. The best thing 
therefore, we can do, is immediately to march 
to their relief: that if they are still alive, we 
may have their assistance in battle, rather 
than, by being left alone, be alone exposed to 
the danger of it. Let us, therefore, for the 
present, march on till supper-time, and then 



encamp ; and while we are upon our march, 
let Timasion, with the horse, advance before, 
keeping us still in sight, and reconnoitre the 
country, to prevent surprise." At the same 
time, he sent those of the light-armed men, 
who were most prepared for expedition, to the 
sides and tops of the hills, with orders if they 
saw any thing to give notice. He ordered 
them also to set fire to every combustible 
thing they met with. " For," says he, « we 
have no place to fly to : it is a great way back 
to Heraclea ; a great way through the country 
to Chrysopolis, and the enemy is near at hand. 
Indeed, it is not far from the port of Calpe, 
where we conclude Cheirisophus is arrived, if 
he has met with no accident ; but, when we 
are there, we shall find neither ships to trans- 
port us, nor provisions to subsist us even for 
one day. However, if those who are besieged 
should perish, it will be more disadvantageous 
for us to hazard a battle in conjunction with 
the troops belonging to Cheirisophus only, 
than, if they are preserved, to join all our 
forces, and make our preservation a common 
concern. But let us go with this resolution, 
either to die with honour, upon this occasion, 
or perform the greatest of all actions in pre- 
serving so many Greeks. Possibly, God has 
ordained this with a design of humbling those 
who magnified their prudence, as superior to 
ours, and of rendering us, who derive all our 
hopes from the gods, more renowned than 
they. Follow then your leaders, and be at^jn- 
tive to the orders you receive, that you may 
obey them." 

When he had said this, he put himself at 
their head. The horse, spreading themselves 
over the country, as far as was proper, set fire 
to every thing where they passed, and the 
targeteers, marching abreast upon the emi- 
nences, set fire also to every thing they found 
combustible, as did the army also to what the 
others happened to leave ; so that the whole 
country seemed in a blaze, and the army ap- 
I peared very numerous. When it was time, 
j they encamped on a hill, and discovered the 
' enemy's fires, from whom they were distant 
! about forty stadia ; upon this they made as 
many fires as they could. But when they had 
supped, orders were given that all the fires 
should immediately be put out : and having 
' placed guards they went to sleep. The next 
morning, by break of day, after they had 
invoked the gods, they put themselves in 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



313 



order of battle, and marched with all the haste 
they could. Timaaion and the horse, with 
the guides, advancing before the army, found 
themselves, before they were aware, upon the 
hill where the Greeks had been besieged. 
Here they saw neither friends nor enemies, 
(of which they gavo notice to Xenophon and 
the army) but only some old men and women, 
with a few sheep and oxen that were left 
behind. At first, they wondered what the 
matter was, but, afterwards, they understood 
by the people who were left, that the Thra- 
cians went away, as soon as the evening came 
on ; and the Greeks the next morning ; but 
whither, they said, they cauld not tell. 

Xenophon and his men, hearing this, after 
they had eat their breakfast, got their baggage 
ready, and marched on, desiring as soon as 
possible, to join the rest of the Greeks at the 
port of Calpe. In their march, they saw the 
footing of the Arcadians and Achaians in the 
road leading to Calpe ; and, when they overtook 
them, they were pleased to see one another, 
and embraced like brothers. The Arcadians 
asked Xenophon's men, why they had put out 
their fires 1 " For," said they, " we thought 
at first, when we saw no more fires, that you 
designed to attack the enemy in the night ; 
(and they, as we imagined, were apprehensive 
of this, and for that reason went away, for they 
retired about that time,) but you not coming, 
and the time wherein we expected you being 
expired, we concluded, that, being informed of 
our situation, you were terrified, and had re- 
tired to the sea-side. Whereupon, we resolved 
not to be far behind you : and this was the 
reason of our marching hither also." 

IV. That day they encamped upon the shore 
near the port. This place, which is called the 
port of Calpe, is situated in the Asiatic Thrace. 
This Thrace begins at the mouth of the Eux- 
ine Sea, and extends on the right hand, as far 
as Heraclea. To which place, from Byzan- 
tium, J it is as far as a trireme galley can row 
in the longest day. Between these two cities 
there is no town belonging either to the Greeks, 
or their allies ; but all the coast is inhabited by 
Thracians or Bithynians ; and whatever Greeks 
are thrown upon their coast by shipwreck, or 

1 Ήμ-ξχς μϊ,λ.» μχχξ-ίς 5τλοι>ί. Xenophon has great 
reason to say that it is a long day's work for a galley to 
go from Byzantium to Heraclea, since Arrian, in liis 
Periplus, makes-it 1670 stadia. 870 of which he reckons 
from Byzantium to the port of Calpe, which agrees very 
well with Xenophon's account. 
27 



by any other accident fall into their hands, 
they are said to abuse them in tho most savage 
manner. The port of Calpe lies in the mid- 
way between Heraclea and Byzantium. A 
promontory runs out into the sea, of which that 
part which lies contiguous to it, is a craggy 
rock, in height, where it is lowest, not less 
than twenty fathom. The neck of land, by 
which this promontory is joined to the conti- 
nent, is about four hundred feet in breadth ; 
and the space within this neck is ample enough 
to afford habitation for ten thousand men. The 
port lies under the rock upon the western 
shore ; and, close to the sea, flows a spring 
plentifully supplied with fresh water ; this 
spring is commanded by the rock. This place 
affords great plenty of timber, particularly that 
which is proper for building ships, in great 
quantities, and in great perfection close to the 
sea. The mountain that lies next the port 
reaches about twenty stadia into the midland. 
The soil is a mould free from stones ; but that 
part of it which lies next the sea, and extends 
above twenty stadia, is covered with great 
numbers of stately trees of every kind. The 
rest of the country is pleasant and spacious, 
abounding with villages well inhabited ; for it 
produces barley, wheat, and all sorts of legu- 
mens, panic, sesame, a sufficient quantity of 
figs, vines in abundance, yielding a sweet wine, 
and every thing else but olive-trees. This is 
the nature of the country. 

The soldiers encamped along the shore : 
had they entered into any of the villages, they 
would not have quartered there ; because they 
suspected they were drawn thither by the arti- 
fice of some people, who were desirous to build 
a city there. For the greatest part of them 
had not engaged in this service through want, 
but induced by the reputation of Cyrus, some 
even bringing soldiers with them, who had 
spent their fortunes, some having left their 
fathers and mothers, and others their children, 
with a design to return, when they had acquired 
enough to enrich them ; for they heard that 
the other Greeks, who before served under 
Cyrus, had made their fortunes. This being 
their situation, they were desirous to return in 
safety to Greece. 

The morning after the junction of their 
forces Xenophon offered sacrifice concerning 
their going out of the camp ; (for there was a 
necessity to lead them out in order to get pro- 
visions) he also proposed to bury the dead. 
2 Ρ 



314 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



The victims being favourable, the Arcadiatts 
also followed him, and they buried the greatest 
part of the dead, where each of them lay, (for 
their bodies having lain five days, there was 
no possibility of bringing them away) some of 
them they removed out of the roads, and, lay- 
ing them in a heap, buried them with all the 
decency that their present circumstances would 
admit of. As for those whose bodies could 
not be found, they erected a large 1 cenotaph, 
with a great funeral pile, which they crowned 
with garlands. Having performed these things 
they returned to their camp : and after they 
had supped, went to rest. The next day there 
was a general meeting of the soldiers, (they 
were chiefly assembled by Agasias of Stym- 
phalus, one of the captains, and Hieronymus 
of Elis, a captain also, and by the oldest Ar- 
cadian officers) in which they came to this re- 
solution, that, for the future, whoever proposed 
dividing the army should be punished with 
death ; that the army should march in the same 
disposition it was in before, and that the same 
generals should command. Cheirisophus hav- 
ing lost his life by a medicine he took in a 
fever, Neon the Asinaean succeeded him. 

After this Xenophon rising up, said, " Gen- 
tlemen ! it seems we are under a necessity both 
of travelling by land, for we have no ships, and 
of marching away immediately ; for, if we stay, 
we shall want provisions. We, therefore, shall 
offer sacrifice ; in the mean time, if, upon any 
other occasion, you were prepared to fight, 
prepare yourselves for it now, for the enemy 
have resumed their courage." After this, the 
generals offered sacrifice in the presence of 
Arexion of Arcadia, the priest : for Silanus of 
Ambracia had hired a ship, and made his es- 
cape from Heraclea. But the victims they 
sacrificed concerning their departure were not 
favourable ; so they staid there that day : and 
some had the confidence to report, that Xeno- 



i Κίκοτώφ.ον. In the same manner we find in Thucy- 
didea, that the Athenians, in the funeral of the first of 
their countrymen, who were killed in the Peloponne• 
eian war, besides a coffin for every tribe, carried also an 
empty one in honour to the memory of those whose bo• 
dies could not be found. Virgil has translated the Greek 
word by tumulus inanis in the third book, where he 
■aye Andromache had raised an empty monumentto the 
manes of Hector, 

" Manesque vocabat 
Hectoreum ad tumulum ; viridi quem cespite inanem, 
Et geroiriae, causam lachrimis, sacra verat aras." 



phon, being desirous to build a city there, had 
prevailed upon the priest to declare that the 
victims were not favourable to their departure. 
Upon this, Xenophon ordered a herald to pub- 
lish that any one, who was willing, might be 
present at the sacrifice the next day, and that, 
if there was any priest among them, he should 
also attend, and assist in inspecting the vic- 
tims; he offered sacrifice accordingly in the 
presence of great numbers ; and, though victims 
were three times sacrificed concerning their 
departure, still they were not favourable. This 
gave the soldiers great concern ; for the pro- 
visions they had brought with them were all 
consumed, and there was no market near. 

Hereupon they re-assembled, and Xenophon 
said, " Gentlemen ! the victims, you see, are 
not yet favourable to our departure ; at the 
same time, I see you are in want of provisions ; 
it is necessary, therefore, in my opinion, to 
offer sacrifice concerning this." Upon which 
one of the men, rising up, said, " It is with 
reason the victims do not favour our departure : 
for a ship coming in yesterday by accident, I 
was informed that Oleander, the Lacedaemoni- 
an, governor of Byzantium, designed to come 
hither from thence with transports and gallies." 
Upon this they all concluded to stay for him. 
However they could not avoid going out to get 
provisions, concerning which he again offered 
sacrifice three times, and still the victims were 
not favourable; the soldiers now came to 
Xenophon's tent, complaining they had no 
provisions : but he told them he would not lead 
them out, while the victims forbade it. 

The next day he sacrificed again, and, it 
being a general concern, almost all the army 
crowded round the sacrifice : but the victims 
fell short. Still the generals did not think fit 
to lead out the army, however they called them 
together ; and Xenophon said, " Possibly the 
enemy may be assembled in a body, and,„then 
we shall be under a necessity of fighting : if, 
therefore, we leave our baggage in the place of 
strength, and march out prepared to fight, it is 
possible the victims may be more favourable." 
The soldiers, hearing this, cried out it was to 
no purpose to lead them to the place he men- 
tioned, but that they ought immediately to offer 
sacrifice. They had no victims left : so they 
bought some oxen out of a cart, and sacrificed 
them; and Xenophon begged of Cleanor the 
Arcadian, to show an earnestne'ss, if this sac- 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



315 



rillco promised any thing. Notwithstanding 
this the vie thus were not favourable. 

Here Neon, who had succeeded Cheiriso- 
phus, seeing the men oppressed with want, 
was desirous to gratify them, and, having found 
out a man belonging to Heraclea, who said he 
was acquainted with some villages in the neigh- 
bourhood, where they might get provisions, 
ordered proclamation to be made, that whoever 
was willing might go out to supply themselves, 
there being a guide ready to conduct them. 
Upon this two thousand men went out of the 
camp with javelins, leather bags, sacks, and 
other vessels. While they were in the villages 
dispersed in plunder, some horse, belonging 
to Pharnabazus, first fell upon them : these 
were come to the assistance of the Bithynians, 
designing, jointly with them, to hinder, if pos- 
sible, the Greeke from penetrating into Phry- 
gia. This body of horse killed no less than 
five hundred of the Greeks : the rest fled to a 
mountain. 

The news of this defeat was brought to the 
camp by one of those who escaped. Xeno- 
phon, since the victims were not favourable 
that day, taking an ox out of one of the carts 
(for there were no other victims) sacrificed it, 
and then went out to their relief with all the 
men who were not above forty years of age ; 
and, having brought off the rest, they returned 
to the camp. It was now near sunset, and the 
Greeks ate their supper in great consternation ; 
when, on a sudden, some Bithynians, coming 
up through the thickets, surprised the advanced 
guard, and, killing some of them, pursued the 
rest to the camp ; and the alarm being given, 
all the Greeks ran to their arms. But it was 
not thought advisable to pursue the enemy, or 
leave their camp in the night ; for the country 
was full of thickets ; so they lay that night up- 
on their arms, taking care effectually to rein- 
force their out-guards. 

V. In this manner they passed the night. 
The next day, as soon as it was light, the gen- 
erals led them to the place of strength, and the 
army followed, with their arms and baggage, 
and before noon they had dug a trench quite 
across the neck of land that leads to the pro- 
montory, and fortified the whole length of it 
with palisades, leaving three gates. In the 
meantime a ship arrived from Heraclea, laden 
with barley-meal, cattle, and wine. Xenophon 
rising early offered sacrifice concerning an ex- 



pedition against the enemy, and the first victim 
was favourable. When the sacrifice was near 
an end, Arexion of Parrhasie, the priest, saw 
an eagle on the favourable side, and called out 
to Xenophon to lead on. After the men had 
passed the trench, they stood to their arms, and 
the generals ordered proclamation to be made, 
that the soldiers, as soon as they had dined, 
should march with their arms, leaving those 
who had care of the baggage, and the slaves be- 
hind. All the rest went out except Neon ; for 
it was thought most advisable to leave him to 
command those who remainpd in the camp; 
but, when the captains and soldiers were about 
to leave them; they were ashamed to stay be- 
hind, while the rest marched out ; so they left 
only those who were above five and forty years 
of age. These, therefore stayed in the camp, 
and the rest marched forward. Before they 
had gone fifteen stadia, they came to the dead 
bodies, and, 1 extending one of their wings up- 
on a single line, where the first of them lay, 
they buried all those that fell within the line. 
After they had buried these as they marched 
along, they formed a line of the other wing, 
where the first of the bodies lay unburied, and 
in the same manner buried those that fell in 
their way : and when they came to the road 
that led from the villages, where the dead 
bodies lay in heaps, they brought them all to- 
gether, and buried them. 

It being now past noon, they marched clear 
of the villages, and, while the men were em- 
ployed in taking whatever provisions they met 
with within reach of the line, on a sudden 
they discovered the enemy marching over some 
hills opposite to them. Their army was dis- 
posed in a line, and very numerous both in horse 
and foot; for Spithridates and Kathines were 
there with the forces they had received from 
Pharnabazus. As soon as the enemy saw the 
Greeks, they halted at the distance of about 
fifteen stadia. Upon this, Arexion the Greek 
priest, immediately offered sacrifice, and the 
very first victim was favourable. Then Xeno- 



l Τήν οΰξχν του x«f «T0{ jtodjo-x.usiOi, xxtv. τους stjuutou; 
$χν»ντα.ς vixgouj icrxn-TOi/ TivTxj ejreo-ou; ϊπ<Κχμ&χν$ 

το xebecs. I very much suspect that cugiv τ:υ χ^τ:; 
5τοι>ισ•!4θΝ>α. signifies to extend one of the wings of an 
army upon a line; but, as I do not find this sense of 
the expression supported by the authority of any au- 
thor, or lexicon, though I have consulted many, I only 
offer it as a conjecture, and leave it to the considera- 
tion of the learned. 



316 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



phon said to the generals, « Gentlemen ! it is 
my opinion that wo ought to place some bo- 
dies of reserve behind the line of battle, to sus- 
tain it, if necessary, and that the enemy when 
disordered may be received by these bodies of 
reserve, that will be fresh and in order." All 
this met with general approbation. " Do you 
therefore," continues he, " advance against the 
enemy, that now we have seen them, and been 
seen by them, we may not stand still ; and I 
will form the bodies of reserve in the rear, in 
the manner you approve of, and follow you." 

Upon this the,generals advanced in silence ; 
and Xenophon having separated from the main 
body, the three hindmost ranks, consisting of 
about two hundred men each, placed one, com- 
manded by Samolas of Achaia, behind the right 
wing, another of which Pyrias of Arcadia had 
the command, behind the centre ; and the third, 
commanded by Phrasias, an Athenian, behind 
the left wing ; these had orders to follow the line 
of battle at the distance of about one hundred 
feet. As they marched on, those in the front 
coming to a valley, 1 that was large and difficult 
to pass, halted, not knowing whether it was 
passable or not, and an order was given for all 
the generals and captains to come up to the 
front. Xenophon wondered what should stop 
their march ; but, as soon as he heard the order, 
he rode up in all haste. As soon as the offi- 
cers were got together, Sophaenetus, the oldest 
of the generals, said it 2 was not advisable to 
pass a valley of such difficulty ; but Xenophon, 
answering with some earnestness, said, 

1 '. — 

1 Έτη ιχτηι μ(γί\ω. I cannot approve of the word 
altus, which both Leunclavius and Hutchinson have 
made use of, upon this occasion, for νχπος : I am very 
sensible that νχπος signifies saltus, but I do not look 
upon that to be the signification of the word in this 
place, because he tells us afterwards, that there was a 
bridge over this νχπος, which I am sure is, in no degree, 
applicable to saltus, particularly since he calls it νά,πος 
μίγα, which addition puts it out of all doubt that bo- 
cage epais, in D'Ablancourt, is improper, since bocage 
is a diminutive. I have called it a valley, in which I 
am supported by Phavorinus, who explains the word 
in that sense : νχπος, It χο*λοτ>κ του οςους. 

s"Ot< ovx *ζ.οι-ί.ΐ) ί«*β*«νίΐν. I agree with Hutchin- 
son, that Stepbanus and Muretus had no reason to find 
fault with this reading. I go farther ; be calls it satis 
sana scriptura, but I think the phrase perfectly elegant, 
and of the same turn with a passage in Demosthenes, 
quoted by Suidas — ft* γ*ξ τούτο μίκιο-τχ <ίζκ>ν io -τ» 

e -ΐχπχν, ϊτ' οΐίτ to -τϊκ ό ■Αχτχπ'ΚΥ,το-ων, Ovi' Ό κχΚχτων Ύ,μχς. 

Vpon which occasion Suidas explains the word in this 

manner, «ζΐον" οι pijTOflj ίπι του liiKoyiu κ«ί ίικχιου 
ϊ*>.αμβίνουοΊ. 

« 



" You know, gentlemen ! that I never wil- 
lingly sought dangers for you ; because I am 
sensible you want safety, more than glory ; but 
this is our present situation. It is not possible 
for us to go hence without fighting ; for, if we 
do not engage the enemy, as soon as we offer to 
depart, they will pursue us, and fall upon us in 
our retreat. Consider therefore with your- 
selves, whether it is better for us to attack 
them with our arms to cover us, or to see them 
pursuing us, when we are defenceless. You 
know also that there is no honour to be got by 
flying from an enemy, while even cowards gain 
courage by pursuing ; for which reason I had 
rather pursue with half the number of forces, 
than retreat with twice as many. Besides, I 
am confident that you yourselves do not 3 ex- 
pect the enemy will stand, if we attack them ; 
but we are all sensible, that if we retire, they 
will have courage enough to follow us. How- 
ever, to be on the other side, with a difficult 
valley in our rear when we engage, is not 
that an advantage worth contending for 1 
May the enemy 4 find every passage open to 
their flight ! whereas the situation of the place 
ought to instruct us that we can have no hope 
of safely, but in victory. I wonder any one 
should think this valley mor.e dreadful than so 
many other places we have passed through. 
Shall we not find this very place, where we 
now are, difficult to march over, if we do not 
overcome the horse 1 Will not the mountains 
we have traversed be difficult to repass with 
such numbers of targeteers at our heels 1 But 
admit even that we arrived at the sea-coast in 



s \Ex7r«f£T£. In this sense Thucydides uses the word 
in the beginning of his history', where he says, that he 
chose the Peloponnesian war for his subject, because 
he expected it would be of more importance than any 

before it, ϊΧπιο-χς,μ'ιγχν T£ ttria-dxt, και ίζιτΚογώτχτζν 

τ£ν 7r e ογίγιν^μιναιν. TJpon which the Greek Scholiast 

Observee, το ίΚπίΤχς, ού μόνον ΐπι κγανΌυ, άλλ' χπΚυίς 

\π\ τ» του μι\κοντβς 1*.&x<th Ktytrat. Afler the exam- 
ple of the Greeks, the Latins also gave this sense to the 
word spero, as we find in Virgil, where Dido, in the 
agony of her mind, tells her sister, 

" Hunc ego si potui tantum sperare dolorem, 

Et perferre, soror, potero." 
4 ΤοΓ{ /utv γχξ ποΚίμιοις tywyi βουλοιμην xv ί'υποξ* 

πάντα, $»»vio-6*i, ί!<ττι αποχωρΰν. This soldierly wish 
of Xenophon, that the enemy might have hopes of 
safety, in a retreat, while his own men had none but in 
victory, is thus disfigured by D'Ablancourt: " Je vou- 
drois que nous fuesione si bien rempares de toutes parts, 
qu'ils ne scussent pas par ou nous attaquer, afin qu'ils 
ee retirassent plutot." 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



317 



safety, how 1 large a valley is the Euxine sea 1 
Where we shall neither find ships to transport 
us, or if we stay there, provisions to subsist us. 
And, if we make haste thither, we must haste 
abroad again to get provisions. We had better 
therefore fight, now we have eaten something, 
than to-morrow, when we are fasting. Gentle- 
men ! the sacrifices are favourable, the omens 
happy, and the victims assure us of success. 
Let us go on. Since the enemy have seen us 
all, they ought not to eat their supper with 
satisfaction, or encamp where they please." 

Upon this the captains bid him lead on, and 
no one contradicted it: he therefore put him- 
self at their head, and ordered every man to 
pass the valley in his rank, for he thought it 
would be more expeditious for the army to pass 
over in a body, than if they filed off over 
the bridge, that lay across the valley. After 
they had passed it, Xenophon, coming up to 
the foremost ranks, said, " Remember, gentle- 
men ! how many battles, with the assistance of 
the gods, you have gained, and what those are 
to expect who turn their backs upon the ene- 
my. Consider also that we are at the gates of 
Greece. Follow Hercules your conductor, and 
exhort one another by name. There is a plea- 
sure in reflecting that whoever, upon this occa- 
sion, says or does any thing brave and glorious, 
will be remembered by those whose applause 
he is ambitious of." 

This he said as he rode along the ranks: 
then put himself at the head of the line of bat- 
tle, and, having placed the targeteers upon the 
wings, he marched against the, enemy. He had 
also ordered the heavy-armed men to carry their 
pikes on their right shoulders, till the trumpet 
sounded ; then to present them, and move slowly 
on : and that none should run, when they pursu- 
ed. Upon this the word was given, " Jupiter the 
preserver, and Hercules the conductor." The 
enemy encouraged by the advantage of their 
post, stood their ground ; and, when our men 
drew near, the Greek targeteers shouted, and 



ι πόβ-ον π νχπος Ό κοντοί. Methink3 this expression 
should have convinced the Latin translators that νίπος 
was not, upon this occasion, to be translated by saltus, 
However, they have, I find, still adhered to it. Hut- 
chinson has said, "quantus tandem saltus ipse pontus 
eat ?" And Leunclavius, " quantus quaeso saltus ipsum 
pelagus Ponticum erit ?" I expected D'Ablancourt 
would also have pursued this translation, and have 
said, "quel bocage sera le Pont Euxin ?" But he has 
prudently avoided this absurdity, by leaving out the 
whole sentence 

27» 



ran on before they were ordered. The enemy's 
horse, with the body of Bithynians, advanced 
against them, and both together put the targe- 
teers to flight: but, when the line of battle, 
consisting of the heavy-armed men, marched 
briskly up to meet them, and, at the same time, 
the trumpet sounded, and the men sung 2 the 
pecan, then shouted and presented their pikes, 
they no longer stood their ground, but fled. 
Timasion pursued them with the horse; and 
his men, being but few in number, killed as 
many of them as they could. The enemy's left 
wing, which was opposite to the Greek horse, 
was presently dispersed; but the right, not 
being closely pursued, rallied upon a hill. 
As soon as the Greeks saw them make a stand, 
they thought the easiest and safest thing they 
could do, was to charge them immediately. 
Accordingly, they sung the p«an, and advanced 
directly ; but the enemy did not stand : the 
targeteers pursued them till their right wing 
was also dispersed. However, few of them 
were killed, for the enemy's horse being very 
numerous, kept the Greeks in awe. When 
our men saw the body of horse belonging to 
Pharnabazus. still unbroken, and the Bithynian 
horse flocking to them, and observing, from a 
hill, what was doing, though they were spent 
with labour, yet they resolved to charge them 
also, as well as they could, that they might 
give them no time to recover their spirit and 
breath. So they formed themselves, and 
marched against them. Upon this, the enemy's 
horse fled down the hill with as much precipi- 
tation, as if they had been pursued by horse: 
for there was a valley to receive them, which 
the Greeks knew nothing of, because, as it was 
late, they had given over the pursuit, before 
they came to it. Then returning to the place, 
where the first action happened, they erected a 
trophy, and came back to the sea about sunset. 
For they had been near sixty stadia from their 
camp. 

VI. After this, the enemy employed them- 
selves in their own concerns, removing their 
families and 3 effects to the greatest distance 
they could. In the meantime, the Greeks 
waited for the arrival of Oleander, with the 
galleys and transports ; and going out every day 
with their sumpter-horses and slaves, they fur- 

» Χ»ί ίιτΛίίνιζον. See note 8, page 189, upon th• 
first book. 

» Τ»χ ? ^*τ<». See note 1, page 175, upon the first 
book. 



318 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book vu 



nished themselves in all security, with wheat, 
barley, wine, legumens, panic, and figs ; for the 
country produced every thing but oil. While 
the army lay in their camp to refresh them- 
selves, the men had liberty to go out for 
plunder ; and upon those occasions, the booty 
was their own : but when the whole army 
went out, if any one straggled from the rest, 
and got any thing, they determined it should 
belong to the public. The camp now abound- 
ed in all things, for provisions came from 
every side out of the Greek cities ; and people, 
who sailed along the coast, being informed 
that a city was going to be built with a ha- 
ven, willingly put in there : and those of the 
enemy, who lived in the neighbourhood, sent 
to Xenophon, hearing he had the conduct of 
the intended settlement, to know what they 
should do to deserve his friendship ; and he 
showed them to the soldiers. In the mean- 
time, Oleander arrived with two galleys, but no 
transports. It happened, that when he came, 
the army was gone out to get provisions, and a 
party of stragglers, going up the mountain in 
search of plunder, took a great number of 
sheep ; but being afraid they would be taken 
from them, they informed Dexippus of it, the 
same who ran away with the fifty-oar galley 
from Trebisond, and desired him to secure the 
sheep, agreeing that he should retain some of 
them for his pains, and restore the rest. 

Immediately Dexippus drove away the sol- 
diers who stood round them, and told them the 
sheep belonged to the public; then went to 
Oleander, and informed him that they endeav- 
oured to take them away by force. Oleander 
ordered him to bring the man who attempted 
it before him. Upon that, Dexippus seized 
one of the men, and was carrying him away, 
when Agasias, meeting him, rescued the man ; 
for he belonged to his company : and the rest 
of the soldiers who were present, threw stones 
at Dexippus, calling him traitor. This put 
not only him, but many of the men also, who 
belonged to the galleys, in fear, and made them 
fly to the sea; and Oleander himself was 
among those who fled. Hereupon, Xenophon 
and the rest of the generals endeavoured to 
suppress the tumult, and told Oleander, that 
there was no danger, and that all this was oc- 
casioned by the standing order of the army. 
But Oleander, being inflamed by Dexippus, 
and himself nettled for having discovered so 
much fear, said he would tail away, and cause 



them to be proclaimed enemies, and that as 
such, none of the Greek cities should receive 
them : for the * Lacedaemonians were, at that 
time, the masters of all Greece. 

The Greeks looked upon this as an affair of 
bad consequence, and begged of him not to do 
it ; but he said it could not be otherwise, un- 
less they delivered up the man who began 
throwing stones, together with the person who 
rescued him. This was Agasias the constant 
friend of Xenophon ; for which reason Dexip- 
pus had accused him. In this perplexity, the 
commanders called the army together, and some 
of them treated Oleander as a man of no im- 
portance ; but Xenophon thought the affair of 
no small consequence, and, rising up, said : 

« Gentlemen ! I look upon it as a matter of 
great moment, if Oleander goes away, as he 
threatens, in this disposition : for we are now 
in the neighbourhood of the Greek cities, and 
as the Lacedaemonians preside over Greece, 
every single Lacedaemonian can effect what- 
ever he pleases in these cities. If, therefore, 
this man first shuts us out of Byzantium him- 
self, then gives notice to the rest of the Lace- 
daemonian governors, not to receive us into 
their cities, as men refusing obedience to the 
Lacedaemonians, and absolutely ungovernable : 
this character of us will at last reach the ears 
of Anaxibius, the admiral, and then it will be 
difficult for us either to stay where we are, or to 
sail away ; for, at this time, the Lacedaemoni- 
ans command both at sea and land. We ought 
not, therefore, for the sake of one or two men, 
to exclude ourselves from Greece, but to obey 
them in every thing ; for the cities to which 
we belong, obey them. As to my own parti- 
cular (for I hear Dexippus tells Oleander, that 
Agasias had never done this, if I had not given 
him orders,) for my part, I say, I am ready to 
clear both you and Agasias of this accusation, 
if he will say that I was the author of any of 
these things, and to condemn myself, if I be- 
gan throwing stones, or any other violence, to 
the last of punishments, and will submit to it. 
My advice also is, that if Oleander should ac- 
cuse any other person, he ought to surrender 
himself to him to be tried ; by this means you 
will be free from censure. As things now 
stand, it will be hard if we, who expect to 
meet with applause and honour in Greece, 



1 'H{ JJ5v Ss tots irxvTwv τκν Έλληνα» οί As 

Bee the Introduction, p. 161. 



ssshjusj 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



319 



should, instead of that, not even be in the 
same condition with the rest of our country- 
men, but be excluded from the Greek cities." 

After this, Agasias rose up, and said, « Gen- 
tlemen ! I call the gods and goddesses to wit- 
ness, that neither Xenophon, nor any other 
person among you, ordered me to rescue the 
man ; but seeing Dexippus (who you know has 
betrayed you) carrying away a brave man be- 
longing to my company, I thought it was nof 
to be borne, and own I rescued him. Think 
not of delivering me up, for I will surrender 
myself to Oleander, as Xenophon advises, to 
be tried by him, and used as he thinks fit. Let 
this be no cause of war between you and the 
Lacedaemonians ; but let every man return with 
safety to whatever part of Greece he pleases. 
I only desire you will choose some of your own 
number, and send them with me, to Oleander, 
that if I omit any thing, they may both speak and 
act in my behalf." Upon this, the army gave 
him leave to choose such persons as he thought 
proper to accompany him ; and he chose the 
generals. Agasias and the generals accordingly 
went to Oleander, together with the man who 
had been rescued by Agasias ; and the generals 
spoke to Oleander in the following manner : 

** The army has sent us to you, Ο Oleander, 
and desires, if you accuse them all, that you 
will yourself pass sentence upon them all, and 
treat them as you think fit : if one, or two, or 
more of them, they have thought proper they 
should surrender themselves to you, and sub- 
mit to your judgment. If, therefore, you ac- 
cuse any of us, here we are before you : if any 
other, let us know it ; for no man shall refuse 
to submit to your judgment, who will submit 
to our command." After this, Agasias, ad- 
vancing, said, " I am the person, Ο Oleander, 
that rescued the man whom Dexippus was car- 
rying away, and that gave orders to our men to 
strike Dexippus ; for I knew the soldier to be 
a good man, and that Dexippus, who had been 
chosen by the army to command the galley we 
begged of the inhabitants of Trebisond, in or- 
der to get ships together to transport us, had 
run away with the galley, and betrayed the sol- 
diers, to whom he owed his preservation. Thus 
he is the, cause not only of our having deprived 
the inhabitants of Trebisond of their galley, 
but of our being looked upon as ill men, and, 
as far as it lay in his power, of our ruin ; for 
he had heard, as well as we, that if we went 
by land, it was impossible for us to pass the 



rivers that lay in our way and return to Greece 
Such is the character of the person from whom 
I rescued the man. If either you, or any one 
belonging to you, had been carrying him away, 
and not one of our own deserters, be assured 
that I should have attempted no such thing. 
Know, then, that if you put me to death, you 
will destroy a brave man, for the sake of a 
coward and a villain." 

Oleander, hearing this, said he could not ap- 
prove of the conduct of Dexippus, if he had 
been guilty of these things ; " But," adds he, 
" in my opinion, though Dexippus were the 
worst of men, no violence should be offered 
to him, but that he ought to be tried, (in the 
manner you yourselves propose,) and punished, 
if guilty. As for you, leave Agasias with me, 
and depart ; and when I give you notice, be 
present at his trial. I neither accuse the army, 
nor any other person, since Agasias himself 
owns he rescued the man." Upon this, the 
soldier who bad been rescued said, " Though 
you seem to think, Ο Oleander, that I was ap- 
prehended as an offender, yet know, that I nei- 
ther struck any one, or threw stones at any ; I 
only said the sheep belonged to the public : for 
the soldiers had made an order, that when the 
whole army went out, whatever booty was 
taken by any particular person, should belong 
to the public. This was all I said, and for this, 
Dexippus seized me with a design to carry me 
away, that every man's mouth being stopped, 
he might have his share of the booty, and se- 
cure the rest for his accomplices, contrary to 
1 the standing order of the army." To this 
Oleander answered, " Since you are that kind 
of man, stay here, that we may consider what 
to do with you also." 

After this Oleander and his company went 
to dinner ; and Xenophon assembling the 
army, advised them to send some persons to 
Oleander to intercede for the men. Hereupon 
they resolved to send the generals and captains, 
together with Dracontius the Spartan, and 
other proper persons, to entreat Oleander, by 



ι Τίχξί tj}v fargKv. I have taken ^r^« herein th» 
same sense that Plutarch says Lycurgus used it when he 
called hie decrees by that name. I am sensible that the 
word also signifies an agreement, but as our author call• 
the same thing τβ» rtgmTtartBv Χόγμ* a few lines before, 
I have chosen to give it that sense here also. Leuncla- 
vius has said very proierly contra edictum, and Hut 
chinson, I think, not so well, contra pactum. D'Ablan- 
court ha3, according to his custom where he meets with 
a difficulty, left it out. 



320 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



all means to release them. As soon as Xeno- 
phon came to him, he said, " The men you de- 
manded, Ο Oleander ! are in your hands, and 
the army makes you not only master of their 
fate, but of its own. However, they now 
conjure you to give up these two men to them, 
and not to put them to death ; because, upon 
all occasions, both of them have taken great 
pains to do service to the army. If they can 
prevail upon you in this, they promise you, in 
return, if you think fit to be their general, and 
the gods are propitious, to let you see both 
how observant they are, and how incapable, 
while they obey their commander, and heaven 
assists them, of fearing an enemy. They also 
beg of you, that, when you are with them, and 
have taken upon you the command, you will 
make trial of Dexippus, and of themselves and 
others, and then reward each, according to his 
merit." Oleander, hearing this, said, "By 

1 Castor and Pollux, I will return you an an- 
swer immediately. I not only give you up the 
men, but will come to you myself; and, if the 
gods are in any degree favourable, I will con- 
duct you into Greece. Your discourse is very 
different from the reports I have heard of some 
of you, as if you were endeavouring to len- 
der the army disaffected to the Lacedaemo- 
nians." 

After this those who were sent by the army, 
applauded him, and returned with the two 
men. Oleander offered sacrifice concerning the 
journey, and conversed in a friendly manner 
with Xenophon, and they two contracted an 

2 intercourse of hospitality ; and when he saw 
the obedience, and exact discipline of the army, 
he was still more desirous of commanding 
them : but after he had offered sacrifice for 
three days, and the victims were not favourable, 
he called the generals together, and said^" The 
victims will not allow me to conduct the army, 
but let not that discourage you, for it looks as 
if this was reserved for you. Go on, therefore ; 



ι Ν*ί μ* tS Σ<ώ. This was an oath much used by 
the Lacedaemonians : byri Σ»ί are meant the two bro- 
ther gods, Castor and Pollux, as we find by what the 
Greek scholiast observes upon the following passage of 
Aristophanes, where Mercury says to Trygaeus, in the 
Lacedaemonian style. 

K«i τω Σ»ώ, ννι Άττιχίων Suirn ϊικκν. 

Upon this the scholiast says su'toutous Δ «oo-KOufcuj οίΛα- 
ctoxi^cviOiXouiixiyov• Ί>ί 'AJtivaTot Θιους,Δ/ιμητςχ κ α» 

a ίύΐϊν, See note 7, page 169, upon the first book. 



and, when you are arrived at Byzantium, we 
will receive you in the best manner we are 
able." 

Upon this, the soldiers thought proper to. 
make him a present of the sheep that belonged 
to the public ; these he accepted, and gave 
them to the army again, and then sailed away. 
The soldiers having 3 sold the corn they had 
brought with them, and the rest of the booty 
they had taken, marched on through Bithynia ; 
and meeting nothing in the direct road to carry 
with them into the territories of their friends, 
they resolved to march back one day and a 
night : and, having done so, they took great 
numbers both of slaves and cattle ; and after 
six days' march, arrived at 4 Chrysopolis, a town 



a Aie^EjUEvo» τον (Γίτον. I have been obliged to differ 
from all the translators, both Latin and French, .in the 
sense I have given to the word S^x$iμεvoι : the former 
have rendered it "diviso, distributo frumento," and 
D'Ablancourt " lessoldats lepartagerent," which signi- 
fication I will not say absolutely the word will not bear, 
though I believe it very uncommon : but I really think 
the sense will not really bear it here, for our author says 
they marched back, that they might carry something 
with them into the territories of their friends, which 
they might have done without marching back, had they 
before divided among themselves the booty they had 
taken. I have therefore said, after they had sold the 
corn, and the rest of their booty, which is a very com- 
mon acceptation of the word i«*Ti3-s<rS«i,andthe very 
sense in which our author uses it in his Cyropsedia, 
where he makes Cyrus tell his officers, and those of the 
Hyrcanians, that they should divide the money in such 
a proportion among the horse and foot, υμΰς Si κχζοντις 

StxStSore t Ίττττίΐ μιν,το SittKovv, πι'ζω ίί, το άττΚονν, and 

a little after that they should publish an order for the 
sutlers and merchants to sell their commodities, and 
when they had sold them to bring others, 7Γωλ.ιΐν St 

του? χχτϊ,Κους και ίμποξου; ί. Titjjfi ίκα<ττος πςχσ-ιμαν' 
και ταύτα $ιχ#ίμίνονί, άλλα 'άγαν. Upon this Occasion 

I desire the reader will take notice, first that οιαί<ίοτι, 
not ίιατιδίίτδί, is the word made use of there, by our 
author, for " dividite, distribuite ;" secondly, that he 
there uses £«αϊί/ϋίΐΌ» in the same sense I have trans- 
lated it upon this occasion ; in which sense also both 
Leunclavius and Hutchinson have rendered the word, 
in translating that passage of the Cyropaedia. 

«Ειί Χ ? υ<το5τολ«ν. Chrysopolis was no more than a 
village in Strabo's time, that is, in the time of Augustus, 
καί κώ/*>) Χ^υσοπολι; ; it is now called Scutari, and 
j though separated from Constantinople by the Bosphorus, 
is looked upon by the Turks as one of the suburbs of 
their capital. Polybius informs us that the Athenians, 
being in possession of Chrysopolis, endeavoured, by the 
advice of Alcibiades, to oblige those who sailed through 
the Bosphorus into the Euxine sea, to pay toll. This was 
many ages after put in practice with greater effect by 
Mahomet the Second, by means of a castle which he 
built upon a cape, on the side of Europe, where the 
temple of Mercury, called by Polybius 'E fi u*iov, formerly 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



321 



of Chalcedonia, and there they staid seven 
days, to sell their booty. 

Blood ; opposite to this castle Mourat the Second had, 
before, built a castle on the Asiatic side, called by the 
modern Greeks Neocastron. This castle Mahomet the 
Second, upon his succeeding Mourat, fortified consider- 
ably. The strait between those two castles, Polybius 



says, is the narrowest of the whole Bosphorus.it being 
but about five stadia (near half an English mile) ο νια. 
The same author adds that this was the pass over 
which Darius Hystaspes caused Mandroclcs of Bamos, 
as he is called by Herodotus, an eminent architect, to 
lay a bridge, over which he passed his army, consist- 
ing of seven hundred thousand men, to make war up- 
on the Scythians. 

SQ 



DISSERTATION 



UPON THE 



ARGONAUTIC EXPEDITION 



I shall take this opportunity to consider 
what the learned and polite author of the His- 
tory of Heaven has advanced upon the subject 
of the Argonautic Expedition ; he contends, it 
seems, that it is all a fiction ; his reasons are 
these ; he begins by proving, from Herodotus 
and Strabo, that the Colchians, who are sup- 
posed to have been the possessors of the Gol- 
den Fleece, were a colony of the Egyptians, 
and that, like them, they were famous for 
their linen manufacture, which drew the Greeks 
to Colchis, in order to traffic with them : upon 
this foundation that gentleman builds the fol- 
lowing system ; he supposes that when the 
Colchians were to be summoned to leave their 
fishing for gold, with fleeces, in the river Phasis, 
in order to apply themselves to their linen 
manufacture, they put a shuttle into the hands 
of Isis, and because ptOXUlN Argonatoun sig- 
nifies, in Hebrew, the manufacture of linen, he 
concludes that the Greek merchants, who were 
at Colchis, called this shuttle, from the re- 
semblance which it has to a ship, Argonaus. 
He goes on, and says that 'Y& y jashon, signifies, 
in Hebrew, to sleep, and ΓΠ3 mideh, a meas- 
ure ; and that, when the Colchians were sum- 
moned to leave fishing for gold, with their 
fleeces, and apply themselves to their linen 
manufacture, they were obliged to watch great 
part of the night, and, consequently, their sleep 
was regulated : from whence he infers, that the 
Greeks hearing the words jashon and mideh 
often pronounced by the Colchians, framed the 
fable of the ship Argo, Jason, Medea, and the 



Golden Fleece. This is the system of that 
learned gentleman, which, I am apt to believe, 
will hardly find so great success in the world as 
all the rest of that author's writings have de- 
servedly met with. I am very willing to allow 
that the Colchians were a colony of the 
Egyptians, and that, according to the testi- 
mony of Herodotus, they spoke the same lan- 
guage, and had the same religion, the same 
laws, the same customs, and the same manufac- 
tures, particularly that of linen. But is an 
affinity between some Hebrew words, and thi» 
names of Argonaut, Jason, and Medea a suffi- 
cient authority to overthrow an expedition sup- 
ported by the concurrent testimony of all ancient 
authors, both Greeks and Romans, poets and 
historians] But this affinity will still have 
less weight, when it is considered that the Ian 
guage the Colchians spoke being, with great 
reason, supposed, by this gentleman, to be th* 
Egyptian, an affinity between the Hebrew 
words, and those names, will be no proof of 
what is contended for, unless an affinity be 
tween the Egyptian and Hebrew languages 
be first established : but that is a task not easy 
to be performed, since the Egyptian language 
is so far lost, that not one letter of it has es 
caped : there are, indeed, some few Egyptian 
words to be met with in the Greek and Latin 
authors, but then they are written in the cha- 
racters of the language those authors write in ; 
but even these few words contradict the sup- 
position of that affinity between the Egyptian 
and Hebrew languages ; as for example, Pliny 



THE ARGONAUTIC EXPEDITION. 



323 



telle us that Obeliscue signifies, in Egyptian, a 
ray of the sun, which is very probable, because 
their obelisks were dedicated to the sun, where- 
as, in Hebrew, i-yp kran, signifies a ray of the 
eun. But the author, of all others, who will 
furnish us with most materials for this purpose, 
is Diodorus Siculus, from whom I shall take 
some passages, which will evidently show that 
the supposition of an affinity between the 
Egyptian and Hebrew languages, which is the 
point laboured throughout by the author of the 
History of Heaven, is without foundation. 
Diodorus tells us that the two foremost of the 
long catalogue of divinities, adored by the 
Egyptians, were the sun and moon, worship- 
ped by them under the well-known names of 
Osiris and Isis, and that the first is an Egyp- 
tian word, which being translated into the 
Greek language, signifies πολυό<ρ§•&κμος, many- 
eyed : this word is not, I believe, to be met 
with in the sacred writings, but ;n rab, in He- 
brew signifies many, and ry ngin an eye, neither 
of which has the least affinity to the Egyptian 
word Osiris : the same author tells us that 
Isis is an Egyptian word also, which, being 
translated into Greek, signifies π*\<αα old, this, 
in Hebrew, is fpf zeken : here again there is 
not the least shadow of an affinity. The same 
author says that Athena, the Egyptian Pallas, 
is also an Egyptian word, signifying in Greek, 
ώ»ζ the air, the sky, or visible heaven, so that 
he very justly gathers that the epithet yhAuxZ- 
w« blue-eyed, was much more applicable to 
Pallas from that sense of the word, than be- 
cause she was supposed by the Greeks to have 
blue eyes. In Hebrew, the sky is ΠΤΏϊί? sha- 
maim. Here again there is no pretence to any 
affinity between the two languages. Towards 
the end of the first book, the same author ob- 
serves that Charon, in Egyptian, signifies πζα- 
ζώς in Greek, a pilot, from whence he says the 
Greeks took the name of their imaginary ferry- 
man, as they took the fable of his carrying 
over the souls of the departed, and of their 
trials before the three infernal judges, from the 
real trial which all the deceased, among the 
Egyptians, underwent, before they were suf- 
fered to be honoured with funeral rites. Upon 
this occasion, Diodorus Siculus, with great 
reason, complains that the Greeks, by turning 
this practice of the Egyptians into a fable, 
have defeated the end of its institution ; for, 
he 6aye, the fictions propagated by their poets, 
of the rewards of the virtuous, and of the pun- 



ishments of the wicked, instead of promoting 
a reformation of manners, are laughed at by ill 
men, and received with general contempt ; 
whereas, among the Egyptians, the punish- 
ments of the wicked, and the rewards of the 
virtuous, being not fictitious, but visible to all 
the world, and the daily subject of honour or 
infamy to the families of both, are, of all others, 
the greatest incitement to virtue. Now the 
Hebrew word for a pilot is SdPI Hhoble, which 
is far enough from Charon. The last Egyp- 
tian word I shall make use of, shall be from 
Herodotus, who says that, in the Egyptian 
language, crocodiles are called champs», μλκ*- 
ovrott cTg, ου ΛξοκόάίΐΚοΓ άλλα χ&μ-\,*Λ. I am 
sensible there is some diversity of opinions 
concerning the sea monster, called in the book 
of Job, TJV1 1 ? Leviathan ; however, there is lit- 
tle room to doubt of its being a crocodile, which 
opinion is supported by Bochart, who proves 
it by a passage of the Thalmud, where it is 
said that thejVubD Calbith, or the Ichneumon, 
as he calls it, is the terror of the Leviathan. 
But the description of it, in the book of Job, 
will, I believe, be found to be applicable to no 
other animal. " Canst thou fill his skin with 
barbed irons 1 or his head with fish-spears 1 
Behold the hope of catching him is vain : 
Shall not a man be cast down even at the sight 
of him 1 None is so fierce that dare stir him 
up. — Who can open the doors of his face 1 
His teeth are terrible round about. His scales 
are his pride, shut up together as with a close 
seal ; one so near to another that no air can 
come between them : they are joined one to 
another, they stick together, that they cannot 
be sundered. When he sneezes, the light 
flashes, and his eyes are like the eye-lids of the 
morning. — When he raiseth up himself, the 
mighty are afraid. — -The sword of him that 
layeth at him cannot hold ; the spear, the dart, 
or the breast-plate. He esteemeth iron as 
straw, and brass as rotten wood." After this 
description of the fierceness of the Leviathan, 
and of his offensive and defensive weapons, I 
am surprised that it should ever have been 
taken for the whale, which is a creature terri- 
ble in nothing but his bulk, and of a sluggish, 
rather than a fierce disposition. Now, it is 
certain that no two words can be, in all re- 
spects, more distant from one another, than 
Leviathan and Chamsae : and, indeed, how 
should the Egyptian language have any resem- 
blance to any other, when, if the account given 



324 



DISSERTATION. 



by Herodotus is to be depended on, the Ioni- 
ans and Carians, who assisted Psamniitichus 
in destroying his brother kings, being eleven 
in number, were the first persons, speaking a 
different language, who ever settled in Egypt, 
ττζΖτοί }<ig outs/ (iwic τι »λ) οι Kag#;) iv K\ywi<r(* 
άλλ:>λα.'5-3-ο/ Λίτακία&ΗίΤΑν. From this settle- 
ment of the Ionians and Carians in Egypt, 
Herodotus dates the beginning of the inter- 
course between the Egyptians and the Greeks, 
and, very probably, their intercourse with the 
Phoenicians began soon after, from whom pos- 
sibly they may have taken some terms relating 
to commerce, and to some other things they 
might have learned from them, which, from 
the affinity between the Phoenician and He- 
brew languages, may have some distant resem- 
blance to a few terms of the latter. There 
are a few more Egyptian words to be met with 
in Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus, which 
have no more affinity with the Hebrew, than 
those I have mentioned; it is possible the 
Chinese language may, for some reasons that 
de not belong to this subject, be found to have 
more affinity with that of the Egyptians. But, 
if the concurrent testimony of so many authors 
is not thought sufficient to establish the reality 
of the Argonautic Expedition, we must call in 
the assistance of the stars to support it ; half 
the sphere is peopled with Argonauts, or fur- 
nished with something, relating to them ; no 
wonder when either Chiron, the master of 
Jason, or Musaeus, one of the Argonauts, was 
the first inventor of it, and adorned it with as- 
terisms. There is the golden ram, the ensign 
of the vessel in which Phryxus fled to Col- 
chis ; the bull with brazen hoofs tamed by Ja- 
son ; and the twins, Castor and Pollux, two of 
the Argonauts, with the swan of Leda, their 
mother. There is the ship Argo, and Hydrus 
the watchful dragon, with Medea's cup, and a 
raven upon its carcase, the symbol of death. 
There is Chiron the master of Jason with his 
altar and sacrifice. There is the Argonaut 



Hercules with his dart and the vulture falling 
down ; and the dragon, crab, and lion, which 
he slew ; and the harp of the Argonaut Orphe- 
us. But, it may be said that the Argonautic 
Expedition is as fictitious as the asterisms by 
which it is delineated. However, the position 
of the equinoxes, and solstices, in relation to 
those asterisms, at the time of that expedition, 
is not fictitious ; and we know that those four 
cardinal points then answered in the middle, 
that is the fifteenth degrees, of Aries, Cancer, 
Chelae, and Capricorn ; this position, I say, is 
not fictitious, any more than the retrogradation 
of the equinoxes and solstices, not after the 
rate of one hundred years to a degree, as Hip- 
parchus and the Greek astronomers thought, 
but after the rate of seventy-two only, as the 
modern philosophers have discovered ; the 
cause of which retrogradation, or, to speak in 
the language of the astronomers, of which pre- 
cession of the equinoxes, was unknown to 
all of them, till Sir Isaac Newton, by that 
amazing sagacity, which was peculiar to him, 
and which gave him so visible a superiority 
over all other philosophers of all nations 
and all ages, not only discovered, but clearly 
demonstrated, that it is owing to the broad 
spheroidical figure of the earth, and that this 
figure arises from the rotation of the earth 
round its axis. It will, I believe, be thought 
strange that such a cloud of authorities should 
be dispelled by the single breath of one man, 
supported by no other arguments than a 
strained analogy between three or four Hebrew 
words, and the names of Argonaut, Jason, and 
Medea. I shall end this long, and I fear, tedi- 
ous note with declaring, that, though I have the 
misfortune of differing in opinion with the au- 
thor of the History of Heaven upon this occa- 
sion, yet I have all the deference in the world 
both for his learning and his polite manner of 
communicating it to the public ; and all possi- 
ble gratitude for the pleasure and instruction I 
have had in reading his works. 



XENOPHON 



THE 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



BOOK VII. 

[325] 



48 



CONTENTS OF BOOK VII. 



I. Anaxibius, admiral of the Spartan fleet, prevails on the Greeks to cross over to Byzantium— Deceiving them 
by a false hope, he draws them forth from the city— The gates being closed, and none of his promises per- 
formed, the soldiers break in again by main force — They evacuate Byzantium a second time, and listen to 
the proposals of Cyratades, who offers to be their leader— Unable to satisfy the demands of the army, he re- 
nounces his pretensions, and abdicates the command.— II. The generals disagree about their route, and many 
of the soldiers leave the army — Three hundred sold as slaves by the governor of Byzantium — He lays a plot 
to seize Xenophon, who avoids it, and with a few chosen officers repairs to Seuthes.— III. With the exception 
of Neon and his men, the Greeks approve of the terms of Seuthes, and repair to his standard— a banquet in 
the Thracian style is attended by the generals — Seuthes holds council with the Greeks on the plan of the 
expedition— They set out on their march against the enemy, and taking them by surprise, make a great prey 
of slaves and cattle.— IV. The villages of the enemy burned— The Greeks, distressed by the cold in the open 
field, retire to winter quarters in the farm houses— On the plea of negotiating terms of submission, the Bar- 
barians present themselves to a conference ; but in the night-time they suddenly attack the Greeks, by whom 
being repulsed, they surrender to the dominion of Seuthes. — V. The Greeks receive a part only of their pay, 
and, though dissatisfied, are prevailed on by Seuthes to assist him in reducing other Barbarians to his 
authority — The remainder of their pay is still withheld, and on that account are enraged against Xenophon. 
—VI. The Greeks are invited by the Lacedaemonians to serve against Tissaphernes, and an Arcadian takes 
occasion to accuse Xenophon, for which he votes him guilty of the severest punishment — Xenophon defends 
himself in an able speech, and is defended also by the Spartan deputies, and by Polycrates an Athenian— He 
is asked by Seuthes to remain with him, retaining a thousand men under his command — But Xenophon 
having consulted the victims, determines to depart with the army,— VII. The soldiers on their departure 
furnish themselves with necessaries from the Thracian villages, and offend the avarice of Medosades — He 
uses endeavours to drive them thence, and prevails on Xenophon to have fresh recourse to Seuthes for the 
pay — Xenophon admonishes Seuthes that it is both honourable and useful to pay the Greeks what is due to 
them— Having received effects for that purpose, he delivers them to the Spartans for distribution among the 
soldiers. — VIII. They cross the sea to Lampsacus — Xenophon is persuaded by Euclides the soothsayer, to 
offer sacrifices to Jupiter Meilichius— He does so on the following day, and passes through various places 
with the army to Pergamus— Hellas advises Xenophon to attack Asidates— Xenophon obeys, and at first 
retreats from an unsuccessful assault ; but on the next day he executes the enterprise with full success — 
Returning to Pergamus, he receives a large share of trie booty, and delivers the **my to Thimbron— A sum- 
mary of the route and of the distance marched in the Expedition and Retreat. 



[326] 



THE 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



BOOK VII. 



1. The presiding discourse contains a relation 
of the actions the Greeks performed, during 
their Expedinon with Cyrus to the battle, of 
those they achieved after his death, during 
their retreat, till they came to the Euxine sea, 
and of those they performed, after their de- 
parture thence, both by sea and by land, till they 
arrived at Chrysopolis, a city of Asia, situated 
without the mouth of that sea. 

After this, Pharnabazus, fearing lest the 
Greeks should make an . irruption into the 
country under his command, sent to Anaxi- 
bius, the admiral, (who happened to be then at 
Byzantium,) to desire he would transport the 
army out of Asia, with assurance, that in re- 
turn, he would do every thing that could 
reasonably be expected. Hereupon, Anaxibius 
sent for the generals and captains to Byzan- 
tium ; and promised, if the army came over, 
they should have pay. The rest of the officers 
told him they would consider of it, and let him 
know their resolution ; but Xenophon said he 
proposed to leave the army, and wanted to sail 
away. However, Anaxibius desired he would 
come over with the army, before he left it, 
which the other consented to. 

In the meantime, Seuthes the Thracian, 
sent Medosades to Xenophon, to desire he 
would let him have his assistance in prevailing 
upon the army to pass into Europe, assuring 
him he should have no reason to repent it. 
Xenophon said, " The army will certainly pass 
over : let him not, therefore, give any thing 
either to me, or to any other person, upon that 
account. As soon as it is transported, I shall 
depart ; let him, therefore, apply to those who 
stay, and may be of service to him, in such a 
manner as he thinks fit." 

After this, the whole army passed over to 



Byzantium ; but Anaxibius gave them no pay ; 
however, he published an order, that the sol- 
diers should go out of the town, with their 
arms and baggage, as if he designed to dismiss 
them, and to take an account of their numbers 
at the same time. The soldiers were uneasy 
at this, because they had no money to furnish 
themselves with provisions for their march, 
and packed up their baggage with reluctance. 

Xenophon, having before contracted an in- 
tercourse of hospitality with Oleander, the La- 
cedsemonian governor, went to take his leave 
of him, designing to set sail immediately. But, 
he said to him, « I desire you will not do it ; 
if you do, you Will be blamed ; for you aie 
already accused by some people as the cause of 
the army's creeping so slowly out of the town." 
Xenophon answered, " I am not the cause of 
this ; but the soldiers, being in want of money 
to buy provisions, are for that reason, of them- 
selves, unwilling to leave the town." " How- 
ever," says Oleander, " I advise you to go out 
with them, as if designing to proceed ; and, 
when the army is out of the town, to depart." 
" Let us go then," says Xenophon, " to. Anaxi- 
bius, and settle it in this manner :" and coming 
to him, they informed him of what they had 
determined. He advised them to pursue it, 
and that the army should immediately go out 
with their baggage : at the same time he de- 
sired they would also give notice, that whoever 
absented himself from the review and muster, 
should incur their censure. Upon this the 
generals first, and after them the rest of the 
army went out of the town. They were now 
all out, except a few, and Eteonicus stood 
already at the gates to shut and bolt them, as 
soon as they were all gone. 

Anaxibius, therefore calling together the 

327 



J 



328 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



generals and captains, said, " You may supply 
yourselves with provisions out of the Thracian 
villages, where there is great plenty of barley 
and wheat, and of all things necessary : as 
soon as you have furnished yourselves, go on to 
the 1 Chersonesus, where Cyniscus will give you 
pay." Some of the soldiers overheard this, or, 
possibly, one of the captains informed the army 
of it. In the meantime, the generals inquir- 
ed concerning Seuthes, whether he were a 
friend, or an enemy ; and whether they were 
to march over the holy mountain, or round 
through the middle of Thrace. 

While they were engaged in this discourse, 
the soldiers snatched up their arms, and ran 
hastily to the gates, with a design to force their 
way back into the town. But Eteonicus, with 
those about him, when they saw the heavy- 
armed men running to the gates, immediately 
shut and bolted them. Upon this, the soldiers 2 
knocked at the gates, and complained they 
were treated with great injustice, in being shut 
out of town, as a prey to the enemy ; threaten- 
ing to cut the gates asunder, if they would not 
open them. Some ran to the sea, and got over 
the 3 mole into the town ; and others, who hap- 
pened to be within, observing what was doing 
at the gates, cleft the bars with hatchets, and 
set them open ; upon this they all rushed in. 

Xenophon, seeing what passed, and being 
afraid the army should fall to plundering, and, 
by that means, an irreparable mischief should 
be done, not only to the town but to himself, 



ι Έ,Ις τ^ν Xfpf ivr.To*. The Thracian Chersonesus was 
separated from the rest of Thrace by a wall, reaching 
from the Propontis, to the bay called Sinus Melas, in 
the .Egean Sea. This wall was built by Dercyllidas, 
the Lacedaemonian general, the second year of the 
ninety-fifth Olympiad, that is the year after Xenophon 
brought back the remains of the soldiers, who had ser- 
ved under Cyrus. This wall was begun in the spring, 
and ended before the autumn of the same year ; it 
reached from sea to sea, quite across the Isthmus, and 
was in length thirty-seven stadia, that is, about three 
English miles and three quarters : this Chersonesus 
contained in it eleven towns, many sea-ports, and a 
large extent of arable land, woods, and rich pastures. 
It afterwards belonged to Agrippa, son-in-law to Au- 
gustus, and one of the greatest men of that or of any 
other age. At his death U came to Augustus. It is a 
great pity that part of the seventh book of Strabo is 
lost, where he treats of this Chersonesus. 

» v e*s5s-tsv τ»[ 5τυλ•ί. Lucian for ever usee this 
word in the sense I have given it here. 

l Πχξχ τϊ,ψ ΧΛ^η*. Χ^λχ»• βΐ ίμτςοτΰί* tow JTftj 5-χ- 
λκβ-β••» Tii%eof 5>-f :£f £>.f^ii>:i KiSti J Six Tij» t2v χνμχτνψ 
Ε'χγ,μ*. το τΰχος βκί χτο»τθ• x»f * το inxivxt XH\>i 

c -..ς. Suidas. 



j and the soldiers, ran with all haste, and got with- 
in the gates, together with the crowd. As soon 
as the inhabitants saw the army break in, they 
fled out of the market, some hurrying to the 
ships, others to their houses, and those, who 
were within doors, ran out : some hauled down 
the galleys into the sea, in hopes of saving 
themselves in them : and all thought themselves 
undone, the town being taken. Upon this, Eteo- 
nicus fled to the citadel ; and Anaxibius run- 
ning down to the sea, sailed round to the same 
place, in a fisher-boat, and immediately sent for 
the garrison from Chalcedon ; for he did not 
think that in the citadel sufficient for its defence. 

As soon as the soldiers saw Xenophon, they 
crowded about him, and said, " You have now 
an opportunity, Ο Xenophon ! of making your- 
self a man. You are master of a town, of gal- 
leys, of money, and of so many people : you 
have now the power, if you think fit, of mak- 
ing us rich, and we that of making you con- 
siderable." " You say well," says Xenophon : 
" and I will follow your advice ; if, therefore, 
this is your desire, place yourselves in your 
ranks immediately and handle your arms." He 
gave these- orders with a design to quiet them, 
and, for the same reason, directed the rest of 
the officers to give orders that their men also 
should stand to their arms. The soldiers drew 
up of their own accord, the heavy-armed men 
presently forming themselves into a body of 
fifty deep, and the targeteers repairing to each 
of the wings. The place where they stood was 
called the Thracian square, and being free from 
houses, and even, was very proper for a parade. 
When they all stood armed in their ranks, and 
their minds were appeased, Xenophon addressed 
himself to the assembly, in the following manner. 

" Gentlemen ! I am not at all surprised at 
your resentment, and that you look upon your- 
selves as very ill used, by being imposed on. 
But, if we indulge our anger, and not only take 
revenge of the Lacedaemonians, who are pre- 
sent, for this imposition, but plunder the city, 
that is in no degree guilty, consider what will 
be the consequence : we shall from that mo- 
ment, be the declared enemies both of the La- 
cedsemonians, and of their allies : and of what 
nature this war will be, may be easily guessed, 
by those who have seen, and call to mind what 
has happened of late years. For, when 4 we 
Athenians entered upon the war with the La- 
cedaemonians, and their allies, we had a fleet of 



*Ήμι7ς yx t cl 'A-nvxlti. Seethe Introducuon. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



329 



no lees than four hundred galleys, some of which 
were at sea, and others in 1 the docks : we had 
a greaLsura of money in the treasury, and an 
annual revenue payable both by the citizens, 
and foreigners, of no less than 2 one thousand 
talents : we had the command of all the islands ; 
we were possessed of many cities both in Asia 
and Europe, and even of Byzantium,' where 
we now are : yet, with all these advantages, 
we were overcome by them, as you all know. 
What then have we now to expect, when the 
Lacedaemonians and the Achocans are united, 
and the Athenians, with those who were then 
in alliance with them, are all become an acces- 
sion to their power 1 When 3 Tissaphernes, 
and all the rest of the Barbarians, who inhabit 
the sea-coast, are our enemies, and the king of 
Persia himself tb,e most inveterate of all, against 
whom we have made war with a design to de- 
prive him of his kingdom, and, if possible, of 
his life too 1 When all these join their forces 
is there any one so void of sense, as to flatter 
himself that we shall prove superior to them "? 
For heaven's sake, gentlemen ! let us not go 
mad, and perish with dishonour, by becoming 
the proclaimed enemies to our fathers, our 
friends, and our relations . For these all live 
in the cities that will make war upon us : and 
not without reason ; if, having declined to pos- 
sess ourselves of any town belonging to the 
Barbarians, whom we vanquished, we should 
plunder the first Greek city we arrive at. For 
my part, I wish, before I see you guilty of 
such things, I may be buried ten thousand 
fathom deep : and would advise you, as you are 
Greeks, to endeavour, by your obedience to the 
masters of Greece, to obtain justice. But, if 
your endeavours should prove ineffectual, we 
ought not, however, though wronged, to deprive 
ourselves of all possibility of returning home. 
My opinion therefore now is, that we should 
send some persons to Anaxibius, to acquaint 
him, that we did not come into the town with 
a design to commit violence, but i^ possible, to 
obtain favour 1 ; and, if we fail in this, to let 



» "Ev toTj vfwf toi;. Nioif it» Ktytrai ο τοπας »πας, ί'ις 
ev «νιλχονται «ι T^mfiif, ittl irctKtv £ς αύτου κα5ίλκθι/• 

ται. Harpocration. For which he cites Lycurgus and 
Andocides. 

a Χιλ^ν τχχίντων. See note 6, page 169, upon the 
fiiet book. 



• Τισ-σ-αφίξ νους. 

book. 



See note 1, page 168, upon the first 
28* 



him eee that we are ready to leave it again, not 
because we are imposed upon, but because we 
are willing to obey." 

This was resolved upon : so they sent Hie- 
ronymus of Elis, Euryclochus of Arcadia, and 
Philesius of Achaia to him with these instruc- 
tions. While the soldiers were yet assembled, 
Cyratades, a Theban, came to them. This 
man was not banished from Greece, but wan- 
dered about, from an ambition to command 
armies, offering himself to any city or nation 
that had occasion for a general. He told them 
he was ready to conduct them to that part of 
Thrace, called the 4 Delta, where they should 
make their fortunes, and that till they arrived 
there, he would supply them with meat and 
drink in plenty. While he was saying this, 
the soldiers received an answer from Anaxibius, 
who assured them they should have no cause 
to repent of obeying him ; that he would give 
an account of this to the magistrates of Sparta, 
and would, himself, consider in what he could 
be of most service to them. Upon this, they 
accepted Cyratades for their general, and went 
out of the town. And Cyratades appointed to 
come the next day to the army, with victims, 
and a priest, and also meat and drink for the 
men. As soon as they were out of the town, 
Anaxibius caused the gates to be shut, and 
public notice to be given, that if any of the 
soldiers were found within the walls, they 
should be sold for slaves. The next day, Cy- 
ratades came to the army with the victims, and 
the priest: he was followed by twenty men, 
loaded with barley-meal, and as many with 
wine ; three more brought as many olives, an- 
other, as much garlic, and a third, as many 
onions as he could carry ; and having ordered 
these things to be set down, as if he intended 
to 5 divide them among the troops, he offered 
sacrifice. 

Here Xenophon sent for Cleander, and de* 
sired him to procure liberty for him to go into 
the town, and embark at Byzantium. When 
Cleander came, he said, " It is with great diffi- 
culty that I have prevailed ; for Anaxibius says 

* To Δίλτ» χΛ\ονμίνον της Θ^άχ^ί. Besides the 
Egyptian Delta, other places were, from their triangular 
figure, called by that name by the ancients ; for Strabo 
mentions an island, called Pattalene, lying at the mouth 
of the Indus, which he says, Onesicritus, calls by the 
name of Delta. 

* 'fi; tTTt ίάο-μιυβ-ιι•. Δύο-μινη;• ίιβίξκτι;. llftsy- 

cliius. 

2R 



330 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



it is not proper that the soldiers should be near 
the town, and Xenophon within ; the inhabi- 
tants being engaged in tactions and animosities: 
however, he says, you may come in if you pro- 
pose to sail with him." Upon which, Xeno- 
phon took leave of the soldiers, and went into 
the town with Cleander. 

The victims not being favourable to Cyra- 
tades, the first day he distributed nothing to 
the soldiers. The next, both the victims and 
Cyratades, with a garland upon his head, pre- 
paring to offer sacrifice, stood before the altar, 
when Timasion the Dardanian, Neon the Asi- 
nian, and Cleanor the Orchomenian, came to 
Cyratades, and forbade him to offer sacrifice, 
adding, that unless he gave provisions to the 
army, he should not command it. Upon this, 
he ordered them to be distributed ; but the 
provisions falling short of one day's subsistence 
for every man, he renounced the generalship, 
and, taking the victims, departed. 

II. Hereupon Neon the Asinian, Phrynis- 
cus of Achaia, and Timasion of Dardanus, who 
staid with the army, led them into some vil- 
lages of the Thracians, that lay near Byzanti- 
um, where they encamped. Here the generals 
disagreed, Cleanor and Phryniscus being desi- 
rous to carry the army to Seuthes (for he gain- 
ed them by making a present of a horse to one, 
and of a woman to the other), and Neon, to 
the Chersonesus, upon this presumption, that 
if they came into the dominions of the Lace- 
demonians, he should have the sole command. 
Timasion wanted to go back into Asia, ex- 
pecting, by this means, to return home. The 
soldiers were for this : but, much time being 
spent in this contest, many of the soldiers sold 
their arms in the country, and sailed away as 
they could ; others gave them to the country- 
people, and settled in the cities, mingling with 
the inhabitants. Anaxibius was pleased to 
hear the army was disbanding, for he concluded 
this would be most acceptable to Pharnabazus. 

While i Anaxibius was upon his voyage from 



I 'AtTSJTXIOVTI Si ΆνΧζίβΐψ t% Bu^*VTlOv ITVVXVTX 'Af(- 

e-rxgxog iv Κυζίχω. I was surprised to find Hutchinson 
translate his passage, "At Anaxibio, e Byzantio sol- 
vent! obrlam venit apud Cyzicum Aristarchus :" and 
Leunclavius, "Q.uum autem Byzantio solveret, obviam 
ei venit apud Cyzicum Aristarchus." How could Ari- 
starchus meet Anaxibius at Cyzicus, as the latter was 
weighing anchor from Byzantium ? They have trans- 
lated it as if our author had said, ίύχγομίνω ft Άναζι- 
ί$ψ. It is very plain the sense is, that Aristarchus, who 



Byzantium, Aristarchus met him at Cyzicus. 
He was sent to succeed Cleander, as governor 
of Byzantium. He informed Anaxibius, that 
Polus was upon the point of coming into the 
Hellespont, to succeed him in the command of 
the fleet; and Anaxibius ordered Aristarchus 
to sell all the soldiers of Cyrus, whom he found 
in Byzantium. As for Cleander, he had sold 
none of them, but out of compassion, took 
care of those who were sick, ami obliged the 
inhabitants to receive them into their houses; 
but Aristarchus, as soon as he arrived, sold no 
less than four hundred of them. When Ana- 
xibius came to 2 Parium, he sent to Pharnaba- 
zus in pursuance of their agreement ; but he 
finding that Aristarchus was going to Byzan- 
tium, in quality of governor, and that Anaxi- 
bius was no longer admiral, neglected him, and 
made the same terms with Aristarchus, con- 
cerning the army of Cyrus, that he had before 
made with Anaxibius. 

Upon this, Anaxibius, calling Xenophon to 
him, desired, by all means, that he would set 
sail for the army immediately, and both keep 
them in a body, and draw together as many as 
he could of those who were dispersed, then 
leading them to 3 Perinthus, transport them 
forthwith into Asia. He ordered at the same 
time, a thirty-oar galley to attend him, and not 
only gave him a letter, but sent an express with 
him, to let the Perinthians know that they 
were immediately to furnish Xenophon with 
horses to carry him to the army. Xenophon 
crossed the Propontis, and arrived at the army. 
He was received by the soldiers with great 
joy, who followed him cheerfully, in hopes of 
passing over from Thrace into Asia. 

4 Seuthes, hearing that Xenophon was re- 
turned, sent Medosades to him by sea, to 



was sent to succeed Cleander, met Anaxibius at Cyzi- 
cus, which every body knows is a city upon the Pro- 
pontis, not far from the Hellespont, through which Ana- 
xibius was to sail on his return home. It is with pleas- 
ure I do justice to D'Ablancourt, upon this occasion : 
he has said very properly, " Comme il fut parti de By- 
zance, et arrive a Cyzique, il.rencontra Aristarque." 

α π«{ Χ5τλ6υ(τ*5 ιις Uigtov. Parium was a town upon 
the Propontis situated between Cyzicus and the Helles- 
pont : it was built, according to Strabo, by the inhabi- 
tants of the island of Paros; the same author adds, that ι 
in Parium there was an altar, the sides of which were 
six hundred feet in length. 

3 E.j rn e ivi'jv. Perinthus was a city of Thrace, in 
the neighbourhood of By2antium : it was otherwise 
called Heraclea. Harduin says it is now called Pantiro. 

* Σ«υ3^;. See note 2, page 305, upon the sixth book. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



331 



desire he would bring the army to him, promis- 
ing whatever he thought most effectual to per- 
suade him. Xcnophon answered, »« that it was 
not possible for any thing of this kind to be 
done:" whereupon the other went away. When 
the Greeks came to Perinthus, Neon drew off 
his forces, and encamped apart with about eight 
hundred men ; the rest remained together un- 
der the walls of the town. 

After this, Xenophon was employed in get- 
ting ships to transport the troops into Asia; 
when Aristarchus the governor, arriving from 
Byzantium with two galleys, at the desire of 
Pharnabazus, forbade the masters of the ships 
to transport them ; and, going to the army, 
commanded the soldiers not to go over into 
Asia. Xenophon told them that " Anaxibius 
had ordered it, and," says he, " he sent me hi- 
ther for that purpose." Upon which Aristar- 
chus replied, " Anaxibius is not admiral, and I 
am governor here ; and if I take any of you at- 
tempting to go over, I will throw them into 
the sea." Having said this, he went into the 
town. The next day he sent for the generals 
and captains ; and when they came near the 
walls, Xenophon had notice given him, that if 
ho went into the town, he should be appre- 
hended, and either suffer some punishment 
there, or be delivered over to Pharnabazus. 
When he heard this, he sent them on before 
him, saying, " he had a mind to offer sacrifice ; " 
and returning, he sacrificed, in order to know 
whether the gods would allow him to endea- 
vour to carry the army to Seuthes : for he saw 
that it was neither safe to pass over into Asia, 
since the person who would oppose it had gal- 
leys at his commend ; neither was he willing to 
shut himself up in the Chersonesus, and ex- 
pose the army to a general scarcity, where, be- 
sides the want of provisions, they would be un- 
der a necessity of obeying the governor of the 
place. 

While Xenophon was thus employed, the 
generals and captains came from Aristarchus, 
and brought word that he had sent them away, 
for the present, but had ordered them to come 
back to him in the evening. This made the 
treachery still more manifest : ' Xenophon there- 
fore, finding the sacrifice promised security 
both to himself and the army, in going to 
Seuthes, took with him Poly crates the Athe- 
nian, one of the captains, and from each of the 
generals, except Neon, a person in whom they 



confided ; and went that night to the army of 
Seuthes, which lay at the distance of sixty sta- 
dia. When they drew near to it, he found se- 
veral fires, but nobody near them, which made 
him at first conclude that Seuthes had decamp- 
ed ; but hearing a noise, and the men calling 
out to one another, he understood that Seuthes 
had, for this reason, ordered fires to be made 
before his night-guards, that they, being in the 
dark, might not be seen, neither might it be 
known where they were ; while those who ap- 
proached the camp could not be concealed, but 
were discovered by the light. Observing this, 
he sent the interpreter, whom he happened to 
have with him, and ordered him to acquaint 
Seuthes that Xenophon was there, and desired 
a conference with him. They asked whether 
it was Xenophon the Athenian, one of the ar- 
my ; and upon his saying it was he, they 
returned with great alacrity, and presently af- 
ter, about two hundred targeteers appeared, 
who conducted Xenophon and his company to 
Seuthes. They found him in a * castle very 
much upon his guard, and round the castle 
stood horses ready bridled : for, living in conti- 
nual fear, he fed his horses in the day-time, and 
stood upon his guard all night. It was reported 
that formerly, 2 Teres, the ancestor of this 
man, having entered this country with a con 
siderable army, lost great numbers of his men, 
and was stripped of his baggage by the inhabi- 
tants : they are called Thynians, and, of all 
people, are said to be the most dangerous ene- 
mies in the night. 

When they were near the castle, Seuthes 
ordered Xenophon to come in with any two of 
his company : as soon as they were entered, 
they first saluted each other, and, according to 
the Thracian custom, drank to one another in 
horns full of wine, (Medosades being present, 
who was the ambassador of Seuthes upon all 
occasions,) then Xenophon began to speak: 
" You sent Medosades to me, Ο Seuthes ! first 
to Chalcedon, to desire I would co-operate 
with you in getting the army transported out 
of Asia ; and promised, if I effected it, to re- 
turn the obligation, as Medosades informed 
me." Having said this, he asked Medosades 
if it was true, who owned it. Then Xenophon 



ι Έν τύ{βΊΐ. Tvga-n• ττνςγος. Hesychius. 

a 1ty{Nf 2 τβυτον ηξ oyovoj . This Teres was the father 
of Sitalces, who was uncle to Seuthes ; see note 2, pnge 
305, upon the sixth book. 



332 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



went on, " after I arrived at the army from 
Parium, Medosades came to me again, and 
assured me, if I brought the army to you, that 
you would not only treat me as a friend, and a 
brother, in other respects, but that you would 
deliver up to me those maritime towns, of 
which you are in possession." After this, he 
again asked Medosades if he said so, who 
owned that also. « Then," said Xenophon, 
« let Seuthes know the answer I made to you 
at Chalcedon." " You answered first that the 
army had resolved to go over to Byzantium, 
and, therefore, there was no reason to give any 
thing, either to you, or to any other person, 
upon that account : you added that, as soon 
as you had crossed the sea, you designed to 
leave the army, which happened accordingly." 
« What," says Xenophon, " did I say when 
you came to l Selymbria ? " " You said that 
what I proposed was impracticable, because 
the army had determined to go to Perinthus, 
in order to pass over to Asia." " Here I am 
then," said Xenophon, " with Phryniscus, one 
of the generals, and Polycrates, one of the 
captains ; and, without, are those who are most 
confided in by each of the generals, except 
Neon, the Lacedaemonian : and, if you desire 
that our stipulation should receive a greater 
sanction, let them also be called in. Do you, 
therefore, Polycrates ! go to them, and tell 
them, from me, that I desire they would leave 
their arms without, and do you leave your 
sword there also, and come in." 

Seuthes, hearing this, said, he should dis- 
trust no Athenian ; for he knew them to be 
2 related to him, and looked upon them as his 



ι Έν Έ«\υμβ(ΐχ. Selymbria was a town of Thrace 
upon the Propontis, near Perinthus. Strabo says that 
£ξ>* in the Thracian language, signifies a town. Leun- 
clavius says it is now called both by the Turks and 
Greeks, Silyurian. 

3 Κ*» γίς ίίτι ο-υγγινιΤς ιιιν tlS'.vxi, HutchinSOH, UDOn 

this occasion, quotes a passage out of the second book of 
Thucydides, where that author says that Perdiccas gave 
his sister Stratonice in marriage to Seuthes. I own I do 
not understand how Seuthes could be said to be related 
to the Athenians by marrying a daughter of a king of 
Macedon. AVe find in another part of the second book 
of Thucydides, that the Athenians entered into an alli- 
ance with Sitalces, and made his son Sadocus a citizen of 
Athens; but this, I own, does not seem to support what 
Seuthes says of their relation : it is certain that Teres, 
the father of Sitalces, was not the person who married 
Procne, the daughter of Pandion, the son of Erectheus, 
king of Athens, 6ince Thucydides expressly tells us that 
the name of the latter was Tereus, and that they were 
not of the same part of Thrace ; so that Seuthes could 



affectionate friends. When all proper persons 
were come in, first Xenophon asked Seuthes 
what use he proposed to make of the army 1 
To this he answered : « Msesades was my fa- 
ther, under whose government were the Ma- 
landeptans, the Thynians, and the Thranipsans. 
My father, being driven out of this country, 
when the affairs of the Odrysians declined, 
died of sickness, and I, being then an orphan, 
was brought up at the court of Medocus, the 
present king. When I grew up, I could not 
bear to subsist upon another man's liberality. 
As I was sitting therefore, by him, I begged of 
him to give me as many troops as he could 
spare, that, if possible, I might take revenge 
on those who had expelled our family, and be 
no longer, like a dog, supported at his table. 
Upon this, he gave me those forces, both of 
horse, and of foot, which you shall see, as soon 
as it is day ; and I now subsist by plundering 
my paternal country with these troops : to 
which if you join your forces, I have reason to 
believe, that, with the assistance of the gods, I 
shall easily recover my kingdom. This is 
what I desire at your hands." 

"Let us know then," says Xenophon, 
" what you have in your power to give to the 
army, the captains, and the generals, if we 
come ; to the end that these may make their 
report." He promised to every common sol- 
dier a cyzicene, two to the captains, and four 
to the generals ; with as much land as they de- 
sired, besides yokes of oxen, and a walled town 
near the sea. " If," says Xenophon, « I en- 
deavour to effect what you desire, but am pre- 
vented by the fear that may be entertained of 
the Lacedaemonians, will you receive into your 
country any who shall be desirous to come to 
you?" He answered, «Not only that, but I 
will treat them like brothers, give them a place 
at my table, and make them partakers of every 
thing we shall conquer : to you, Xenophon ! I 
will give my daughter, and if you have one, I 
will buy her, according to the Thracian cus- 
tom, and give you Bisanthe for your habitation, 
which is the handsomest town belonging to me 
near the sea." 

III. After they heard this, they exchanged 
hands, and went away ; and arriving at the 
camp before day•, each of them made his report 
to those who sent them. As soon as it was 



not ground his relation to the Athenians upon the mar- 
riage of Tereus with Procne. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



333 



light, Aristarchus sent again for the generals 
and captains to come to him, but they declined 
it, and determined, instead of going to Aristar- 
chus, to call the army together : and all the 
soldiers assembled, besides those belonging to 
Neon ; who encamped at the distance of about 
ten stadia from the rest. When they were 
assembled, Xenophon rose up, and spoke as 
follows : 

44 Gentlemen! Aristarchus, with his galleys, 
hinders us from sailing to the place we pro- 
posed ; so that it is not safe for us to embark. 
He would have us force our way, over the holy 
mountain, into the Chersonesus. If we gain 
that pass, and arrive there, he says he will nei- 
ther sell any more of you, as he did in Byzan- 
tium, nor deceive you any longer ; but that you 
will then be the better entitled to receive pay. 
He promises also that he will no longer suffer 
us, as he does now, to want provisions. Thus 
Aristarchus says. On the other side, Seuthes 
engages that, if you go to him, you shall find 
your account in it. Consider, therefore, whe- 
ther you will deliberate upon this matter, while 
you stay here, or after you are returned to the 
place, where you may supply yourselves with 
provisions. My opinion is, since we have nei- 
ther money to purchase what we want, nor are 
suffered to supply ourselves without it, that we 
return to the villages, where the inhabitants, 
being weaker than we are, do not oppose it ; 
and where, after we are supplied with what is 
necessary, and have heard in what service each 
of them propose to employ us, we may choose 
that measure which shall appear most to our 
advantage. Whoever, therefore, is of this 
opinion, let him hold up his hand." And they 
all held up their hands. " Go then," continued 
he, " and get your baggage ready, and, when 
the order is given, follow your leader." 

After this, Xenophon put himself at their 
head, and they followed him. But Neon, to- 
gether with some other persons sent by Aris- 
tarchus, would have persuaded them to turn 
back: however, they regarded them not. When 
they had marched about thirty stadia, Seuthes 
met them. As soon as Xenophon saw him, 
he desired he would draw near, that as many of 
the army as possible might hear what he had 
to propose for their advantage. When he came 
up, Xenophon said, "We are marching to 
some place, where the army may find provi- 
sions, and where, after we have heard what you 



and the Lacedaemonians have to propose to us, 
we shall be determined by that which appears 
most to our advantage. If, therefore, you will 
conduct us to some place, where there is great 
abundance, we shall look upon ourselves under 
the same obligation to you as if you entertain- 
ed us yourself." Seuthes answered, " I know 
where there are many villages that lie together, 
and are well supplied with all sorts of provisions ; 
they are so near that you may march thither, 
with ease, before dinner." " Lead the way, 
therefore," said Xenophon. The army being 
arrived in the villages in the 1 afternoon, the 
soldiers assembled, and Seuthes spoke to them 
in the following manner : " Gentlemen ! I de- 
sire you will assist me with your arms ; and I 
promise to each of you a 2 cizycene for your 
monthly pay, and to the captains and generals, 
what is customary. Besides this, I will do 
honour to every man, who shall deserve it. As 
to meat and drink, you shall supply yourselves 
with both, as you do now, out of the country. 
But I must insist upon retaining the booty, 
that by selling it, I may provide for your pay. 
We ourselves shall be sufficient to pursue and 
discover those of the enemy who fly, and seek 
to conceal themselves, and, with your assist- 
ance, we will endeavour to overcome those who 
resist." Xenophon then asked him, « how far 
from the sea he proposed the army should fol- 
low him 1" He answered, « never more than 
seven days' march, and often less." 

After that, every man who desired to offer 
any thing, had liberty to speak, and several of 
them agreed that the proposals of Seuthes were 
very advantageous : for, it being now winter, 
it was neither possible for those who desired 
it, to sail home, nor for the army to subsist in 
the territories of their friends, if they were to 
pay for every thing they had. They consider- 
ed also that it would be safer for them to re- 
main, and find subsistence in an enemy's coun- 
try, jointly with Seuthes, than by themselves; 
and that, ^f, while they were in possession of 
so many advantages, they also received pay, it 
would be a piece of good fortune they had no 
reason to expect. Then Xenophon said, " If 
any one has any thing to say against this,. let 
him speak, if not, 3 let him give his vote for 



t 'Esrii St άφ/χοντο ι'ις αντα,ς riji iiiMf. See note 1, 

page 188, upon the first book, 
a Κυ^κ^νόν. See note 1, page 296, upon the fifth book. 
» Έ»-»ψ»ι<ρ4ζΙ<Γθ« t<*Ct«. I have followed the manu- 



33 i 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



it ;" and, there heincr no opposition, they gave 
their votes for it, and it was resolved accord- 
ingly ; and Xenophon immediately told Seu- 
thes. " they would enter into his service." 

After that, the soldiers encamped in their 
ranks ; while the generals and captains were 
invited by Seuthes to sup with him at his 
quarters in a neighbouring village. When they 
came to the door, one Heraclides of Maronea 
addressed himself to those he thought in a ca- 
pacity of making presents to Seuthes, and first 
to some Parian deputies, who were there, being 
sent to establish a friendship with Medocus, 
king of the Odrysians, and had brought presents 
both for him and his queen : to these he said, 
" that Medocus lived up in the country, twelve 
days' journey from the sea ; and that Seuthes, 
now he had taken this army into his service, 
would be master of the sea-coast ; being there- 
fore your neighbour," says he, " it will be very 
much in his power to do you both good and 
harm : so that, if you are wise, you will make 
a present to him of what you have brought, 
which will be laid out much more to your 
advantage, than if you give it to Medocus, who 
lives at so great a distance from you : " by this 
means, he prevailed upon them. Afterwards 
he came to Timasion of Dardanus, hearing he 
had cups, and ' Persian carpets, and told him 
it was the custom of those who were invited to 
supper by Seuthes, to make him presents ; 
adding, that, " if he becomes considerable in 
this country, he will be able both to restore 
you to yours, and to enrich you when you are 
there." In this manner, he 2 procured for 
Seuthes, addressing himself to each of them. 
When he came to Xenophon, he said, " You 
are not only of the most considerable city, but 
are yourself in the greatest reputation with 
Seuthes, and may possibly desire to be master 
of some place of strength with lands, in these 

■cript quoted by Hutchinson, rather than his conjecture, 
though I think ΐ7Γ<ψ»<?ίζ£<τάι, in him, is much better 
than tVcJ/^i'^sTt in Leunclaviue; but ΐπ-^^φιζίτ^ω 
seems to me to answer better to λι^ίτ», that immedi- 
ately precedes it. 

ι Ύίττιίχς S*gZxgtx.x;. Persian carpets have always 
been famous for their beauty, for which reason, and be- 
cause these carpets were part of the spoils taken by the 
Greeks from the Persians, I have ventured to call them 
Persian carpets, rather than Barbaric after Milton : 
Where the gorgeous East, with richest hand, 
Showers on her king barbaric pearl and gold. 

» Το<*Οτ:ί wf oujbvkto. Πξομνώμινοι, ττξομνηττιυίμινοί. 

Heeychiue. D'Ablancourt has left it out. 



parts, as others of your countrymen are : it is 
therefore worth your while to honour Seuthes 
in the most magnificent manner. I give you 
this advice, because I wish you well ; for I am 
satisfied the more your presents exceed those 
of your companions, the more the advantages 
you will receive from Seuthes will exceed 
theirs." When Xenophon heard this, he was 
in great perplexity ; for he had brought with 
him, from Parium, only one servant, and just 
money enough for his journey. 

Then the most considerable of the Thraci- 
ans, who were present, together with the Greek 
generals and captains, and all the deputies of 
towns who were there, went in to supper ; at 
which they placed themselves in a ring. After 
that, every one of the guests had a tripod 
brought him : these were about twenty in 
number, full of meat cut in pieces, and large 
leavened loaves were skewered to the meat. 
The 3 dishes were always placed before the 
strangers preferably to the rest of the company ; 
for that was their custom. Seuthes then set 
the example of what follows; he took the 
loaves that lay before him, and breaking them 
into small pieces, threw them about to those 
he thought proper; he did the same by the 
meat, leaving no more for himself than what 
served for a taste. The rest, before whom the 
meat was served, did the same thing. There 
was an Arcadian in company, whose name was 
Aristus, a great eater: this man, instead of 
employing his time in throwing about the vic- 
tuals, took a loaf of three 4 chcenixes in his 
hand, and, laying some meat upon his knees, 
ate his supper. In the meantime, they carried 
about horns of wine, and every body took one. 
When the cup-bearer brought the horn to 
Aristus, he, seeing Xenophon had done supper, 
said, " Go, give it to him, he is at leisure ; I 
am not so yet." When Seuthes heard him 
speak, he asked the cup-bearer what he said, 



S Μάλκττχίϊταί τρίττιζαι χχτχ. τοίις ζίνους Bfl ϊτίϊίντο. 

Leunclavius and Hutchinson have very properly, I 
think, rendered r e x*-e'C=n in this place, Fercula ; to 
support which, they quote a passage out of Julius Pol- 
lux, where he says that τρχτηζχι were also called the 
victuals that were placed upon the tables. There is a 
passage in Athenaeus, by which it appears that the 
word was understood in that sense by every body, »-*v- 

tkv τρχπίζχς κχΚουντων τχς 7r»(cc6ireig ταυτβ;. From 

hence I imagine the Latins took their "secunda mensa, 
et alterae mensae,*' for their second course. 

4 Te<%o.'*ixev έ ? τεν. See note 11, page 181, upon the 
first book. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



335 



who told him : for he could speak Greek ; 
upon this, there was great laughing. 

The 1 cup going round, a Thracian entered, 
leading in a white horse, and taking a horn full 
of wine, « Scuthes !" says he, " I drink to you, 
and make you a present of this horse, with 
which you may take any one you pursue, and, 
in a retreat, you will have no reason to fear the 
enemy." Another brought a boy, which he, in 
the same manner, presented drinking to him : 
and another, clothes, for his wife. Timasion, 
drinking to him, made him a present of a sil- 
ver cup, and a carpet worth ten 2 mines. Then 
one Gnesippus, an Athenian, rose up, and 
said, " There was a very good old custom, 
which ordains that those who have any thing, 
shall make presents to the king, to show their 
respect ; but the king shall make presents to 
those who have nothing. Let this custom be 
observed," says he, « that I also may have 
something to present you with, and show my 
respect." Xenophon was at a loss what to do ; 
for he had the honour done him to be placed 
next to Seuthes ; and Heraclides had ordered 
the cup-bearer to give him the horn. How- 
ever he stood up boldly, (for by this time he 
had drank 3 more than usual) and taking the 
horn, said, " Ο Seuthes ! I present you both 
with myself, and with these my companions, as 
your faithful friends : I am confident none of 
them will refuse the condition, but all contend 
with me in their zeal for your service. Here 
they now are, with a view of asking no other 
favour 4 of you, but to undertake labours and 
dangers for your sake. By whose assistance, 
if the gods are favourable, you may become 
φ master of a large tract of country, by recover- 
ing that part of it which belonged to your 
paternal kingdom, and conquering the rest : by 
their assistance, also, you will make yourself 
master of many horses and of many men, and 
beautiful women, whom you need not take 
away by force ; on the contrary, they will come 
and offer themselves to you, with presents in 
their hands." Upon this Seuthes got up, and 
pledged Xenophon, pouring 5 what remained 



I 'Ea -ιϊ ίι ίτςουχάι^ιι ό τγοτογ. Ποτό; μιν το TnvOfttvov 
iroo-oj St το νυμπατιον. Suidas. 

» Άζ»,»» ίιχ* μν*ν. See note 6, page 169, upon the 
firet book. 

* 'TwojruruiKcui. Ά»τι tou μιβνβ-χίο*ί«ί. Suidas. 

« n>o»-|/U(voi. Π^οβ-ΐίΤΛΐ, «fio-xiT»i, ιτςοτίίχιτΛΐ, 

%$ι•»ςΚ*μΖχνι>. Hesychius. 

• 2uyxeTi«-xii«o-i. Suidas, upon the word χβταο-χι. 



in the horn upon the person who eat next to 
him. After this, some Cerasuntffians came in ; 
these sounded a charge with pipes, and trum- 
pets made of raw hides, keeping time, as if 
they played upon the 5 magade. Upon this, 
Seuthes himself got up, and shouted in a war- 
like manner, then, with great agility, sprung 
out of the place where he stood, imitating a 
man who avoids a dart. There came in also 
buffoons. 

When it was about sunset, the Greeks ro$e 
up, and said it was time to place the guards for 
the night, and give the word. At the same 
time, they desired Seuthes to give orders that 
none of the Thracians might come into the 
Greek camp in the night ; "for," said they, 
<< some of that nation are our enemies, though 
you are our friends." As they went out, Seu- 
thes got up, showing no signs of being drunk, 
and going out also, he called the generals to 
him, and said, " Gentlemen ! the enemy as yet 
knows nothing of our alliance ; if, therefore, 
we fall upon them, before they are either upon 
their guard against a surprise, or prepared for 
their defence, it will be the most effectual 
means of gaining great booty, and taking many 
prisoners." The generals were of the same 
opinion, and desired him to lead them. Then 
Seuthes said, " Do you make yourselves ready, 
and stay for me ; when it is time, I will come 
back to you ; and taking the targeteers and 
you with me, with the assistance of the gods, 
I will lead you against, the enemy." Upon 
this Xenophon said, " Consider, then, since 
we are to march by night, whether the Greek 
custom is not preferable. In the day-time 
either the heavy-armed men or the horse march 
in the van, according to the nature of the 
ground ; but in the night it is always the cus- 
tom among the Greeks for the slowest corps 
to lead the way. By this means the army is 
less subject to be separated, and the men have 
fewer opportunities of straggling without being 
taken notice of; it often happening in the 

$ίζι>ν, says, it was a custom among Thracians, when 
they had drunk as much wine as they could, to pour the 
rest upon the clothes of the company, for which he 
quotes Plato : this, he says, they called ■χ*τχσ•χ.ίϊ»ζιιν. 
It was necessary just to take notice of this ridiculous 
custom, in order to explain this passage of Xenophon. 
• Ohv μχγίΧι. This musical instrument is said to 
have been a kind of flute. Strabo reckons it among 
those whose names were taken from the Barbarian» 
It was probably an instrument of war. 



336 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



night, that the troops, when separated, fall up- 
on one another, and not being able to distin- 
guish friends from enemies, both do and suffer 
great damage.'' Seuthes answered, " You say 
well, and I will conform to your custom ; and 
will take care you shall have guides, such as, 
among the oldest of my people, are best ac- 
quainted with the country ; while I bring up 
the rear with the horse ; and if there is occa- 
sion, I can soon come up to the front." The 
Athenians gave the word by reason of their al- 
liance to Seuthes. After this, they went to 
rest. 

When it was about midnight, Seuthes came 
to them with the horse, clad in their coats of 
mail, and the targeteers with their arms. Af- 
ter he had delivered the guides to them, the 
heavy-armed men marched in the van, the tar- 
geteers followed, and the horse brought up the 
rear. As soon as it was day, Seuthes, riding 
up to the front, extolled the Greek custom : 
" For it has often happened to me," said he, 
" when I have been upon a march in the 
night, though with a few troops, to have 
my horse separated from the foot; where- 
as now, at break of day, we appear, as we 
ought, all together. But do you halt here, 
and repose yourselves, and when I have taken 
a view of the country, I will come back to 
you." Having said this, he met with a path, 
which led him to the top of a mountain, where, 
coming to a great deal of snow, he examined 
the road, to see whether there were any foot- 
steps of men pointing either forward or back- 
ward : and finding the way untrodden, he re- 
turned presently, and said, " Gentlemen ! our 
design will succeed, God willing : we shall sur- 
prise the people : but I will lead the way with 
the horse, that if we discover any one, he may 
not escape, and give notice to the enemy : do 
you come after; and, if you are left behind, 
follow the track of the horse. After we have 
passed these mountains, we shall come to a 
great many rich villages." 

When it was noon, Seuthes, having reached 
the summit of the mountains, and taken a view 
of the villages, rode back to the heavy-armed 
men, and said, " I now propose to send the 
horse to scour the plain, and the targeteers to 
attack the villages; do you follow as fast as 
you can, that, if they find any resistance, you 
may support them." When Xenophon heard 
this, he alighted from his horse : upon which 



Seuthes said, " Why do you alight, when ex- 
pedition is required V The other answered, 
" I know that, by myself, I can be of no ser- 
vice ; besides, the heavy armed men will march 
with greater speed and alacrity, if I lead them 
on foot." 

After this Seuthes, and, with him, Tima- 
sion, with about forty of the Greek horse, went 
away. Then Xenophon ordered those of each 
company -who were under thirty years of age, 
and prepared for expedition, to advance; and, 
with these, he ran forward ; while Cleanor 
brought up the rest of the Greeks. When 
they were in the villages, Seuthes riding up to 
Xenophon with about fifty horse, said, « What 
you foretold has happened : the men are taken ■ 
but our horse have left me, and are gone away 
without a commander, some following the pur- 
suit one way, some another ; and I am afraid 
lest the enemy should rally, and do us some 
mischief: some of us must also remain in the 
villages, for they are full of men." Xenophon 
answered, " With the troops I have, I will pos- 
sess myself of the eminences. Do you order 
Cleanor to extend his line in the plain, against 
the villages." After they had put these things 
in execution, they got together about one thou- 
sand slaves, two thousand oxen, and ten thou- 
sand head of other cattle ; and there they quar- 
tered that night. 

IV. The next day, after Seuthes had burned 
all the villages, without leaving a single house, 
(in order to terrify the rest by letting them see 
what they were to expect, if they refused to 
submit,) he returned ; and sent the booty to 
Perintheus to be sold by Heraclides, that he 
might, by that means, raise money to pay the 
soldiers. In the meantime, Seuthes and the 
Greeks encamped in the plain of the Thynians : 
but the inhabitants left their houses and fled to 
the mountains. 

Here fell a great snow, and the cold was so 
severe, that the water the servants brought 
in for supper, and the wine in the vessels, 
were frozen, and the noses and ears of many 
of the Greeks were parched with the cold. 
This explained to us the reason that induces 
the Thracians to wear 1 foxes' skins over their 

ι Τ*ί κΧωπιχί$χς Ιπι τ»7ς χίφβλβΓ; φοςον<τι χ*ι πΓς 

ώ<τ•. After Xerxes had passed the Hellespont with his 
prodigious army, he reviewed them in the plain of Doris- 
cus; among his troops were Thracians, who, according 
to Herodotus, wore foxes' skins upon their heads, and 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



337 



heads and ears, and vests, that not only cover 
their breasts, but their thighs also, with cas- 
socks reaching down to their feet, when they 
ride, instead of cloaks. Seuthes sent some of 
the prisoners to the mountains, to acquaint the 
inhabitants that, if they did not come down, 
and, returning to their habitations, submit to 
him, he would burn their villages also, together 
with thoir corn, and then they must perish 
with hunger. Upon this, the women and 
children, with tho old men, came down, but 
the younger sort encamped in the villages 
under the mountain : which when Seuthes ob- 
served, he desired Xenophon to take with him 
the youngest of the heavy-armed men, and 
follow him ; and, leaving their camp in the 
night, they arrived by break of day at the vil- 
lages : but the greatest part of the inhabitants 
quitted them : for the mountain was near. 
However, Seuthes ordered all they took to be 
pierced with darts. 

There was present an Olynthian, his name 
Episthenes, who was a lover of boys : this 
man, seeing a handsome boy, just in his bloom, 
with a buckler in his hand, going to be put to 
death, ran to Xenophon, and begged of him to 
intercede for so beautiful a youth. Upon this, 
Xenophon went to Seuthes, and desired he 



whose dress he describes not unlike that of the Thra- 
cians, with whom Xenophon was acquainted. Whether 
these Thracians wore foxes' skins upon their heads to 
preserve them from the cold, as our author seems to 
think, or whether they wore them by way of armour, 
and as a distinction in war, I shall not determine; but 
we find that many nations, inhabiting the warmest cli- 
mates, wore the skins of several beasts upon their heads, 
when they went to war : upon those occasions, the up- 
per jaw, or forehead of the animal, was fixed to the top 
of their heads, I suppose to give them a fierce look. 
Herodotus tells us, that, in the same army, the Indians, 
whom he calls the Asiatic Ethiopians, oi i% T 5s Άσ-κυ 
AiSiOjrij, wore upon their heads the skins of horses' 
heads, with the mane flowing, and the ears erect. I 
cannot help mentioning, upon this occasion, a passage 
of Diodorus Siculus, because it shows the origin of a 
very great folly committed by a very wise people, I 
mean the worship of Anubis by the Egyptians ; he tells 
ut that Anubis and Macedon, two sons of Osiris, at- 
tended him in his expedition to the Indies, and that their 
armour was taken from animals, that bore some resem- 
blance to their fortitude, Anubis wearing the skin of a 
dog, and Macedon that of a wolf; for which reason, he 
•ays, these animals were worshipped by the Egyptians. 
The Roman Signiferi, upon Trajan's pillar, have most 
of them their heads and shoulders covered with the 
skins of lions, something like Aventinusin Virgil : 
" Ipse pedes tegmcn torquene immano leonis 
Terribili impexum seta cum dentibus albis 

Indus capiti ." 

29 



would not put the boy to death, acquainting 
him at the same time, with the character of 
Episthenes, and that he once raised a com- 
pany, in which he considered nothing but the 
beauty of his men ; at the head of whom he 
always behaved himself with bravery. Here- 
upon, Seuthes said, " Ο Episthenes ! are you 
willing to die for this boy 1 " The other, 
stretching out his neck, answered, " Strike, if 
the boy commands, and will think himself ob- 
liged to me." Seuthes then asked the boy 
whether he should strike Episthenes, instead 
of him. This the boy would not suffer, but 
begged he would kill neither. Upon this, 
Episthenes embracing the boy, said, « Now 
Seuthes ! you must contend with me for him ; 
for I will not part with the boy." This made 
Seuthes laugh; who, leaving this subject, 
thought proper they should encamp where they 
were, to the end the people who had fled to 
the mountains, might not be subsisted out of 
these villages. So he, descending a little way 
into the plain, encamped there ; and Xeno- 
phon, with the chosen men, quartered in the 
village that lay nearest the foot of the hill, and 
the rest of the Greeks, not far from him, 
among those they call the mountain Thracians. 

A few days after, the Thracians, coming 
down from the mountains to Seuthes, treated 
concerning hostages and a peace. Hereupon, 
Xenophon went to him, and let him know 
that the post they were in was very disadvan- 
tageous, that the enemy was not far off, and 
that he had rather encamp abroad in any other 
place, than in a strait, where they were in dan- 
ger of being destroyed : but Seuthes bid him 
fear nothing, and showed him their hostages, 
then in his custody. Some of the Thracians, 
coming down from the mountain, besought 
Xenophon also to assist them in obtaining a 
peace. He promised his assistance, and en- 
couraged them with this assurance, that, if 
they submitted to Seuthes, they had nothing to 
fear. But they, it seems, were spies sent to 
amuse them with these proposals. 

This passed in the day time : the following 
night, the Thynians came down from the 
mountain, and attacked them ; their leaders 
were the masters of every house, it being dif- 
ficult for any other to find the houses in the 
dark; because they were surrounded with great 
palisades to secure the cattle. When they came 
to the door of each habitation, some threw in 
2S 



336 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



darts, others clubs, which they carried, with a 
design as they said, of breaking off the points 
of the pikes ; and some were employed in set- 
ting lire to the houses : these called out to 
Xenophon by name, to come out and meet 
his fate, threatening, if he refused, to burn him 
in the house. 

By this time the fire came through the roof, 
and Xenophon and his men were within, with 
their corslets on, their shields and swords in 
their hands, and their helmets upon their 
heads ; when Silanus Macestius, a youth of 
eighteen years of age, gave the signal by sound- 
ing a trumpet ; upon which the rest also, at 
once, rushed out of the other houses with 
their swords drawn. Whereupon the Thra- 
cians fled, covering their backs with their 
bucklers, according to their custom : and some 
of them, endeavouring to leap over the pali- 
sades, were taken hanging on them, their buck- 
lers being set fast ; others, missing the way 
out, were killed, and the Greeks pursued them 
out of the village. However, a party of the 
Thynians, coming back in the dark, threw darts 
at some of the Greeks, as they ran by a house 
that was on fire, taking their aim from an 
obscure place at those who were in the light, 
and wounded Hieronymus, Enodius, and 
Theagenes, a Locrian, all captains ; but no- 
body was killed, though some had their 
clothes and baggage burned. Seuthes came 
to their relief with seven horse, the first 
he met, bringing with him a Thracian trum- 
peter, who, from the time the other found they 
were attacked, and set out to relieve them, 
continued sounding till the action was over; 
which did not a little contribute to terrify the 
enemy: when he came, he embraced the 
Greeks, saying he expected to find a great 
number of them slain. 

After this, Xenophon desired Seuthes to 
deliver to him the hostages, and march up to 
the mountain with him, if he thought proper : 
if not, that he would leave it to his conduct. 
The next day, therefore, Seuthes delivered to 
him the hostages, who were elderly men, 
the most considerable, as they said, of the 
mountain Thracians, and he himself set out 
with his own forces. By this time, the army 
of Seuthes was increased to three times the 
number it before consisted of; for many of the 
Odrysians, being informed of what Seuthes 
was doing, came down to his assistance. When 



the Thynians saw, from the mountain, great 
numbers of heavy-armed men, of targeteers, 
and of horse, they came down and sued for 
peace, promising to do every thing that was 
required of them, and desired Seuthes would 
take pledges for their fidelity. He, calling 
Xenophon to him, informed him of what they 
said, letting him know at the same time, that 
he would not make peace, if he desired to take, 
revenge of them for attacking him. Xenophon 
answered, that he was sufficiently revenged, if 
these people were, instead of free men, to 
become slaves : but withal, advised him, for 
the future, to take for hostages those who had 
most power to do him harm, and to let the 
old men stay at home. All the Thracians, 
therefore, in this part of the country submitted 
to Seuthes. 

V. They next marched into the country 
called the Delta, belonging to the Thracians, 
which lies above Byzantium. This country 
did not belong to the kingdom of Msesides, 
but to that of Teres the Odrysian, one of 
their ancient kings ; here they found Heracli- 
des, with the money he had raised by the sale 
of the booty. And here Seuthes, having 
ordered three yokes of mules (for there were 
no more) and several of oxen to be brought 
out, sent for Xenophon, and desired he would 
accept the first, and distribute the rest among 
the generals and captains ; but Xenophon said, 
« I shall be satisfied, if I, receiving your 
favours another time, give these to the generals 
and the captains, who, with me, have attended 
you in this expedition." Upon which, Tima- 
sion the Dardanian, received one yoke of 
mules, Cleanor the Orchomenian, another, 
and Phryniscus the Achaian, the third. The 
yokes of oxen he distributed among the cap- 
tains ; but gave the army no more than twenty 
days' pay, though the month was expired ; for 
Heraclides said he could not sell the booty for 
more. Xenophon was concerned at this, and 
said, " Ο Heraclides ! you do not seem to have 
so great a regard for Seuthes, as you ought to 
have : if you had, you would have brought the 
army their full pay : though you had taken up 
at interest, and even sold your own clothes to 
raise as much as would have completed it, if 
you could not get the money by any other 
means." 

This reproach gave Heraclides great uneasi- 
ness, and made him apprehend he should lose 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



339 



the favour of Seuthes ; and from that clay, he 
laboured all he could, to give Seuthes ill 
impressions of Xenophon ; on whom not only 
the soldiers laid the blame of their not receiv- 
ing their pay, but Seuthes also resented his 
earnestness in demanding it. And whereas, 
before, ho was for ever telling him that, when 
he arrived at the sea, ho would put him in 
possession of l Bisanthe, Ganus, and Neon 
Teichus : from this time he never mentioned 
any thing of that kind ; for Heraclides, upon 
this occasion, had also recourse to calumny, 
suggesting that it was not safe to intrust 
places of strength with a person who was at 
the head of an army. 

Upon this, Xenophon considered with him- 
self what was to be done 2 about pursuing their 
expedition against the upper Thracians ; when 
Heraclides, carrying the rest of the generals to 
Seuthes, desired them to assure him that they 
could lead the army as well as Xenophon, and 
promised that, in a few days, he would give 
them their pay complete for two months, ad- 
vising them at the same time to continue in 
the service of Seuthes. Upon which Tima- 
sion said, " If you would give me five months' 
pay, I would not serve without Xenophon ; " 
and Phryniscus and Cleanor said the same 
thing. 

This made Seuthes chide Heraclides for not 
calling in Xenophon ; so they sent for him 
alone ; but he, being sensible this was an arti- 
fice in Heraclides, contrived to create a jea- 
lousy in the rest of the generals, took not 
only all the generals, but likewise all the cap- 
tains along with him : and, all of them approv- 
ing of what Seuthes proposed, they pursued 
their expedition, and marching through the 
country of the Thracians, called the Melino- 
phagi, with the Euxine sea on their right hand, 
they arrived at 3 Salmydessus. Here many 
ships upon their arrival in the Euxine sea 

ι Bio-av^i/j κ*ί Γάνον και Ksiv Τιΐχος. TOWHS of 

Thrace near the sea : if the reader pleases to turn to the 
first note upon this hook, he will find that the last has 
nothing to do with the wall built by Dercyllidas, for 
that was not built till the year after Xenophon engaged 
the Greeks in the service of Seuthes. 

* Πιάτου in ίνω TT(*Tt(jsrSxt. D'Ablancourtunder- 
stands this concerning his going over into Asia, hut I 
have chosen rather to make it relate to the expedition 
of Seuthes, and the Greeks against those Thracians 
who inhabited above Byzantium, in which I am sup- 
ported by Leunclavius and Hutchinson. 

» Χ,*\μυ$*<ητον. Salmydcssus was a sea-port lying 
upon the Euxine sea : it is mentioned by Arrian in his 



strike, and arc driven ashore, the coast being 
full of shoals, that run a considerable way in- 
to the sea. The Thracians, who inhabit thin 
coast, raise pillars, in the nature of bound- 
stones ; and every man plunders the wreck that 
is cast upon his own coast. It is said, that 
before they erected these pillars, many of them 
lost their lives by quarrelling with one another 
about the plunder. In this place are found 
many beds, boxes, books, and several other 
things which sailors usually carry in their 
chests. The army, after they had subdued 
this people, marched back : that of Seuthes 
was now grown superior in number to the 
Greeks ; for many more of the Odrysians were φ 
come down to him, and the Thracians, as fast 
as they submitted, joined the army. They now 
lay encamped in a plain about Selymbria, about 
fifty stadia from the sea ; as yet no pay ap- 
peared, and not only the soldiers were displeas- 
ed at Xenophon, but Seuthes himself was no 
longer disposed in his favour : and whenever 
he desired to be admitted to him, business of 
many kinds was pretended. 

VI. Two months were very near elapsed, 
when Charminus the Lacedaemonian, and 
Polynicus, arrived from Thimbron. They 
gave an account that the Lacedaemonians had 
resolved to make war upon Tissaphernes, and 
that Thimbron had sailed from Greece with 
that design. They added that he had occasion 
for this army, and that every common soldier 
should have a 4 darick a month, the captains 
two, and the generals four. Upon arrival of 
the Lacedaemonians, Heraclides, hearing they 
were come for the army, immediately told Seu- 
thes it was a happy incident ; « For," says he, 
" the Lacedaemonians are in want of the army, 
and you are not so. In resigning it, you will 
confer an obligation on them, and the soldiers 
will no longer ask you for their pay ; but will 
leave the country." 

Seuthes, hearing this, ordered the Lacedae- 
monians to be brought in : and upon their say- 
ing they came for the army, he told them he 
was willing to resign it, and desired they would 
account him their friend and ally : he also in- 
vited them to his table pursuant to the laws of 
hospitality, and gave them a magnificent enter- 
tainment. But he did not invite Xenophon, 



Periplus: the river, the town, and the hay had all the 
same name. 
« Aafi««of, See note 6, page 109. 



340 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



or any one of the other generals. The Lace- 
daemonians inquiring what kind of man Xeno- 
phon was, he answered that he was in other res- 
pects, no ill man, but a friend to the soldiers ; 
which hurts him. " But," said they, " is he a po- 
pular man with them 1 " " Altogether so," says 
Heraclides. " Then," answered the Laceds- 
monians, " will not he oppose our carrying away 
the army 1 " " If you call the soldiers together," 
says Heraclides, " and promise them pay, they 
will have no regard for him, but will quickly fol- 
low you." " How," replied they, " shall they be 
assembled for that purpose 1 " " Early to-morrow 
morning," says Heraclides, " we will bring you 
to them, and I am confident, added he, that as 
«oon as they see you, they will cheerfully assem- 
ble." This was the result of that day's business. 
The next, Seuthes, and Heraclides brought 
the Lacedaemonians to the army, which assem- 
bled for that purpose. These informed them, 
that the Lacedaemonians had resolved to make 
war upon Tissapherues, " who," said they, 
" has injured you. If, therefore, you engage 
with us, you will both revenge yourselves of 
an enemy, and receive each of you a darick a 
month, the captains two, and the generals four." 
This was well received by the soldiers : and 
presently one of the Arcadians rose up to ac- 
cuse Xenophon. Seuthes was also present, 
being desirous to know the result, and, for that 
purpose, had placed himself within hearing 
with his interpreter : though he himself under- 
stood most things that were spoken in Greek. 
The Arcadian said: "Know then, Ο Lace- 
daemonians, that we should long since have en- 
gaged ourselves in your service, if Xenophon 
had not prevailed upon us to come hither ; 
where, though we have been upon duty both 
night and day, during this severe winter, we 
have l acquired nothing, while he enjoys the 
reward of our labour, and Seuthes enriches him 
personally, and deprives us of our pay : so 



» Ouiiv πιπύμι5χ. Τ1(πα.τ$χι' xtxrijo-flon. HesychlUS. 

Both which, in my opinion, signify muchoftenerto ac- 
quire than to possess. I look upon the word to have the 
same sense also in that very moral and sensible epigram 
of Solon, the Athenian legislator, as quoted by Plutarch, 
in bis life of him, 

ΧξΥ,μχτχ ί' ιμιιΐ',ο yuiv t%tiv t κί»Χως Se ττίττχίτθχί 
Ούχ i'}'lK'ji } πίντως ΰ<ττΐ(θν ϊ;λβ» ίι*Η. 

But ae*-i»-a<r5*» signifies also to possess, I will not blame 
Hutchinson for translating it upon this occasion nihil 
poeeidemus, though I have translated it otherwise my- 
self; a little farther it signifies, beyond all doubt, to 
possess. 



that," continued he, « if I could see this man 
stoned to death, and punished for leading us 
about, I should think I had received my pay, 
and no longer regret my labour." After him, 
another got up, and then another : upon which 
Xenophon spoke as follows : 

" There is nothing a man ought not to ex- 
pect, since I find myself accused by you for 
that, in which my conscience tells me I have 
had all the zeal in the world for your service. 
I was already set out in order to go home, when 
I turned back, be assured, not because I heard 
you were in prosperity, but rather because I 
was informed you were in difficulties, with this 
intent, that I might serve you, if it was in my 
power. When I came to the army, though 
Seuthes sent several messengers to me with 
many promises, in case I prevailed upon you 
to go to him, yet I never endeavoured it, as 
you yourselves know; but led you to that 
place, from whence I thought you would have 
the quickest passage into Asia. This I look- 
ed upon as a measure the most agreeable both 
to your interest and inclination. But when 
Aristarchus arrived with the galleys, and pre- 
vented your passage, I then (as it became me) 
called you together, that we might consider 
what was to be done. Upon that occasion you 
heard, on one side, Aristarchus ordering you 
to go to the Chersonesus, and, on the other, 
Seuthes proposing terms to engage you in his 
service, when all of you declared you would go 
with Seuthes, and all gave your votes for it. 
Say, then, if I committed any crime in carry- 
ing you whither you all resolved to go. If, 
when Seuthes began to break his promise con- 
cerning your pay, I then commended him, you 
would have reason both to accuse and hate me ; 
but if I, who was before his greatest friend, 
am now his greatest enemy, how can you any 
longer with justice blame me, who have given 
you the preference to Seuthes, for those very 
things about which I quarrel with him 1 Pos- 
sibly, you may say that I have received your 
pay of Seuthes, and that all I say is artifice ; 
but, is it not plain, that if Seuthes paid me any 
thing, it was not with a view of being deprived 
of that part of your pay which he gave me, and 
of paying you the rest 1 On the contrary, if 
he had given me any thing, I dare say, his de- 
sign would have been to excuse himself from 
paying you a large sum, by giving me a small 
one. If, therefore, you are of opinion, that 
this is the case, it is in your power presently 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



341 



to render this 1 collusion useless to both of us, 
by 2 insisting upon your pay : for it is evident 
that Seuthes, if J havu received a bribe from 
him, will, with justice, redemand it, when 
I fail in performing the contract, in consi- 
deration of which I was bribed. But my 
conscience tells me that I am far from hav- 
ing received any thing that belongs to you : 
for I swear by all the gods and goddesses, 
that I have not even received from Seuthes 
what he promised me in particular. He is 
present himself, and, as he hears me, he knows 
whether I am guilty of perjury or not ; and that 
you may still have more reason to wonder, I 
also swear, that I have not only received less 
than the rest of the generals, but even than 
some of the captains. For what reason then 
did I do this 1 I flattered myself, gentlemen, 
that the greater share I had of this man's po- 
verty, the greater I should have of his friend- 
ship, when it was in his power to show it ; but 
I see him now in prosperity, and, at the same 
time, discover his temper. Possibly, some may 
say, are you not then ashamed to be thus stupid- 
ly deceived 1 I should, indeed, be ashamed 
to be thus deceived by an enemy ; but, in my 
opinion, there is a greater shame in deceiving 
a friend, than in being deceived by him. If it 
is allowed to be upon one's guard against a 
friend, I know you have all been very careful 
not to give this man a just pretence to refuse 
the payment of what he promised 1 for we have 
neither done him any injury, neither have we 
hurt his affairs through negligence, or through 
fear declined any enterprise he proposed to us. 
But, you will say, we ought then to have taken 
some assurance, that although he had been de- 
sirous to deceive us*, he might not even have 
had it in his power. Hear then what I should 
never have mentioned before him, unless you 
had shown yourselves either entirely inconsi- 
derate or very ungrateful to me. You remem- 
ber under what difficulties you laboured, from 
which I extricated you by carrying you to 
Seuthes. When you offered to go into Perin- 
thus, did not Aristarchus. the Lacedaemonian, 
shut the gates against you 1 Did not you, 
upon that, encamp in the open field 1 Was not 
this in the middle of winter 1 Was there not a 
scarcity of provisions in the market, and a 



» Π^αζι;. TlgoSoo•:». Suidas. 

* Π^άττιιτι αύτον τ* χξγ,μχτα. 

τιΓβ-β*•. Phavorinus. 

29* 



Π(•ΤΤΙβ-β*<' »5 



scarcity of the means to purchase them 1 In the 
meantime you were under a necessity of stay- 
ing in Thrace, (for the galleys lay at anchor 3 
to observe your motions, and hinder your pas- 
sage,) and while you staid, you staid in an 
enemy's country, where great numbers both of 
horse and targeteers were ready to oppose you. 
It is true, we had heavy-armed men, who, by 
going into the village in a body, might possibly 
provide themselves with a small quantity of 
corn ; but we were not prepared to pursue the 
enemy or supply ourselves with slaves and cat- 
tle ; for, at my return, I found neither the 
horse nor targeteers any longer in a body. 
While, therefore, you were in so great necessity, 
if, without even insisting upon any pay, I had 
procured Seuthes to become your ally, who had 
both horse and targeteers, which you were in 
want of, do you think I should have made ill 
terms for you 1 It was owing to their assist- 
ance that you not only found greater quantities 
of corn in the villages, the Thracians being 
thereby obliged to precipitate their flight, but 
had also your share both of cattle and slaves 
From the time also we had the assistance of 
these horse we saw no enemy, though before 
they boldly harassed us both with their horse, 
and targeteers, and by hindering us from going 
in small parties, prevented our supplying our- 
selves with provisions in any quantity. But if 
the person whose assistance produced you this 
security, has not also paid you very considera- 
bly for being secure, can you look upon this as 
a moving calamity 1 And, for this, do you think 
yourselves obliged, by no means, to suffer me 
to live 1 But in what circumstances are you, 
now you are leaving this country 1 After you 
have passed the winter in plenty, have you not 
as an occasion to this advantage, the money 
you have received from Seuthes ? For you 
have lived at the expense of the enemy ; and 
while you have been thus employed, none of 
you have either been killed or taken prisoners. 
If you have gained some reputation against 
the Barbarians in Asia, is not that entire, 
and have you not added a new glory to it by 
the conquest of the European Thracians 1 
I own I think you ought to return thanks to 
the gods for those very things, as for so 
many blessings, for which you are displeased 
with me. This is the situation of your •£< 



■ Τςιήξΐι; $φοςμθνσ•»ι 

o<f. Suidas. 



, Εφο^μίΐν 'ErliffOiiy iv rrkot 



342 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



fairs : consider now, I beg of you, that of 
(MM. When I first set sail in order to return 
home, I went away attended with great praise 
from you, and, through you, with reputation 
from the rest of Greece : I had also the con- 
fidence of the Lacedaemonians : (otherwise they 
would not have sent me back to you ;) now, 
I go away suspected by the Lacedaemonians, 
through your means, and hated by Seuthes, 
upon your account, whom I proposed, by 
uniting my services to yours, to have made an 
honourable refuge*oth to myself and my chil- 
dren, if I should have any : while you, for 
whose sake chiefly I have made myself odious, 
and that to persons far more powerful than my- 
self; while you, I say, for whom I cease not, 
even now, to procure all the advantages I am 
able, entertain such thoughts of me. You 
have me in your power, I neither fled from you, 
nor endeavoured it ; and if you do what you 
say, know that you will put to death a man 
who has often watched for your safety ; who 
has undergone many labours and dangers with 
you, while he not only did his own duty, but 
that of others ; who by the favour of the gods, 
has with you raised many trophies of the Bar- 
barians' defeats, and who laboured to the ut- 
most of his power to engage you to make none 
of the Greeks your enemies. For you are now 
at liberty to go whithersoever you please, either 
by sea or land, without control. This then is 
the season when there is so great an appearance 
of prosperity ; now you are going to sail for a 
country where you have long since desired to 
be ; when those, who are most powerful, want 
your assistance ; when pay is offered, and the 
Lacedaemonians, who are allowed to be the best 
generals, are come to command you : this, I 
say, you think the proper season to put me to 
death. You did not think fit to do it when we 
were in difficulties ; Ο men of admirable me- 
mories ! then you called me father, and pro- 
mised ever to remember me as your benefactor. 
However, those who are now come to command 
you are not void of sense ; so that I believe 
your behaviour d me will not recommend you 
to them. 1 ' Xenophon said no more. 

Then Charminus the Lacedaemonian rose 
up and spoke in the following manner : " Gen- 
tlemen! you seem to have no just cause of dis- 
pleasure against this man ; since I myself can 
give testimony in his favour ; for Seuthes, when 
Polynicus and I inquired what kind of man 
Xenophon was, had nothing else to lay to hie 



charge, but that he was a great friend to the 
soldiers, which, says he, hurts him both with 
regard to the Lacedaemonians and to myself." 
After him Eurylochus of Lusi, an Arcadian, 
got up and said : " My opinion is, Ο Lacedae- 
monians, that the first act of generalship you 
exercise, should be to obtain our pay of Seu- 
thes, either with or without his consent ; and 
that till then you ought not to carry us away." 
Polycrates the Athenian next rose up, and 
spoke in favour of Xenophon. " Gentlemen !" 
says he, " I see Heraclides also present in the 
assembly, who, having received the booty we 
acquired by our labour, and sold it, has neither 
paid the l money to Seuthes, nor to us ; but 
having robbed both, still keeps possession of 
it. If, therefore, we are wise, let us apprehend 
him ; for this man is no Thracian, but, being 
himself a Greek, does an injury to Greeks." 

Heraclides, hearing this, was thunder-struck, 
and coming to Seuthes, said, " If we are wise, 
we shall withdraw ourselves out of the power 
of these people." So they mounted on horse- 
back, and rode off to their own camp ; from 
whence Seuthes sent Ebozelmius his interpre- 
ter to Xenophon, to desire him to remain in 
his service with a thousand of the heavy-arm- 
ed men, assuring him, at the same time, that 
he would give him the places of strength near 
the sea, and every thing else he had promised 
him. To this he added, as a secret, that he 
was informed by Polynicus, that if he put him- 
self in the power of the Lacedaemonians, he 
would certainly be put to death by Thimbron. 
Many other persons also, between whom and 
Xenophon there was an intercourse of hospi- 
tality, gave him notice, that he lay under a sus- 
picion, and ought to be upon his guard. Xe- 
nophon, hearing this, offered two victims to 



ι T« yivo/iivct. I cannot agree with Hutchinson that 
this word is taken by Thucydides, in the passage quo- 
ted by him, nearly in the same sense our author takes 
it here. In the passage quoted by him out of Thucy- 
dides, that author says the Athenian tyrants, Hippias 
and Hipparchus, adorned the city, carried on the wars, 
and performed the sacrifices by exacting only the 
twentieth part of the product of the country from the 

Athenians, 'ASmvosiooj MxocrTfjv juovov ττξ χτα-ομινο ι των 

γιγνομινων, which signification of the word is put out 
of all dispute by what Meursius says of the tax of the 
tenth part of the -product of the country imposed upon 
the Athenians by Pisistratus, which he calls ίίκάτ^ν 
των ιν τν\ χώςα, γινομένων. In the passage, therefore, 
of Thucydides, τ« γιγνομιν» signifies the product of 
the country ; but here it signifies, as Hutchinson him- 
self, and all the other translators have rendered it, the 
money raised by the sale of the booty. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



343 



1 Jupiter the king, and consulted him whether 
it were better and more advantageous for him 
to stay with Seuthes upon the terms he pro- 
posed, or to depart with the army ; and Jupiter 
signified to him that he ought to depart. 

VII. After that, Seuthes encamped at a 
greater distance, and the Greeks quartered in 
the villages, from whence they might get most 
provisions, before they returned to the sea. 
These villages Seuthes had given to Medo- 
sades, who, seeing every thing in them con- 
sumed by the Greeks, resented it ; and taking 
with him an Odrysian, a man of the greatest 
power of all those who had come from the 
Upper Thracia, to join Seuthes, and about 
fifty horse, came to the Greek army, and called 
Xenophon to come to him, who, taking some 
of the captains and other proper persons, went 
to him. Then Medosades said : " You do us 
an injury, Ο Xenophon, in laying waste our 
villages. Wherefore we give you notice, I, in 
the name of Seuthes, and this man from Me- 
docus, king of the Upper Thrace, to leave the 
country ; otherwise we shall not allow you to 
remain here ; and if you continue to infest our 
territories, we shall treat you as enemies." 

When Xenophon heard this, he said : « What 
you say is of such a nature, that it is even a 
pain to me to give an answer to it : however, I 
shall return one for the information of this 
youth, that he may be acquainted both with 
your behaviour, and with ours. Before we en- 
tered into an alliance with you, we marched 
through this country at our pleasure, and laid 
waste and burned any part of it we thought pro- 
per ; and you yourself, when you came to us in 
the quality of an ambassador, staid with us, 
without the apprehension of an enemy. Where- 
as you, who are subjects of Seuthes, either 
never came into this country at all, or, if you 
came hither, you kept your horses ready bridled 
while you staid, as in a country belonging to 
those who were more powerful than yourselves. 
But now, since, by becoming our allies, you 
have got possession of it, you would drive us 
out of this country, though you received it from 
us as a conquest we were willing to resign, for 
you yourself are sensible the enemy was not 
strong enough to dispossess us ; and not only 
want to send us away 2 without any acknow- 



i Τω Διι τω Β*<τιλι7. See note 1, page 308, upon 
the sixth book. 
* ούχ ϊτ Μ ς S<»(* ίου;. Ούχ ίτως signifies here not 



ledgment for the benefits you have received, 
but also to hinder us, as far as you arc able, 
from encamping in the country, as we pass 
through it ; and this you urge, without rever- 
ence either to the gods, or to this man, who 
sees you now abounding in riches : you, who 
before you entered into an alliance with us, liv- 
ed by plunder, as you yourself have owned. 
But why do you say this tome ?" continues he, 
" for I have no longer the command ; but the 
Lacedemonians, to whom vou resigned the 
army, that they might carry" away, which you 
did without consulting me, most admirable 
men ! and without giving me an opportunity of 
obliging them by delivering the army to them, 
as I had disobliged them by carrying it to you." 
As soon as the Odrysian heard what Xeno- 
phon said ; " Ο Medosades !" says he, " I am 
ready to sink into the earth with shame, when 
I hear this. Had I known it before, I should 
not have accompanied you, and shall now 
depart ; for Medocus, my sovereign, will not 
approve of my conduct, if I should drive our 
benefactors out of the country." Having said 
this, he mounted on horseback, and rode away 
with all the rest of the horse, except four 
or five. Upon which, Medosades (for he was 
uneasy to see the country laid waste) desired 
Xenophon to call the two Lacedaemonians. 
He, taking some proper persons along with 
him, went to Charminus and Polynicus, and 
told them Medosades desired they would come 
to him, designing to order them, as he had him, 
to leave the country. « It is my opinion, there- 
fore," says he, " that you will receive the pay 
due to the army, if you let him know that the 
soldiers have desired you to assist them in ob- 
taining it, either with or without the consent 
of Seuthes ; and that they engage to follow 
you with cheerfulness if they succeed in their 
demands. Tell him, at the same time, that 
you find their claim is founded in justice, and 
that you have promised them not to depart 
till they succeed in it." The Laceda?moni- 



only not in the same manner as Dion Cassius uses it, 
where he says that Gabinius, being asked by Clodius 
what he thought of the law he had brought in against 
Cicero, not only did not commend Tully, but accused 
the Roman kniuhts to the senate. Ούχ #*-»; ίκιΤνον 

ίτ^νιτίν, αλλ* των Ιππίων της ΖουΚης ιΤξΟτχΛτηγΌξΐιτι*. 

I make no doubt but this Grecism induced the Latins 
to give the same force to •' non modo ;" the following 
passage of Tully is a remarkable instance of it : " Reg- 
num non modo Romano homini, sed ne Pcrsoe quidem 
cuiquam tolerabile." 



344 



XENOPHON ON THE 



Lbook 



VII. 



ans. hearing this, said they would acquaint him 
with it. and with whatever else would prove 
most effectual : and immediately set out with 
proper persons to attend them. When they 
arrived, Charminus said, ". Ο Medosades ! if 
you have any thing to say to us, speak ; if not, 
we have something to say to you." Medosa- 
des, with great submission, answered, « Seu- 
thes and I have this to say : we desire that 
those who are become our friends, may suffer 
no ill treatment from you ; for whatever injury 
you do to them, y'tJu will now do to us, since 
they are our subjects." The Lacedemonians 
replied, " We are ready to depart, as soon as 
those who have forced them to submit to you 
have received their pay ; otherwise, we are 
come to assist them, and take revenge of those 
men, who, in violation of their oaths, have 
wronged them. If you are of that number, 
we shall begin by doing them justice against 
you." 

Then Xenophon said : " Are you willing, 
Ο Medosades ! to leave it to the people, in 
whose country we are, (since you say they are 
your friends) to determine whether you or we 
shall leave it ?" This he refused, but desired, 
by all means, the two Lacedaemonians would 
go to Seuthes about their pay, and said it was 
his opinion Seuthes would hearken to them : 
but if they did not approve of that, he desired 
they would send Xenophon with him, assuring 
them of his assistance in obtaining it. In the 
meantime, he begged they would not burn the 
villages. Upon this, they sent Xenophon 
with such persons as were thought most pro- 
per to attend him. When he came to Seuthes, 
he said, " I am not come, Ο Seuthes ! to ask 
any thing of you, but to demonstrate to you as 
well as I am able, that you had no just cause 
to be displeased with me for demanding of 
you, on the behalf of the soldiers, the pay 
which you cheerfully promised them ; since I 
was convinced that it was not less your interest 
to give it. than theirs to receive it : for I know, 
in the first place, that next to the gods, they 
have rendered you conspicuous, by making you 
king over a large extent of country, and great 
numbers of people : so that your actions, 
whether commendable or infamous, cannot 
possibly be concealed from public notice. In 
this situation, I look upon it as a matter of 
great moment to you not to have it thought 
that you send away your benefactors without 
rewarding their services ; and not less so, to 



have your praise celebrated by six thousand 
men. But, above all, that it concerns you, in 
no degree, to derogate from the credit of what 
you say : for I observe the discourse of men 
without credit to be vain and ineffectual, and 
to wander disregarded : while that of persons 
who are known to practise truth, is not less 
effectual to obtain what they desire than the 
power of others ; I know, also, that if they 
propose to reform any one, their threats are 
not less powerful to that end, than the imme- 
diate punishment inflicted by others; and if 
such men promise any thing, they succeed no 
less by promising than others by giving pre- 
sently. Recollect with yourself what you paid 
us, before you received our assistance. I know 
you paid us nothing. But the confidence you 
created in us of your performance of what you 
promised, induced such numbers of men to join 
their arms to yours, and conquer a kingdom for 
you, not only worth fifty talents, (the sum 
these men now look upon to be due to them,) 
but many times that sum. In the first place, 
therefore, for this sum you sell your credit, to 
which you owe your kingdom. After that, 
call to mind of what consequence you thought 
it to you to obtain what you now have con- 
quered and possess. I know you wished to 
obtain it rather than to gain many times that 
sum. Now I look upon it to be a greater in- 
jury, as well as disgrace, to lose the possession 
of this conquest, than never to have gained it; 
as it is more grievous to a rich man to become 
poor than never to have been rich, and more 
afflicting to a king to become a private man 
than never to have been a king. You are 
sensible that these people, who are now be- 
come your subjects, were not prevailed upon to 
submit to you by their affection for you, but 
by necessity : and that they would endeavour 
to recover their liberty, if they were not re- 
strained by fear. Whether, therefore, do you 
think they will be more afraid and more de- 
voted to your interest, if they see not only 
these soldiers disposed to stay, if you desire 
it, and presently to return, if necessary, but 
others, from the advantageous character these 
give of you, ready to come to your assistance 
in any thing you require of them ; or, if they 
are possessed with an opinion that hereafter 
none will ever engage in your service from 
a distrust created by your present behaviour ; 
and that these have a greater affection for 
them than for you? Besides, these people 






EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



345 



did not submit to you because they were infe- 
rior to us in numbers ; but because they wanted 
leaders. This danger, therefore, you are also 
exposed to : they may choose for their leaders 
eome of our men, who think themselves wrong- 
ed by you, or those who have still more power, 
the Lacedaemonians : especially, on one side 
the soldiers show greater alacrity to engage in 
their service, upon condition that they force 
you to give them their pay ; and, on the other, 
the Lacedsemonians, from the want they have 
of the army, consent to the condition. It is 
also no secret that the Thracians, who are now 
become your subjects, had rather march against 
you than with you : for, if you conquer, they 
are slaves ; and, if you are conquered, free. 
But if you think it incumbent on you to have 
any regard to the country, now it is your own, 
whether do you think it will receive less dam- 
age if these soldiers, having received what they 
insist upon, leave it in peace, or if they stay in 
it, as in an enemy's country ; while you endea- 
vour to raise more numerous forces, which 
must also be supplied with provisions, and 
with these make head against them 1 ? And 
whether do you think the expense will be 
greater, if the money due to these is paid, or 
if this is still suffered to remain due, and it be- 
comes necessary for you to take other forces 
into your pay l powerful enough to subdue the 
former] But Heraclides, I find, by what he 
declared to me, thinks this sum very consider- 
able. It is certainly much less considerable to 
you now both to raise and pay than the tenth 
part of it was before we came to you : for the 
quantity of money is not the measure of the 
greatness or smallness of the sum, but the 
ability of the person who is either to pay or to 
receive it : and your annual income now ex- 
ceeds the whole of what before you were 
worth. In what I have said, Ο Seuthes ! I 
have had all the consideration for you that is 



ι Άλλού$ Tt «fiiTTO»*; τούτων μισ•$ονσ-?χ>. Hutch- 

inson has great reason to find fault with Leunclavius 
and Amasajus for translating %g ίίττον*; here, majores 
eopUe, major exercitus. It most certainly signifies, as 
he has rendered it, ankis potentiores. D'Ablancourt's 
translation is still more loose than that of the two first, 
he has said /aire de nonvelles levees pour nous f aire tete. 
I shall add to what Hutchinson has said a passage in 
Thucydides, where he not only uses *ξΰττανχ; in the 
rame sense, but explains it himself by ίυν*τώτί ? ο< ; be 
is giving an account of the state of Greece before the 
Trojan war, and says, ίφιίμινοι γχς τ&ν κι^ίών, ο7τ« 

«Ιβ -TOu; ϋττίμινον τι^ν των χςιιττονων SovKttxv ο'/τί οννχ- 
TeTifoi, jrifiouTJotj «χοντι;, νξ οτυτοιοΰι/το ujrjjxoevf τ*? 
»λίβ•π>«ί τολκ;, 



due to a friend, to the end tnat both you may 
appear worthy of the favours the gods have be- 
stowed on you, and I not lose my credit with the 
army. For be assured that if I desired to pun- 
ish an enemy, it is not in my power to effect it 
with this army, or to assist you, if I were again 
inclined to attempt it : such is their jdisposition 
with regard to me. And now I call both upon 
you, and the gods, who know the truth of what 
I say, to witness that I never had any thing 
from you in return for the services you have 
received from the army, or ever demanded of 
you, for my own use, any thing that was due to 
them, or claimed what you promised me. I 
also swear that though you had been willing to 
perform your promise to me, yet I would not 
have accepted any thing, unless the soldiers, at 
the 'same time, had received what was due to 
them : for it would have been a shame for me 
to succeed in my own pretensions, and to suf- 
fer theirs to remain without effect; particu- 
larly, since they had done me the honour to 
choose me for one of their generals. Hera- 
clides, I know, looks upon all things as trifles 
when compared to possession of riches, by 
what means soever acquired: but I, Ο Seu- 
thes ! am of opinion, that no possession does 
more become and adorn a man, particularly a 
prince, than that of virtue, justice, and genero- 
sity ; for whoever enjoys these, is not only rich 
in the numerous friends he has, but in those 
who desire to become so : if he is in prosperity, 
he has many ready to rejoice with him ; and, if 
in adversity, to relieve him. But if neither 
my actions nor my words are able to convince 
you that I am your sincere friend, consider 
what the soldiers said ; for you were present 
and heard the speeches of those who were de- 
sirous to asperse me. They accused me to the 
Lacedemonians, that I was more devoted to 
your interest than to that of the latter ; and, 
at the same time, objected to me that I studied 
your advantage more than theirs : they also 
said that I had received presents 2 from you. 



• Έφαο-«ν Si μι κ«ί Jwf * s%siv Tragi o-ov. I have ren- 
dered S<ugx here presents, not bribes, which would have 
been inconsistent with what he says afterwards, though 
I doubt not but every English reader will have 
the same satisfaction I have in observing that neither 
iwfoir in Greek, donum in Latin, or un present in 
French, have the force of our word bribe. A foreign- 
er, who does not know us, may say that our man- 
ners have coined the word, but we, who know our- 
selves, know how much we are above such an imputa- 
tion. 

2 Τ 



346 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



Now, do ycu think they accused me of receiving 
those presents, because they discovered in me 
any indisposition to your service, or because they 
observed in me the greatest zeal to promote it 1 
I am indeed of opinion that all men ought to . 
show an affection to those from whom they 
have received presents. Before I did you any 
service, you gave me a favourable reception by 
your looks, your words, and your hospitality, 
and never could satisfy yourself with making [ 
promises. Now, you have accomplished what ! 
you desired, and are become as considerable as 
I could make you, finding me thus fallen into ' 
disgrace with the soldiers, you dare neglect me. 
But I am confident, time will inform you that 
you ought to pay them what you promised, and 
also that you yourself will not suffer those who j 
have been your benefactors to load you with 
reproaches. I have, therefore, only this fa- 1 
vour to ask of you, that when you pay it, you 
will study to leave me in the same credit with : 
the army in which you found me." 

When Seuthes heard this, he cursed the man 
who had been the cause of their not having 
been paid long since (every one concluding 
he meant Heraclides). " For my part," says 
he, " I never designed to deprive them of it, 
and will pay them what is due." Then Xeno- 
phon said again, " Since you are resolved to 
pay the money, I desire it may pass through 
my hands, and that you will not suffer me to 
be in a different situation with the army now, 
from what I was in when we came to you." 
Seuthes answered, " You shall not suffer in the 
opinion of the soldiers by my means ; and if 
you will stay with only one thousand heavy- 
armed men, I will give you not only the places 
of strength, but every thing else I promised." 
The other made answer, " That is not possible, 
so dismiss us." u I know," replies Seuthes, 
« you will find it safer for you to stay with 
me, than to depart." Xenophon answered, 
" I commend your care of me : however I can- 
not possibly stay, but wheresoever I am in 
credit, be assured that you shall also find your 
advantage in it." Upon this Seuthes said, " I 
have very little money ; no more than one * ta- 
lent, which I give you ; but I have six hundred 
oxen, four thousand sheep, and one hundred 
and twenty slaves ; take these with you, toge- 
ther with the hostages of those who wronged 
you." Xenophon replied smiling, «< But if 



these are not sufficient to raise the money that 
is due, whose talent shall I say I have 1 Is it 
not more advisable for me, since my return is 
attended with danger, to take care I am not 
stoned 7 You heard their threats." The re- 
mainder of the day they staid there. 

The next he delivered to them what he had 
promised ; and sent persons with them to 
drive the cattle. In the meantime, the soldiers 
said that Xenophon was gone to Seuthes with 
a design to live with him, and to receive what 
the other had promised him : but, when they 
saw him returned, they were rejoiced, and ran 
to him. As soon as Xenophon saw Chat 
minus and Polynicus, he said, " The army . 
obliged to you for these things. I deliver them 
to you ; do 2 you sell them, and distribute the 
money among the soldiers." They, having 
received the things, and appointed persons to 
dispose of them, sold them accordingly, and 
incurred great censure. Xenophon had no 
share in the management, but openly prepared 
to return home ; for he was 3 not yet banished 
from Athens. But his 4 friends in the army 
came to him, and begged he would not leave 
them until he had carried away the army, and 
delivered it to Thimbron. 

VIII. After this they crossed the sea to 
5 Lampsacus, where Euclides the Phliasian 
priest, the son of 6 Cleagoras, who painted 



See note 3, page 320, upon 



t Τίλ*ντον. See note L pige 168, upcn the first book. 



5 Διχτ lisuiv: ι. Διί: 

the sixth book. 

3 Οΰ γίξττω yij?e; <*ΰτω £5Γ>;χτο 'AS>jvij<r« ττιςΧ τ?; 

φνγ-ϊς. See the author's life at the beginning of this 
translation. 

* ΈττίτχίΈίΟι. * Eji-injiiioj• $»λος• «uv:u;• icu':l >:-, 

Suidas. I have chosen the first of these with D'Ablan- 
court. The two Latin translators have preferred the last. 
« Ει? Λά.ίίψχχον. Lampsacus was a sea-port town 
in Asia upon the Hellespont, over against ^Egos Pota- 
mos ; that strait is there about fifteen stadia over, that 
is, about an English mile and a half. Lysander, the 
Lacedemonian general, took Lampsacus just before he 
defeated the Athenians at the last mentioned place.— 
Seethe Introduction. 

β KXeayifCy υίο,- tcC τ* svOjtvis it Λυχιιω yty^a^OTo;. 
Dr. Potter, the late worthy primate of England, in 
his Archaeologia Graeca, that treasure of Greek learning, 
says Lyceum was situated upon the banks of the 
Ilissus,and received its name from Apollo Λυκοχτ^ο; 
or A6x»oj, to whom it was dedicated. The Greek scho- 
liast upon Aristophanes and Suidas says it was a place 
designed for military exercises. I am sorry I cannot 
get any light concerning the painter and picture men- 
tioned by Xenophon, Dut nothing is to be found in Pliny 
or Pausanius concerning either, though several consid- 
erable painters, who flourished before this time, are 
mentioned by the former, as Polygnotus and Mico-n, 
who painted a portico at Athens called the Paecile; 
and particularly Panaenus, brother to Phidias the famous 



EXPEDITION. OF CYRUS. 



347 



the dreams in the Lyceum, met Xenophon, 
and after congratulating him upon his safe 
return, asked him how much gold he had. 
The other swore to him that he had not 
money enough to carry him home, unless he 
sold his horse and his equipage. However, 
Euclides gave no credit to him ; but after the 
inhabitants of Lampsacus had sent him pre- 
sents in token'of their hospitality, and Xeno- 
phon was offering sacrifice to Apollo in his 
presence, Euclides, upon viewing the entrails 
of the victims, said, he was now convinced he 
had no money : " But," added he, " I find if 
there should ever be a prospect of any, that 
there will be some obstacle, and, if no other, 
that you will be an obstacle to yourself." Xe- 
nophon owned this ; upon which Euclides said, 
« The 1 Meilichian Jupiter is an obstacle to 

statuary, who painted the battle of Marathon, where the 
generals, both Greeks and Persians, were represented as 
big as the life, which I take to be the signification of 
iconiei duces, the words made use of by Pliny upon that 
occasion, since Athenaeus calls statues as big as the life 
iuoHti χγίκμχτχ, and Plato says « ίχόν* Ια-ομίτ^τον in 
the same sense. 

ι Ό Ζ»ϋ{ ό Μι»χ.ιχ»ο{. There is a passage in Thucy• 
dides, where, speaking of Cylon's seizing the citadel of 
Athens, he mentions the Athenian festival celebrated 
without the walls of the city in honour of the Meilichian 
Jupiter, which he calls Διάο-ι*, Diasia, at which, he says, 
all the people attended, and sacrificed not victims, but 
cakes made in the shape of animals, "according to the cus- 
tom of the country," ονχ isfiiai αλλ' δύμχτχ ίττιχώςιχ; 

for so the Greek scholiast explains the word 5ΰμχτα. 
The reason of my being so particular is, that Xenophon 
says he offered sacrifice to the same Jupiter, and burn- 
ed hogs whole to him, according to the custom of his 

Country, Ξινοφ£ν ΐ3ιιΐτο, κ*ί ώλοχχύτιι χοιςΟνςτω πχτξ «ω 

*'ιμφ. Are we then to imagine, that either Thucydi- 
des or Xenophon were uninformed of the custom of their 
country upon so great a solemnity? I should almost 
be tempted to think the hogs, Xenophon says he burned 
whole, were also cakee made in the shape of hogs. There 
is a passage in Herodotus, that in some degree favours 
this conjecture; he says, the Egyptians, notwithstand- 
ing their known aversion to hogs, sacrificed them one 
day in the year to the Moon and Bacchus, when they 
eat their flesh, which they tasted upon no other day, 
and that the poorer sort made cakes resembling hogs, 
and, roasting them, offered them in sacrifice : οί ii α-ίνη- 

Tif «otuiii ujr' ae-Siee•!)? /βίου, (πχπινχς π\χτχντις νς, 
χ*ί i-rriiravTt;, τχντχς Μυθική. — But what affinity ίβ 

there between the religious customs of the Egyptians 
and the Athenians? So great an affinity that we find in 
Diodorus Siculus, the Egyptians pretended that the 
Athenians were one of their colonies, and had received 
the Eleusinian mysteries from them, which they said 
Erichtheus, an Egyptian, and afterwards king of Athens, 
carried from Egypt, and instituted among the Athenians 
in honour of Ceres. I cannot say that I ever met with 
an account, in any Greek author, of cakes offered by the 
Greeks in the resemblance of hogs ; but, besides the au- 
thority of the Greek scholiast upon the passage already 



you ;" and asked him whether he had, at any 
time, offered sacrifice in the same manner, « os 
I," says he, " used to sacrifice for you at A then,'-, 
and offer a holocaust." Xenophon answered 
that since he had been from home, he had not 
sacrificed to that god ; the other advised him 
to offer sacrifice to that divinity, assuring him 
that it would be for his advantage. The next 
day, Xenophon going to 2 Ophrynion offered 
sacrifice, and burned hogs whole, according to 
the custom of his country ; and the entrails 
were favourable. The same day, Biton and 
Euclides arrived with money for the army. 
These contracted an intercourse of hospitality 
with Xenophon, and hearing he had sold his 
horse at Lampsacus for fifty daricks, and sus- 
pecting he had sold him through want, because 
they were informed he was fond of him, they 
redeemed the horse, and restored him to Xeno- 
phon, refusing to accept the price they had 
paid for him. 

From thence they marched through Troas, 
and passing over Mount Ida, came first to 
3 Antandrus : then continued their march along 



mentioned in Thucydides, where he explains Sr -μχτχ, 

Τίνχ πίμμχτχ tij ζώων μοςφχς τιτυ7ΓΜμίνα ) cakes made 

in the shape of animals generally ; I say, besides that pas- 
sage, we find in Julius Pollux that the Greeks offered 
cakes to all the gods, which cakes had their names from 
their different shapes, as an ox, which was a cake with 
horns, and was offered to Apollo, and Diana, and He- 
cate, and the Moon, ίτ-ίλανοι S"t κοινοί λ-κο-» •θ'.οΓί, κι- 
κλ>)ντ*ι ii a;rb τοϋ ο-χγιμχτος, ωΐηηξ Ό &ους• πιμμχ γχς 
ϊττι, κίξχτχ Ιχον ττηταιγμινα πξοσ-φεςομινύν ΆτΓΟλλωίΊ, 
και •AgTjjUii'i, χχί Έχάτ», χ*ί ΣιΚηνι). I shall conclude 
this note with observing that Apollo, when taken from tho 
sun, was the same, among the Egyptians, and, after- 
wards, among the Greeks, with Dionysius, or Bacchus, 
as Diodorus Siculus proves from this verse of Eumolpus, 

'Ao-rfO$aij Διόνυο-ον iv axni'f <ro*» 7tuj> urriv. 
And from another in Orpheus. Now, every body knows 
that these were the same with Osiris, as Diana, Hecate, 
and the Moon were the same divinity with Isis ; so that the 
custom mentioned by Julius Pollux, of offering cakes in the 
shape of animals, to have been in practice among the 
Greeks, seems to be derived from that mentioned by Hero- 
dotus to have been in use among the Egyptians ; especial- 
ly, since we find they were offered to the same diviuities. 
D'Ablancourt seems to have forgot that Jupiter was wor- 
shipped at Athens under the title of Mcilichius ; for he takes 
the name to be allegorical to the mildness of Xenophon's 
character, who did not make his fortune "pour avoir trop 
de pudeur," as he says, because he was too bashful. 

* Όφςννιον. A town of Dardania, near which stood 
the grove of Hector upon a conspicuous place. 

» Δι* rij; Tf oia;, χ»ί ίιττις &χνης τήν i tSiiv l ιΐς 'A»T«r. 

δξον ;.c.xvouvr*i. The misfortunes of Troy, or rath ν 
the fine relations of them, have rendered all these parts 
famous, so that there is no necessity of saying any thing 
either of Troas or mount Ida: Antandrus wus the sea- 
port where iEneas built his fleet to preserve the remain* 



348 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



&e coast of the Lydian sea, to the plain of 
Thebes. From thence through 1 Atramyt- 
tium, and Certonicum, by Aterne to the plain 
of Caicus, and reached Pergamus, a city of 
Mysia. Here Xenophon was entertained by 
Hellas, the wife of Gongylus the Eretrian, 
and the mother of Gorgion and Gongylus. 
She informed him that Asidates, a Persian, 
lay encamped in the plain, adding, that with 
three hundred men, he might surprise him in 
the night, and take him with his wife and 
children and all his riches, which were very 
considerable. At the same time, she sent a 
person who was her cousin-german, together 
with Daphnagoras, for whom she had a parti- 
cular value, to conduct them in the enterprise. 
Xenophon, therefore, while these were with 
him, offered sacrifice ; and Agasias the Helean 
priest, being present, said the victims were very 
favourable^ and that the Persian might be 
taken prisoner. Accordingly, after supper, he 
set out, taking with him those captains who 
were most his friends, and had ever been faith- 
ful to him, that he might procure them some 
advantage. Others, to the number of six hun- 
dred, accompanied him whether he would or 
no ; but the captains rode on before them, lest 
they should be obliged to give them a share of 
the booty, which they looked upon as their 
own. 

They arrived about midnight, when they 
suffered the slaves that lay round the castle, 
together with a considerable quantity of effects, 
to escape, to the end they might take Asidates 
himself with his riches ; but not being able to 
take the place by assault, (for it was both high 
and large, well fortified with battlements, and 
defended by a good number of brave men,) 



of his country : but one thing must not be forgot ; above 
Antandrus was a mountain, called Alexandria, from 
Paris, where they say he passed judgment upon the three 
contending goddesses. The town that gave name to 
the plain of Thebe, was called by the same name, and 
belonged to Eetion, the father to Andromache, 

' ίΙχομιΆ* Ις θηίίιιν IteKV ?τολ«ν •ΗιΤί»νο$. 

In the taking of this town Chryseis was taken prisoner, 
and given to Agamemnon ; the restoring of whom, 
with the difficulties that attended it, and the conse- 
quences that flowed from it, are the subject of the Iliad. 

» Δι" 'Atj α/κυττίίυ xxt Kict'.vizu 7rxg' 'Arxgviat, fij 
Χχιχον ττίίιον ίλδυκτίς, ITif yxu'jv χχτχΚχμβχνουτι tijj 

Μντιχς. The first of these is a sea-port that gives its 
name to the bay, the other two are towns in, or near 
the road from the first to the plain that is watered by 
the river Caicus. Pergamus was the residence of the 
Attalic kings, the last of whom left it with his kingdom 
by will to the Roman people. 



they endeavoured to make a breach in the wall, 
which was eight bricks thick. However, by 
break of day the breach was made ; which was 
no sooner effected, than one of those who were 
within, ran the foremost man through the thigh 
with a 2 large spit. After that, they sent such 
a shower of arrows, that it was no longer safe 
to approach the wall. In the meantime, their 
cries, and the signals they made by lighting 
fires, drew Itabelius, with his forces, to their 
assistance. There came also from Comania, 
the garrison, consisting of heavy-armed men, 
together with some Hyrcanian horse, who were 
in the king's pay, being about eighty in num- 
ber, and eight hundred targeteers ; besides 
others from Parthenium, Apollonia, and the 
neigbouring places, and also horse. 

It was now time for the Greeks to consider 
how to make their retreat. To effect this, 
they took all the oxen and sheep that were 
there, and then forming themselves into a hol- 
low square, and placing them with the slaves 
in the middle, they marched away. They were 
now no longer solicitous for their booty, but 
only lest by leaving it behind, their retreat 
might seem a flight, which would have in- 
creased both the confidence of the enemy, and 
the dejection of their own men. Whereas, 
while they made their retreat in this disposition, 
they seemed resolved to defend their booty. 
In the meantime Gongylus, seeing the number 
of the Greeks was small, and that of the enemv, 
who hung upon their rear, very considerable, 
came out himself against his mother's will, at 
the head of his own forces, being desirous to 
have a share in the action. 3 Procles, also, 
who was descended from Damaratus, came to 
their assistance from Elisarne, 4 and Teuth- 
rania. Now as Xenophon's men suffered very 
much from the enemy's arrows and slings, while 
they marched in a ring, in order to cover them- 
selves from the arrows with their shields, it 
was with great difficulty they passed the river 
Caicus, near half their number being wounded. 
Here Agasias of Stymphalus, one of the con- 
tains, was wounded, having the whole time 



O BousrOfto ίβίλίΓχαι, Bovjtojous ίβ(λ.θνς,μι γχΚους o/S». 

λ<(Γκο«ί. Phavorinus. In this sense Euripides takes it 
in hie Cyclops, where Ulysses tells him, 

Ούχ α,μφϊ βουπΟξΟίΠ πγ'χϊίντχς /κιλ>| 
'ΌβιΚοΐτι. vtfSvv χ,χΊ γνχ^ον 7ΓΚησ•αι (Γίθίν. 
8Π?οχλ$ί : 5 απί Δχμ*ξίταυ. See note 1, 

page 199, upon the second book. 

* n»f5iviov — ΑποΚΚιίνι» — Ε\ιτχςνί — Tfu9f xvix.— - 

These four towns are also placed by Pliny in Mysia. 



EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 



349 



fought with great bravery. At last they ar- 
rived safe with about two hundred slaves, and 
cattle enough for sacrifice. 

The next day Xenophon offered sacrifice, 
and in the night led out the whole army with a 
design to march as far as possible into Lydia, 
to the intent that the Persian seeing him no 
longer in his neighbourhood, might be free 
from fear and unguarded. But Asidates hear- 
ing that Xenophon had again offered sacrifice 
concerning a second expedition against him, 
and that he would return with the whole army, 
quitted the castle, and encamped in some villa- 
gee reaching to the walls of Parthenium. Here 
Xenophon's men met with him, and took him, 
with his wife and children, his horses, and all 
his riches ; and this was the success promised 
in the former 1 sacrifice. After that they re- 
turned to Pergamus. Here Xenophon had no 
reason to complain of Jupiter Meilichius ; for 
the Lacedaemonians, the captains, the rest of 
the generals, and the soldiers, all conspired to 
2 select for him not only horses, but yokes of 



ι T* TTfOTifo» Ίίξχ. I imagine with Hutchinson, that 
Xenophon means the sacrifice he says he offered in the 
presence of Agasias of Elis, to distinguish it from that 
which he offered the day after their unsuccessful expe- 
dition. 

»'iiTTi Ί£»^$τ» κχμβίνιιν. It was an early custom 
among the ancients to select the most valuable part of 
the booty for their generals, which makes the following 
reproach from Thersites to Agamemnon very imperti- 
nent, and consequently very agreeable to the character 
of the man who makes it : 

l Arfn$n t τιο ί' «5τ'ί3Γΐ/*ι/ιφιοο», ήί» χχτιζίΐς ; 
Πλ,ιίαι το» %*λχου χλ»<τ*»ι, ττολλβί Si yuve»i'xi$ 
Είτίν i ν» χλισ-»>|{ ijjeifiTO», &ς το« Ά%*ίιί 
ΠξΜΤίττω ίιίθ /uiv, ιυτ' «ν ΤΓΤθλ»ι$£θκ ίΚαιμιν. 

Where «ξ ««««το. is thus very properly explained by the 

Greek scholiast, oti xxrx τιμν^ν ίίίο/ζινβι» «ττο τών χιχμχ- 

λ*τ<«ν. Virgil has preserved this custom, and translat- 
ed i;*»{«iv in the ninth book, where he makes Ascani- 
us promise Nisus the war-horse, the shield, and helmet 
of Turnus, at his return from the enterprise he and 
Euryalus had undertaken, 

" Vidisti quo Turnus equo. quibus ibat in armis 
Aureus ? ip§um ilium, clypeura cristasque rubentee 
Excipiam eorti, jam nunc tua prsmia Nise." 
In the eighth book, Virgil calls the horse, which was re- 
served for iEneas'e own riding, when he went to the 



oxen, and other things : so that he had it now 
in his own power even to oblige a friend. 

After this, Thimbron arrived, and taking 
the command of the army, joined it to the rest 
of the Greek forces, and made war upon Tie- 
saphemes and Pharnabazus. 

The following persons were the king's gov- 
ernors of the countries, through which we 
marched; of Lydia, Artimas ; of-Phrygia, Ar- 
tacamas ; of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, Mith- 
ridates ; of Cilicia, Syennesis ; of Phoenicia 
and Arabia, Dernis ; of Syria and Assyria, 
Belesis ; of Babylon, Roparas ; of Media, Ar- 
bacas ; of the Phasians and Hesperitans, Teri- 
bazus ; (the Carduchians, the Chalybians, the 
Chaldaeans, the Macrons, the Colchians, the 
Mosynoecians, the Coetans, and Tibarenians 
being free nations) of Paphlagonia, Corylas ; 
of the Bithynians, Pharnabazus ; and of the 
European Thracians, Seuthes. 

The whole of the way, both of the Expedi- 
tion and Retreat, consisted of two hundred and 
fifteen days' march, of 3 eleven hundred and fifty- 
five parasangs, and of thirty -four thousand six 
hundred and fifty stadia ; and the time employ- 
ed, in both, of a year and three months. 

Tuscans to implore their assitance, exsortem, which la 
a literal translation of « £<*«? «rof . 

» Πχςχτά, γγχι χι\αα ίχ,χτίν ττίντηχθ¥τ», <ττάο\« τςίτ. 
μνςιχ τιΤξχχιτχιΚιχ^ i»cexo<rie» jrsvrifxovT» jrevTi. I 

have followed Hutchinson's correction, who, very 
properly, I think, instead of Stxxoa-ix, reads i^uxonx, 
and takes away the word ttsvti. Concerning these 
measures of length, see note 7, page 170, upon the first 
book. To which I shall only add, that these parasangs 
or stadia being reduced to English miles, amount to no 
more than 3305 miles and a half, and not to 4331, as 
Hutchinson has computed it, who, I find, reckons eight 
stadia to an English mile: eight stadia, indeed, make 
β,μ^ιον or Greek mile, but do not, by a great deal, 
amount to an English mile: since an English mile, ac- 
cording to Arbuthnot, contains 1056 geometrical paces, 
and a Greek mile only 806 : so that an English mile is 
to a Greek mile as 1056 to 806. 4331 Greek miles being, 
therefore, contained in 34,650 stadia, if we say 1056: 
806 : : 4331 : the proportional number will be 3305, with 
a fraction of 668, so that 3305, and one half will be, to a 
trifle, the number of English miles contained in the 
34,650 stadia mentioned by Xenophon to have been the 
amount both of the expedition and retreat 



XENOPHON'S HISTORY 



OF 



THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE 



TRANSLATED BY 



WILLIAM SMITH, A. M. 



ΕΚ ΤΗΣ ΘΑΛΑΤΤΗΣ ΑΠΑ2Α TMIN HPTHTAI ΣΩΤΗΡΙΑ. 

I 

Γ 351] 



PREFACE 



The translator of this valuable piece of Xenophon looks upon himself as now discharg- 
ing a debt to the public. The favourable reception of his translation of Thucydides was 
urged, and, with gratitude be it spoken, was urged by the late Earl Granville, as an obli- 
gation upon him to copy in the English language what Xenophon had written originally 
in Greek in regard to the Peloponnesian war ; namely, the continuation of it till the naval 
power of the Athenians was demolished, and the city of Athens surrendered to her foes. 
This is properly the end of the Peloponnesian war. But, as the state of Lacedaemon, 
elated with the consequential enlargement of her power, exerted it in too haughty and 
•imperious a manner, the resentment of other states was raised, and a war ensued, in 
which Sparta was well nigh ruined, and the sovereignty of Greece transferred to Thebes. 
The battle of Mantinea, in which the Thebans, by losing Epaminondas, lost their all, 
closed this eager struggle for supremacy in Greece, and left its several states a commodi- 
ous prey to Philip of Macedon, who soon aiter began to act. In this piece of Xenophon, 
the history of Greece is continued from the time Thucydides breaks off, down to that 
famous battle, including the space of near fifty years. 

Never had historian who left his work imperfect so illustrious a continuator as Thucy- 
dides found in Xenophon. They were both of them men of excellent sense. They both 
lived in the times, and had competent knowledge of the facts, they describe. They were 
both Athenians, had been generals, and were both in exile when they wrote their histo- 
ries. But a man more accomplished in all respects than Xenophon will not easily be 
found. He was the greatest hero, and at the same time the genteelest writer of his age. 
Instructed and formed by Socrates, he exemplified his useful philosophy in the whole 
conduct of his life. And it will be hard to decide, which are most excellent in their 
kind, his historical or his philosophical writings. The style of both hath that sweetness, 
that ease, that perspicuity, and that simplicity, which remain envied and unequalled, and 
must give all his translators no small anxiety about their own success. He especially 
has abundant reason to be alarmed, who after being so long employed in copying a 
different style in Thucydides, has attempted the manner of Xenophon. He is sensible 
of the daringness of such an attempt, has no small terrors about its success, and puts his 
whole confidence in the judgment of the late Earl Granville, who had perused some parts 
of it in manuscript, and honoured the translator with his commands to complete and 
publish the work. 

As the Greek text is sometimes faulty, the translator hath made no scruple to adopt 
the marginal reading of the best editions, if it fixed or cleared the sense to an English 
reader. He hath also ventured to translate some passages according to the conjectural 
but sagacious emendations of the late Rev. Dr. Taylor, residentiary of St Paul's. 

30 * 2 U 353 



354 PREFACE. 

The translator, in the life of Thucydides, hath said, "There is a chasm between the 
time the history of Thucydides breaketh off, and the Grecian history of Xenophon begin- 
ncth." — He said it upon the authority of Archbishop Usher, but hath seen abundant 
reason since to be diffident of the fact. The Annalcs Xenophonlei of the learned Dodwel! 
seem to prove from variety of arguments a close connexion between them. 



THE 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE 



BOOK I, 
[355] 



CONTENTS Of BOOK I 



The war carried on rigaroaafy at sea belwee• toe Athenians and the Lacedaemonian*— t*e battle of Cyzicus, 
in which the latter are defeated, and Mindarus their admiral is slain — Hermocrates turned out of his com 
mand by the Syracusans, and banished— Alcibiades recalled by the Athenians, but soon after disgraced again 
and ruined— Lysander sent by the Lacedaemonians to command at sea ; and next year succeeded by Ca'.icra- 
tidas— The sea-fight of Arginuse ; and the prosecution at Athens against their victorious commanders. 

[3561 



THE 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE 



BOOK I. 



I. Not many days after this, Thymochares ar- 
rived from Athens with a few ships ; and im- 
mediately the Lacedaemonians and Athenians 
had another engagement at sea ; hut the Lace- 
demonians, commanded by Hegesandridas, got 
the victory. 

Soon after, in the beginning of winter, Dorie- 
us the son of Diagoras stands into the Helles- 
pont, at daylight, with fourteen ships from 
Rhodes. The sentinel of the Athenians, having 
a sight of him, made proper signals to the com- 
manders. They put out against him with 
twenty ships ; and Dorieus, flying before them, 
ran his ships on shore, as he was clearing it, 
on the cape of Rh*teum. But, the enemy 
coming up close to them, they defended them- 
selves both from their ships, and the shore, till 
at length the Athenians stood away to their 
naval station at Madytus, after a fruitless at- 
tack. Mindarus, who saw this attack, as he 
was then at Ilium sacrificing to Minerva, has- 
tened down to the sea to help his friends ; and, 
after laying his vessels afloat, he sailed up 1 to 
fetch off the ships under Dorieus. Upon this 
the Athenians, putting out again, engaged him 
im the coast near Abydus, and fought from 
laorning till night. One while they had the 
better of it, another while they had the worse, 
till Alcibiades joins them with eighteen sail. 
Then began the flight of the Peloponnesians 
to Abydus. But Pharnabazus marched down 
to their relief; and, advancing on horseback 
into the sea as far as possibly he could, he 
exerted himself in their defence, and encour- 



• The Greek text is «wixxn.but the word required by 
the sense is ivcrxu. Dr. Taylor. 



aged his troops both horse and foot to do their 
best. The Peloponnesians, closing their ships 
firm together with their heads towards the 
enemy, continued the fight on the very beach 
At length the Athenians, carrying off with 
them thirty empty ships of the enemy and all 
their own that were disabled, sailed away to 
Sestus. From thence, all their ships except- 
ing forty, went out of the Hellespont on dif- 
ferent cruises to fetch in contributions. And 
Thrasylus, one of the commanders, set sail 
for Athens, to notify the late success, and to 
beg a reinforcement of men and ships. 

After these transactions, Tissaphernes came 
to the Hellespont, where he arrested Alcibia- 
des, who came in a single ship to visit him, 
and to offer him the presents of hospitality and 
friendship. He then sent him prisoner to Sar- 
dis ; alleging express orders from the king to 
make war upon the Athenians. Yet, thirty 
days after, Alcibiades, and Mantitheus . too, 
who had been taken prisoners in Caria, having 
provided themselves with horses, escaped by 
night from Sardis to Clazomenae. In the 
meantime, the Athenians at Sestus, having re- 
ceived intelligence that Mindarus was coming 
against them with sixty ships, fled away by 
night to Cardia. And here Alcibiades joined 
them with five ships and a row-boat from 
Clazomenae. But receiving advice that the 
fleet of the Peloponnesians was sailed from 
Abydus to Cyzicus he went himself to Sestus 
by land, and ordered the ships round to the 
same place. When the ships were arrived at 
Sestus, and he was fully bent on going out to 
sea and engaging, Theramenes joins him with 
twenty ships from Macedonia, and Thrasybu- 

357 



358 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



lus at the same time with twenty more from 
Thasus, having both of them collected contri- 
butions. Alcibiades, ieaving orders with them 
to follow, after they had taken out the great 
masts of their vessels, sailed himself to Pa- 
rium. And when the whole fleet was assem- 
bled at Parium, to the number eighty-six 
ships, the night following they went to sea, and 
next day about the hour of repast they reach 
Proconnesus. Here they were informed that 
" Mindarus is at Cyzicus, and Pharnabazus too 
with the land force." This day therefore they 
continued at Proconnesus. But the day follow- 
ing Alcibiades called an assembly, and expa- 
tiated on the necessity they were under of en- 
gaging the enemy at sea, and engaging them 
too at land, and also of attacking their towns : 
" For we," says he, " are in want of money, 
whilst our enemies are plentifully supplied by 
the king." But the day before, when they came 
to this station, he had drawn round about his 
own vessel the whole force, both the great and 
the smaller ships, that no one might be able to 
inform the enemy exactly of their number ; 
and made public proclamation, that "whoever 
should be caught attempting to cross over the 
sea should be punished with death." And 
now, after holding the assembly, and making all 
needful preparations for an engagement, he set 
sail for Cyzicus in a heavy rain. And when 
he was near it, the weather clearing up and the 
sun breaking out, he had a view of the ships 
of Mindarus, to the amount of sixty, exercising 
themselves at a distance from the harbour, and 
fairly intercepted by him. On the other hand, 
the Peloponnesians, seeing the ships of Alci- 
biades to be much more numerous than usual, 
and close in with the harbour, fled away to the 
shore ; and there, having ranged into regular 
order, they received the enemy's attack. But 
Alcibiades, after stretching to a distance with 
twenty of the ships, landed with his men. 
Mindarus seeing this, landed also, and engag- 
ing was killed on shore ; but all his men were 
at once in flight. The Athenians returned to 
Proconnesus, carrying away with them all the 
ships of the enemy excepting three of the Sy- 
racusans, for these were burnt by the Syracusans 
themselves. . Next day the Athenians returned 
from thence to Cyzicus. And the inhabitants 
of Cyzicus, as the Peloponnesians and Pharna- 
bazus had abandoned the place, received the 
Athenians. But Alcibiades, after continuing 
with them twenty days, and exacting a large 



sum of money from the Cyzicenes, though do- 
ing no other harm in any shape to the city, sail- 
ed back to Proconnesus. From thence he 
sailed to Perinthus and Selymbria ; and the 
Perinthians received his forces into their city ; 
whereas the Selymbrians received them not, 
but gave him a sum of money. Going from 
thence to Chrysopolis of Chalcedonia, they 
fortified the place, and appointed it to be the 
station for collecting tenths : and here a tenth 
was levied on all vessels from Pontus. Leav- 
ing therefore thirty ships for the guard of Chry- 
sopolis, and two of the commanders, Thera- 
menes and Eubulus, to take care of its preserva- 
tion, to oblige the ships to pay the duty, and 
to lay hold of every opportunity to annoy the 
enemy, the rest of the commanders departed to 
the Hellespont. 

The letter sent to Lacedaemon from Hippo- 
crates, lieutenant to Mindarus, was intercepted 
and carried to Athens. The contents were 
these — « Success is at an end. Mindarus is 
killed. The men are starving. We know not 
what to do." 

But Pharnabazus was animating all the Pelo- 
ponnesians and Syracusans ; exhorting them, 
" not to despond, so long as themselves were 
safe, for the loss of a parcel of timber, since 
enough might be again had in the dominions of 
his master ;" and then he gave to every man a 
suit of apparel and two months' pay. He also 
distributed proper arms to the mariners, and 
stationed them as guards of his own maritime 
provinces. He then summoned the generals of 
the different states and the captains of ships to 
assemble, whom he ordered to rebuild at An- 
tandros as many vessels as they had severally 
lost, furnishing them with money, and directing 
them to fetch the necessary timber from Mount 
Ida. Yet, amidst the hurry of rebuilding the 
fleet, the Syracusans assisted the Antandrians 
in finishing a part of their walls, and of all the 
people now within that garrison, were the most 
obliging to them. Upon this account the 
Syracusans are honoured with the solemn ac- 
knowledgment of being benefactors to Antan- 
dros, and with the freedom of the city. But 
Pharnabazus, after puttifg affairs in this new 
train, departed in all haste to the relief oi 
Chalcedon. 

Just at this time it was notified to the gen 
erals of the Syracusans, that '•' they are sentenc- 
ed to exile by the people of Syracuse." Call- 
ing therefore all their men together, Hermo- 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



359 



crates speaking in the name of the rest, they de- 
plored their " wretched fortune in being thus 
iniquitously doomed to exile in their absence, 1 
quite contrary to the laws." They advised 
the men " to adhere to the same spirited be- 
haviour they had hitherto shown, and with fidel- 
ity and bravery to execute all the orders of their 
country." And then they ordered them " to 
go and elect a set of generals, till the persons 
appointed to take the command should arrive 
from Syracuse." The whole assembly called 
aloud upon them to continue in the command ; 
and the captains of ships, the land-soldiers, and 
the pilots, were loudest in their shouts. They 
replied, that " generals ought not to mutiny 
against the orders of their country. But, in 
case any criminal accusations were laid to their 
charge, it was but justice to expect a true ac- 
count from them, who would be still keeping 
in remembrance — how many victories at sea 
you have gained under our direction without the 
concurrence of others ; how many ships you 
have taken ; and how often with the rest of the 
confederates you have been saved from defeats ; 
distinguished above all by having the post of 
honour both at land and sea, while we prudent- 
ly issue and you gallantly executed our orders." 
Not one amongst them having any thing to ob- 
ject, and all persisting in the former demand, 
they continued with them till their successors 
arrived from Syracuse, Demarchus the son of 
Pidocus, and Myscon the son of Menecrates, 
and Potamis the son of Gnosias. Most of the 
captains of ships promised them with an oath, 
that on their return to Syracuse they would 
endeavour their restoration ; and then dismiss- 
ed them to go where themselves thought pro- 
per ; loading them all with abundant commen- 
dations : but such as were intimately acquainted 
with Hermocrates most highly regretted the 
loss of so vigilant, so humane, and so affable a 
commander : for it had been his daily custom 
to invite, both morning and evening, to his own 
tent, such of the captains of ships and pilots 
and land-soldiers as he knew to be men of 
merit, and to communicate to them whatever 
he intended either to say or to do, begging 
them to favour him with their sentiments of 
things, sometimes without premeditation, and 
sometimes with a more deliberate answer. By 
this means Hermocrates was heard with the 



* For 'χττχντίς in the original I read 'χπςντις, by the 
»dvico of Dr. Taylor. 



highest deference in all councils of war : his 
expression and his matter were ever judged 
the best. But having afterwards preferred at 
Lacedaemon an accusation against Tissapher- 
nes, which was supported by the evidence of 
Astyochus, and had a great air of truth, he 
went to Pharnabazus, and before he could ask 
it received a subsidy from him, which enabled 
him to provide himself both with men and ships 
for his return to Syracuse. But now the suc- 
cessors of the Syracusan commanders were ar- 
rived at Miletus, and received the ships and 
troops. 

About the same time a sedition broke out 
in Thassus, which ended in the ejection of the 
party attached to the Lacedaemonians, and of 
Eteonicus the Lacedaemonian commandant. 
Pasippidas the Lacedaemonian, who was accus- 
ed, in concert with Tissaphernes, of being the 
author of such miscarriages, was declared an 
exile from Sparta ; and Cratesippidas was des- 
patched to take the command of the fleet which 
the other had assembled from the confederates ; 
and he received it at Chios. 

About this time also, while Thrasylus was 
at Athens, Agis, making a grand forage from 
Decelea, marched up to the very walls of 
Athens. But Thrasylus, putting himself at 
the head of the Athenians and of all persons 
then residing in the city, drew up in order of 
battle near the Lyceum, determined to fight in 
case the enemy approached. Agis perceiving 
this, immediately retired, with the loss of a few 
men in the extremity of his rear, who were kill- 
ed by the light-armed Athenians. For this piece 
of conduct the Athenians became more and 
more disposed to grant to Thrasylus the rein- 
forcements he came for ; and decreed him in 
form a thousand heavy-armed from the public 
roll, a hundred horsemen, and fifty ships. But 
Agis, seeing from Decelea that numerous 
vessels laden with corn were running into the 
Piraeus, declared it " to be of no avail for his 
army to block up the Athenians so long by 
land, unless some stop could be put to the im- 
portation of corn by sea ; and that it was most 
advisable to send Clearchus the son of Ramphias 
who was public host of the Byzantines, to 
Chalcedon and Byzantium." This being ap- 
proved, and fifteen ships, though transports 
rather than ships of war, being manned out by 
the Megarians and the rest of the confederates. 
Clearchus departed. Three indeed of these his 
ships are destroyed in the Hellespont by nine 



360 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book if 



■hips of the Athenians, stationed there to awe 
the enemy's navigation : the rest of them fled 
to Sestus: and from thence got safe to By- 
zantium. 

And now the year ended, in which the 
Carthaginians commanded by Hannibal, having 
invaded Sicily with an army of a hundred thou- 
sand men, take in three months' time two 
Grecian cities, Selinus and Himera. 

II. The year after (when the ninety-third 
Olympiad was solemnized, in which Evagoras 
the Ε lean conquered in the chariot-race, and 
Eubotasthe Cyrenian in the foot-race, Euarchip- 
pides presiding in the college of Ephori at Sparta, 
and Euctemon being Archon at Athens) the 
Athenians fortified Thoricus. Now Thrasylus 
taking the command of the ships decreed him, 
and having provided five thousand seamen with 
proper arms to act as targeteers, in the begin- 
ning of summer sailed out to Samos. Having 
staid there three days, he stood over to Pygela, 
where he laid the adjacent country waste, and 
made an assault on the city. But a body of 
troops, marching out of Miletus to aid the 
Pygeleans, put to flight the light-armed Athe- 
nians who were dispersed about the country. 
Yet the targeteers and two companies of 
neavy-armed, coming up to the relief of the 
light-armed, put almost the whole body from 
Miletus to the sword. They also took about 
two hundred shields, and erected a trophy. 
Next day they sailed to Notium ; and, after 
making all needful preparations, marched from 
thence to Colophon. The Colophonians readi- 
ly came over to them. The night after they 
made an incursion into Lydia as the harvest 
was ripe, where they burnt many villages, and 
took a vast booty in money and slaves and 
other articles. But Stages the Persian, who 
was now in this province, when the Athenians 
were straggled from their camp to pick up pri- 
vate plunder, fell in amongst them with a party 
of horse. He took but one Athenian prisoner, 
though he killed seven. After this, Thrasylus 
led off his army to the sea-coast, as resolved to 
sail to Ephesus. But Tissaphernes, perceiv- 
ing his intent, collected together a numerous 
army, and sent his horsemen round the country 
to summon every body into Ephesus to the aid 
of Diana. It was the seventeenth day after his 
incursion into Lydia that Thrasylus arrived be- 
fore Ephesus. He disembarked his heavy- 
armed at Coressus ; but his horse and targe- 
teers and land soldiers, and all the rest of his 



force, at the marsh on the other side of the 
city ; and thus at break of day he approached 
with two different bodies. The whole force of 
Ephesus marched out in its defence ; the con- 
federates too, whom Tissaphemes had brought 
up ; the Syracusans also, as well from the 
former ships as from the five others, which 
happened to be just arrived, under the command 
of Eucles the son of Hippo, and Heraclides the 
son of Aristogenes, and were accompanied by 
two ships from Selinus. All these advanced 
first against the heavy-armed from Coressus; 
and, after giving them an utter defeat, taking 
about a hundred of them prisoners, and pursu- 
ing them down to the sea, they turned to meet 
the body from the marsh. Here also the 
Athenians were put to flight, and about three 
hundred of them were slain. The Ephesians 
erected a trophy on the marsh, and another at 
Coressus. But on many of the Syracusans 
and Selinuntians, who had distinguished their 
bravery on the late occasions, they conferred 
the highest marks both of public and private 
gratitude; a liberty of residing among them 
at pleasure, with exemption from taxes, was 
granted to them all in general; and to the 
Selinuntians in particular, since their own city 
was destroyed, a complete naturalization. The 
Athenians, after fetching off their dead under 
truce, sailed away to Notium ; and from thence, 
after interring their dead, they sailed for Lesbos 
and the Hellespont. But, as they were lying 
at anchor at Methymne of Lesbos, they had a 
view of five-and-twenty sail of Syracusans on 
their course from Ephesus. They immediate- 
ly gave chase, and took four of them with all 
their crews, and pursued the rest into Ephesus. 
All the prisoners taken on this occasion 
Thrasylus sent away to Athens, except Alci- 
biades an Athenian, a cousin of and involved 
in the same sentence of exile with Alcibiades, 
whom he stoned to death. From thence he 
made the best of his way to Sestus to join the 
rest of the fleet. 

From Sestus the whole united force crossed 
over to Lampsacus. And the winter now 
came on, in which the Syracusan prisoners con- 
fined in the quarries of the Pineus, having dug 
themselves a passage through the rock, made 
their escape by night to Decelea, and some 
of them to Megara. But at Lampsacus, where 
Alcibiades was bringing the whole force into 
regular order, the former soldiers refused to 
rank with those who came with Thrasylus, be- 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



361 



cause themselves had continued hitherto with- 
out a defeat, whereas the latter came to them 
defeated. Here however they all of them win- 
tered, and fortified Lampsacus. They also 
made an expedition against Abydus ; and Phar- 
nabazus came to its aid with a numerous body 
of horse : but, being defeated in battle, he fled. 
Alcibiades, accompanied with some horse and 
a hundred and twenty heavy -armed belonging to 
Menander, went in pursuit of him till the dark- 
ness of the night insured his safety. But this 
action reconciled the whole soldiery to one an- 
other, and those that came with Thrasylus 
were heartily caressed. In the progress of the 
winter they made some other incursions on the 
continent of Asia, and laid waste the dominions 
of the king. 

About the same time, the Lacedaemonians, 
by granting a truce, fetched off such of their 
Helots as had deserted from Malea to Cory- 
phasium. 

About the same time also, when all parties 
were drawn up in order of battle, against their 
enemies the Oeteans, the Achseans betrayed all 
those who belonged to the new colony of Hera- 
clea in Trachinia, so that seven hundred of them, 
with Labotas the Lacedaemonian commandant, 
were put to the sword. 

And thus the year ended, in which the 
Medes, who had revolted from Darius king of 
Persia, returned to their obedience. 

III. In the succeeding summer the temple 
of Minerva in Phocea was set on fire by light- 
ning, and entirely consumed. 

But when the winter was over (Pantacles 
presiding amongst the Ephori, and Antigenes 
being Archon, 1 five and twenty years of the war 
being now completed) the Athenians with their 
collected force sailed in the beginning of spring 
to Proconneeus : and, proceeding from thence 
against Chalcedon and Byzantium, they en- 
camped themselves near to Chalcedon. But the 
Chalcedonians, who had notice of the approach 
of the Athenians, had deposited all their effects 
with their near neighbours the Bithynian-Thra- 
cians. Alcibiades, taking with him a few 
of the heavy-armed and the horse, and having or- 
dered the ships to coast it, marched up to the 
Bithynians, and demanded the effects belonging 
to the Chalcedonians ; in case of a refusal, he 
declared, he would make war upon them ; upon 
which they delivered them up. And now 



» Marginal reading, Paris Ed. 1625. Lcnnclav. 
31 



returning to the camp, possessed of hie booty 
and secure of no future disturbance from the 
Bithynians, he employed the whole of hie 
troops in throwing up a work of circumvallation 
round Chalcedon from sea to sea, and secured 
as much of the river as he possibly could by a 
wooden rampart. Upon this, Hippocrates the 
Lacedaemonian commandant led his troops out 
of the city, as determined to engage. The 
Athenians formed immediately for battle. 
And Pharnabazus with his army and a numer- 
ous cavalry came up to the outside of the works 
of circumvallation to be ready with his aid. 
Hippocrates therefore and Thrasylus, each with 
their heavy-armed, had a long engagement, till 
Alcibiades marched in with some more heavy- 
armed and the horse. Now Hippocrates was 
slain, and his troops fled back into the city. 
And at the same time Pharnabazus, who was 
prevented from joining Hippocrates by the 
narrowness of the passage between the river 
and the wall of circumvallation, retreated to his 
camp at the temple of Hercules in the district of 
Chalcedon. After this, Alcibiades went off to 
Hellespont and the Chersonesus to fetch in con- 
tributions ; but the rest of the generals made an 
agreement with Pharnabazus in relation to Chal- 
cedon, — that " Pharnabazus should pay down 
twenty talents, to the Athenians 2 and should 
convey an Athenian embassy to the king." They 
swore to Pharnabazus and took an oath from him, 
that " the Chalcedonians should punctually pay 
their former tribute to the Athenians with the 
full arrears, and the Athenians should suspend 
all hostilities against the Chalcedonians, till 
their ambassadors were again returned from the 
king. Alcibiades was not present when these 
conditions were sworn, for he was then before 
Selymbria. But taking that place, he went 
afterwards against Byzantium, having under 
him the whole military force of the Chersonesus, 
and the soldiers from Thrace, and more than 
three hundred horse. Pharnabazus, insisting 
that Alcibiades also should swear to the arti- 
cles, waited at Chalcedon till he returned from 
Byzantium. But, when returned, he would 
not swear, unless Pharnabazus would swear 
again to him. In consequence of this, he gave 
his oath at Chrysopolis to Metrobatcs and 
Arnapes, whom Pharnabazus sent thither to 
receive it ; and Pharnabazus swore again at 
Chalcedon to Euryptolemus and Diotiraun: 



a 3875/. 
2V 



ι 



362 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



and beside the public oath, they mutually ex- 
changed the solemn pledges of private regard 
and friendship. Pharnabazus therefore imme- 
diately departed, and ordered that the ambas- 
sadors who were to go to the king should meet 
him at Cyzicus. Those sent by the Athe- 
nians were Dorotheus, Philodices, Theogenes, 
Euryptolemus, Mantitheus ; they were accom- 
panied by Cleostratus and Pyrrholochus from 
Argos. An embassy also went from Lacedae- 
raon, Pasippidas and his colleagues, and were 
accompanied by Hermocrates, now an exile from 
Syracuse, and his brother Proxenus. And 
Pharnabazus began conducting them to the 
king. 

The Athenians were busy in the siege of 
Byzantium. They had raised a circumvalla- 
tion round it, and carried their skirmishes and 
attacks quite up to the wall. Clearchus was 
the Lacedaemonian commandant in Byzantium. 
He had with him some persons of the neigh- 
bourhood of Sparta, a few of the Spartans 
newly enfranchised, some Megareans com- 
manded by Helixus, general from Megara, and 
Boeotians commanded by their general, Caera- 
tadas. But the Athenians, when they were 
not able to prevail by force, persuaded some of 
the Byzantines to betray the city. Clearchus 
the commandant, never suspecting that any of- 
them could be guilty of such treachery, had 
made the best dispositions that occurred to his 
own judgment : and leaving the care of the 
place to Caeratadas and Helixus, crossed over 
the sea to Pharnabazus. He went to receive 
from him the pay for his troops ; and he de- 
signed to collect together all the ships, both 
such as were left in the Hellespont for guard- 
ships by Pasippidas, and such as were stationed 
at Antandrus, and those under the command 
of Hegesandridas, who 1 had been posted by 
Mindarus on the coast of Thrace ; to procure 
farther the building of more : and to draw them 
all into one grand fleet, in order to annoy the 
confederates of the Athenians, and oblige them 
to quit the siege of Byzantium. So soon as 
Clearchus was sailed, the Byzantines joined in 
the plot to betray the city — These were Cydon, 
and Aristo, and Anaxicrates, and Lycurgus, 
and Anaxilaus ; the latter of whom, when tried 
for his life at Lacedaemon for betraying this 
place, pleaded successfully in his own defence, 
tfiat " so far from betraying, he had only pre- 



the marginal reading, Ed. Par. 1625. 



served it. He who was a Byzantine and not a La- 
cedaemonian, saw their children and their wives 
perishing with famine" (for Clearchus had distri- 
buted all the provisions in the town to the 
soldiers of the Lacedaemonians.) "For this 
reason therefore, he declared he had given 
admission to the enemy, and not for the sake 
of money, or to gratify any rancour against the 
Lacedaemonians." — The Byzantines therefore 
in the plot, when they had made all necessary 
preparations, opened in the night the Thracian 
gates, as they are called, and let in the troops 
and Alcibiades. Helixus and Caeratadas, who 
were quite ignorant of the plot, hastened with 
all their men to the market-place to make head 
against them. But, as the enemy were masters 
of the avenues, and resistance was unavailing, 
they surrendered themselves, and were sent 
prisoners to Athens. Yet, as they were land- 
ing in the Piraeus, Caeratadas slipped into the 
crowd of people there ; and lurking for a time, 
at length escaped safe to Decelea. 

IV. The account of what had been lately 
done at Byzantium reached Pharnabazus and 
the ambassadors at Gordium in Phrygia, where 
they spent the winter. But as they were con- 
tinuing their journey to the king early in the 
spring, they were met by the Lacedaemonian 
ambassadors, Bceotius and his colleagues, and 
by other envoys who were on their return. By 
these they were assured, that the Lacedaemo- 
nians had been gratified by the king in all their 
demands, and that Cyrus was appointed gover- 
nor of all the maritime provinces, and was to 
co-operate with the Lacedaemonians in the 
war ; he also carried with him a letter to all 
the people of those provinces, sealed with the 
royal signet, and in these words — « I send down 
Cyrus to be Caranus of all the troops assembled 
at Castolus." The word Caranus signifies 
commander-in-chief. When the Athenian 
ambassadors heard all this, and afterwards saw 
Cyrus himself, they were desirous more than 
ever to go up to the king ; if that was denied 
them, to have a safe conduct back. But Cyrus, 
who would fain have the people of Athens 
kept in ignorance of what had been done, ad- 
vised Pharnabazus, either to deliver up. these 
ambassadors to him, or by no means to give 
them their dismission. Pharnabazus therefore 
for the present, detained the ambassadors ; one 
while pretending, that he would conduct them 
forwards to the king; another while that he 
would convey them back: managing so well 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



303 



that no one could blame him. But when three 
'years were thus elapsed, he begged leave from 
Cyrus to dismiss them : alleging the oath ho 
had sworn, to re-conduct them to the sea, since 
he could not carry them to the king. Upon 
this they are sent to Ariobarzanes, with an or- 
der to him to carry them back. He conducted 
them to Chium in Mysia, and from thence 
they went by sea, to the other station of the 
Athenians. 

Alcibiades, who now had a great desire with 
a military force to return to Athens, set sail 
immediately for Samos. Taking twenty ships 
from that station, he stood over into the Cera- 
mic bay of Caria; and, after collecting there 
a hundred talents, 2 he returned to Samos. 
Thrasybulus with thirty ships was gone to 
Thrace, where he reduced the other cities that 
had revolted to the Lacedaemonians and Tha- 
sus too, miserably distressed by war, by sedi- 
tions, and by famine ; and Thrasylus with an- 
other part of the fleet was sailed for Athens. 
Yet before his arrival the Athenians had chosen 
for generals, Alcibiades though yet in exile, 
and Thrasybulus who was absent, and, thirdly, 
Conon who was now at Athens. But Alci- 
biades, taking the money from Samos, sailed 
with twenty ships to Paros. From thence he 
stood over to Gytheum, to discover in what 
progress the thirty vessels were that he heard 
the Lacedaemonians were fitting out there, and 
what was the disposition of the Athenians in 
regard to his returning home. And. so soon as 
he perceived they were in the right disposition, 
nay, had even chosen him general, and his 
friends privately invited him to make his ap- 
pearance, he sailed into the Piraeus the very 
day that the city was celebrating the Plynteria, 
when the image of Minerva's temple was cov- 
ered with a veil ; which some interpreted to be 
a very bad omen both to himself and the state, 
because on this day no Athenian whatever dares 
to intermeddle in any serious affair. But on 
his entering the harbour, the whole people, both 
from the Piraeus and the city, came flocking 
down to his ships, all full of wonder, and full 
of desire too to see Alcibiades. Some of them 
were maintaining, « he was the most excellent 
citizen that Athens ever bred : the only one 
who beyond all dispute had been banished un- 



* The learned Usher in his Annals doubts, and with 
reaaon, whether it should not be months. 
» 19,375/. 



justly ; since he had been merely circumvented 
by the cabals of men of much less weight than 
himself, of snarling malicious haranguers, who 
had no other principle than that of plundering 
the state. He on the contrary, had always 
been promoting the public welfare, so far as 
his own and the efforts of true patriots could 
promote it. And when the accusation was 
preferred against him for irreligious behaviour 
in regard to the mysteries, he had declared 
his readiness to submit to an immediate trial ; 
whereas his enemies, who had overruled so 
equitable a demand, had during his absence de- 
prived him of his country. In the meantime, 
his very necessities had reduced him to a state 
of servility ; he had been forced to caress even 
the bitterest of foes, and not. a day past but his 
life was in danger. He could henceforth per- 
form no services to such of his fellow-citizens 
as were most endeared to him, none to his re- 
lations, none even to the state, though he saw 
how sadly it was conducted, since he was 
cramped by the restrictions of his exile. Such 
a man, they affirmed, could not be suspected of 
designing innovations in the state or a revolu- 
tion of government. He could ever have ob- 
tained, from the favour of the people, preceden 
cy over those of his own age, and equality with 
his seniors. Nay, his very enemies knew him, 
even when they banished him, to be the same 
true patriot he had always been : and yet they, 
by forcing themselves into power, had destroyed 
the best citizens of Athens ; and then, being 
left alone in the administration of affairs, had 
been countenanced by their fellow-citizens for 
no other reason than because they had no bet- 
ter men to countenance." In the meantime 
others were averring, that " he was the sole 
author of all the miseries they had lately ex- 
perienced ; and was still the man, that would 
precipitate his country into all the distresses- 
by which at present it was threatened." 

Alcibiades was now at the shore. He did 
not however quit his ship, since he was afraid 
of his enemies ; but standing upon the deck, he 
cast his view around to see whether his friends 
were at hand ; arid spying at length his cousin 
Euryptolemus the son of Peisinax and his 
other relations accompanied by their friends, he 
then stepped ashore, and marcheth along with 
them up into the city, having parties placed 
near him ready to guard him against any vio- 
lence. He then spoke in his own justification 
both in the senate and the assembly of the peo- 



364 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



pie, maintaining he had never been guilty of 
impiety, but had himself been sadly injured." 
Much was said to this purpose, and nobody 
presumed to say a word against him, because 
the people would never have suffered it. Be- 
ing afterwards declared a general-plenipoten- 
tiary, as if he was able to raise the state to its 
former power, he first of all placed himself at 
the head of the whole military strength of 
Athens, to guard by land the procession of the 
mysteries, which during the war had gone by 
sea. After this, he picked out a levy from the 
public roll, fifteen hundred heavy-armed, a hun- 
dred and fifty horsemen, and a hundred ships, j 
And in the third month after his return to ■ 
Athens, he set sail on an expedition against [ 
Andros, which had revolted from the Atheni- 
ans. Aristocrates and Adimantus the son of 
Leucorophidas, who were chosen to command 
the land-forces, were sent along with him. 

Alcibiades, landed his troops at Gaurium on 
the coast of Andros, who repulsed the Andri- 
ans that sallied out to stop them, and shut 
them up within the city. Some few of them, 
though not many, and what Lacedaemonians 
were with them, they killed in the engagement. 
Alcibiades upon this erected a trophy; and, 
after continuing there a few days, sailed away 
to Samos ; and having fixed his station there, 
carried on the war against the enemy. 

V. It was no long time before these last 
transactions, that the Lacedaemonians, as the 
time of the command of Cratesippidas was 
elapsed, had sent away Lysander to command 
the fleet. Lysander, after arriving at Rhodes, 
and taking upon him the command, stood away 
to Cos and Miletus. He proceeded from 
thence to Ephesus at the head of seventy sail, 
where he continued till he was sure that Cyrus 
was "arrived at Sardis. But so soon as Cyrus 
was there, he went up to him along with the 
embassy from Lacedaemon. Here they made 
remonstrances against the past behaviour of 
Tissaphernes, and begged of Cyrus that with 
his utmost alacrity he would attend to the war. 
Cyrus answered, " his father had expressly en- 
joined him to do so ; and for his own part, it 
was a point he had entirely at heart : he had 
brought down with him five hundred talents 1 
in specie; and, if that was insufficient, he would 
spend his own private money, which his father 
had given him ; and, if that should fail, he would 

» 96,875/. 



turn into coin the very throne on which he was 
sitting," which was all silver and gold. This 
they received with high applause ; but begged 
him " to raise the pay of their seamen to an 
Attic drachma ;" 2 insisting upon it, that " if 
the pay was thus advanced, the seamen of the 
Athenians would desert their ships, and him- 
self on the whole would be a considerable 
saver." He replied, that " they talked in a ra- 
tional manner ; but, for his own part, it was 
not in his power to act otherwise than his 
father had enjoined him : besides it was ex- 
pressly stipulated by treaty, that he was to pay 
only thirteen minae 3 a month to each ship, the 
number employed to be wholly at the option of 
the Lacedaemonians." Lysander said no more 
at present: but after supper, when Cyrus 
drank to him, and desired to know " in what 
instance he could oblige him most 1" he re- 
plied, " if you give each seaman an obole a-day 
over and above their present pay." From this 
time their pay was advanced from three to 
four oboles a-day. 4 Cyrus also paid off the 
arrears, and advanced a month's pay before 
hand, which gave fresh alacrity and spirit to all 
the men. But the Athenians, when they had 
news of this, were sadly dejected ; however, 
they despatched ambassadors to Cyrus under 
the safe conduct of Tissaphernes. He indeed 
refused to grant them audience, though Tissa- 
phernes earnestly entreated for them, repre- 
senting that " all he had hitherto done was in 
pure compliance with the advice of Alcibiades, 
studying only that no party of the Grecians 
should grow too strong, but that all might be 
kept in weakness through their own embroil- 
ments." 

So soon as all the naval points were settled, 
Lysander laid all the ships to the number of 
ninety on the ground at Ephesus, and minded 
no other business than cleaning and refitting 
them for service. But Alcibiades had receiv- 
ed intelligence, that Thrasybulus was come from 
the Hellespont to fortify Phocea. He there- 
fore crossed over to him, leaving Antiochus 
his own pilot in the command of the fleet, with 
an order not to put to sea against the ships of 
Lysander. And yet Antiochus with his own 
ship and one more from Notium ventured even 
to enter the harbour of Ephesus, and to sail 
under the very heads of the ships of Lysander. 
Lysander got a few of his vessels immediately 

a 7 3Ad. » 96J. 17s. Qd. 

* See Smith's Thucydidet, book V. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



365 



on float, and gave him chase. But as the ' 
Athenians came out with a greater number of 
ships to the aid of Antiochus, he then collected 
all his own, and bore down uppn the enemy. 
And then the Athenians, getting into the water 
all their ships at Notium, went out to meet him, ( 
each ship as fast as she could clear. An engage- , 
ment immediately ensued ; the enemy fought in 
the regular line ; the Athenians with their ships ι 
irregularly dispersed, till at length they fled 
with the loss of fifteen ships. The greatest 
part of the men escaped, but some of them 
were taken prisoners. Lysander, after carry- 
ing off the ships in tow, and erecting a trophy 
at Notium, sailed back to Ephesus; and the 
Athenians to Samos, 

But after this Alcibiades, being returned to 
Samos, stood over with the whole fleet to the 
harbour of Ephesus, and formed into Jine of 
battle before the mouth of the harbour, to defy 
the enemy. Yet, when Lysander would not 
come out against him, because inferior in num- 
oer by many ships, he stood back to Samos. 
And a little while after the Lacedaemonians 
take Delphinium and Eion. 

When the news of the late engagement at 
sea was brought to Athens, the Athenians 
conceived high indignation against Alcibiades, 
ascribing the loss of their ships entirely to his 
negligent and wild behaviour. They nominated 
ten others to be generals, Conon, Diomedon, 
Leon, Pericles, Herasinides, Aristocrates, 
Archestratus, Protomachus, Thrasylus, Aris- 
togenes. Alcibiades therefore, whose credit 
also was low in the fleet, taking a single vessel, 
sailed away to the Chersonesus, to a fortress 
of his own. 

And now Conon, pursuant to the decrees of 
the state, sailed away from Andros with the 
twenty ships he had there, in order to take the 
command at Samos. But to replace Conon 
at Andros, they sent away Phanosthenes with 
four ships from Athens. In his passage he fell 
in with two ships belonging to Thurium, and 
took both of them with their crews. The Athe- 
nians put all these prisoners into close confine- 
ment, but were moved with compassion for Do- 
rieus, the commander of them, who in reality was 
a Rhodian, but had long since been exiled both 
from Athens and Rhodes, and for fear of the 
Athenians, who had sentenced both himself 
and all his kindred to death, had got him- 
self naturalized amongst the Thurians ; they 
therefore gave him his liberty without a ransom. 
31* 



When Conon was arrived at Samos, and had 
received the command of the fleet which waa 
sadly dispirited, instead of the former number 
of ships which amounted to a hundred, he 
completely manned out seventy ; and with these 
putting out to sea, accompanied by the other 
commanders, he landed at many different places 
on the enemy's coast, and plundered the coun- 
try. And the year ended, in which the Car- 
thaginians, having invaded Sicily with a hun- 
dred and twenty ships and a land-force of a 
hundred and twenty thousand men, reduced 
Agrigentum by famine, after being defeated 
in battle, and bestowing seven months on the 
siege. 

VI. But in the following year, in which the 
moon was eclipsed in the evening, and the old 
temple of Minerva was burnt down at Athens 
(Pitys presiding among the Ephori, and Cal- 
lias being Archon at Athens,) when the time 
of Lysander's command and six 1 and twenty 
years of the war were elapsed, the Lacedaemo- 
nians sent Callicratidas to command the fleet. 
When Lysander delivered him the ships, he 
told Callicratidas, that " master of the sea and 
conqueror of a naval engagement, he resigned 
them to him." Upon this the latter advised 
him « to set sail from Ephesus, and keeping 
Samos on the left where the Athenian fleet 
was lying, afterwards to deliver up the ships at 
Miletus, and then he would own him to be mas- 
ter of the sea." But Lysander replying that 
" he ought not to interfere in another person's 
command," Callicratidas, besides the ships he 
received from Lysander, manned out fifty more 
from Chios and Rhodes and other places in the 
confederacy. And having collected them all 
together to the number of a hundred and forty, 
he made the needful .preparations for meeting 
the enemy. But finding that all his measures 
were seditiously opposed by the friends of Ly- 
sander, who not only obeyed his orders with an 
open reluctance, but were clamouring also in 
all the cities against the most impolitic conduct 
of the Lacedaemonians, in perpetually changing 
their admirals, sending out persons not quali- 
fied for, the office, or who had a very slender 
notion of navaljaffairs, and knew not how to 
manage the tempers of mankind ; intimating 
farther the great danger they run of suffering 
severely for giving the command to men unex- 
perienced at sea, and unknown to their friend* 



Marginal reading, Paris Ed. 1C25. Leunc.iav. 



366 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



in these parts — for these reasons, Callicratidas, 
having called together the Lacedaemonians now 
on board the fleet, expressed himself thus : 

• I should have been well contented to have 
staid at Sparta ; nor, if Lysander or any other 
person hath a mind to be thought a better sea- 
man than myself, have I any thing to object. 
But since I am commissioned by the state to 
command the fleet, I am bound in duty to exe- 
cute their orders to the utmost of my power. 
You therefore I adjure, as I would always be- 
have with honour, and as the state expects us 
to do our duty (and you know your duty as 
well as I can tell it you,) to give me your opin- 
ions without any reserve, whether it be more 
expedient I should continue here, or return im- 
mediately to Sparta to report 1 there the posture 
of your affairs." 

No person presumed to give his opinion 
otherwise, than that "he ought to obey the 
etate, and execute their orders :" He there- 
fore made a journey to Cyrus, and demanded 
pay for the seamen. Cyrus ordered him to 
wait two days. 2 But Callicratidas, chagrined 
at this delay, and vexed at frequently attending 
at his door, could not forbear deploring the la- 
mentable lot of the Grecians in being obliged 
to cajole Barbarians for money ; affirming, that 
" if ever he returned to Sparta, he would exert 
his endeavours to bring about a reconciliation 
between the Athenians and Lacedsemonians ;" 
— and then he departed to Miletus. From 
thence he sent away some ships to Sparta for 
a supply of money ; and, having called an as- 
sembly of the Milesians, he addressed them 
thus: 

" It is my indispensible duty, Milesians, to 
obey the orders of my country. And you I 
expect to signalize yourselves in a cheerful 
prosecution of the war, as you live in the very 
midst of the Barbarians, and have already suf- 
fered greatly by them. It is therefore incum- 
bent upon you to set an example to the rest of 
the confederates, in devising the most expedi- 



i Ελούντα, marg. read. Paris Edit. 1625. Leunclav. 

» The first time he went, he desired that Cyrus might 
be informed that "admiral Callicratidas was there, and 
desired to speak with him." But the person waiting at 
the door answering, " Cyrus is not at leisure at present, 
for he is drirrking ;" Callicratidas with the greatest sim- 
plicity re->lied — "That signifies nothing at all; I can 
easily stand and wait here till he has finished his 
draught." Upon which the Barbarians, who thought 
him quite a rustic, laughing heartily at him, he went 
iiway. Plutarch's Life of Lysander. 



tious and most effectual means to hurt the ene- 
my, till the persons return from Sparta whom 
I have sent thither to fetch us money. For 
Lysander, at his departure, sent back all the 
money in his hands to Cyrus, as if it was a use- 
less article to us : and Cyrus, when I addressed 
myself to him, was for ever studying excuses 
to avoid a conference ; and for my part, I could 
not prevail with myself to dance attendance at 
his doors. But I pledge my faith to you, that 
I will make it my study to be grateful to you 
for all the good services you may do us, during' 
this interval of our waiting for a supply from 
Sparta. And if it please the gods, we will 
convince these Barbarians, that without fawn- 
ing upon them, we are able to chastise our en- 
emies." 

When Callicratidas had ended, many per- 
sons rose up, and most remarkably those who 
were accused of crossing his measures. They 
were frightened, and therefore told him the 
means of raising a supply, and promised to con- 
tribute from their own private purses. When 
he had thus got money, and had also levied five 
drachmas for each of his seamen at Chios, he 
sailed against Methymne in Lesbos, which be- 
longed to the enemy. But the Methymneans 
refusing to come over, as the Athenians had a 
garrison in the place, and the Atticizing party 
had all the power in their hands, he assaults 
and takes the city by storm. The soldiers in- 
stantly made booty of all the money in the 
place, but Callicratidas gathered all the slaves 
together in the market-place. The confeder- 
ates called upon him to put even the citizens of 
Methymne up to sale : but he answered, that 
" whilst he was in command, he would exert 
his utmost endeavours that no Grecian what- 
ever should be made a slave. The day after 
he set all the freemen and the 3 Athenian gar- 
rison at liberty, but the slaves were sold at 
public sale. He also sent word to Conon, 
that " he would stop him from whoring the 
sea." *» 

But early one morning, perceiving Conon 
out at sea, he immediately gave chase, to inter- 
cept his passage to Samos, that he might not 
escape thither. Conon, however, made the 
best of his way with ships that went at a great 
rate, because he had picked the best rowers out 
of many crews to make up a few, and flies to 
Mitylene of Lesbos, accompanied by two of 



» Touj τ£, margin, reading, Ed. Par. 1625. Leunclav. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



367 



the ten commanders, Leon and Herasinides. 
Callicratidas pursuing with a hundred and 
seventy ships, stood into the* harbour along 
with him. And Conpn, now shut up by the 
enemy who were got quite round him, was 
obliged to engage in the harbour, and lost 
thirty ships, but their crews escaped to land, 
and the forty remaining ships of his fleet he 
drew ashore under the walls of Mitylene. But 
Callicratidas, having moored his ships in the 
harbour, besieged the place. He was entirely 
master of the road ; and, having sent a sum- 
mons to the Methymneans to march up with 
their whole military force, he also fetched over 
the troops from Chios. Now too he received 
the money from Cyrus. 

But Conon, now that Mitylene was invested 
both by land and sea, and all importation of 
provisions was effectually cut off, and great 
numbers of people were crowded into the city, 
and the Athenians sent him no aid, because 
utterly ignorant of his situation, drew two of 
his best sailers into the water before it was 
day, and completely manned them with the best 
rowers he could pick out from the fleet. He 
then made the soldiers go down below decks, 
and stowed the materials of defence. During 
the whole day they were at work on board : 
and in the evening, so soon as it was dark, he 
made them all go again on shore, that the ene- 
my might gain no suspicion of his design. But 
on the fifth day, having got a moderate stock 
of provision on board, exactly at noon, when 
the enemy who blocked him up were drowsy 
with heat, and some were taking their repose, 
they expeditiously stood out of the harbour. 
One of the ships made the best of its way to 
Hellespont, but the other stretched out to sea. 
The enemy, who blocked him up, made haste 
to prevent their escape, each ship as fast as 
they could clear, by cutting away the cables and 
anchors, alarming the crews, calling the men 
on board who had been taking their repasts on 
shore, and were now flocking down to the 
ships in a violent hurry. At length, having 
got on board their vessels, they gave chase to 
the ship that stretched out to sea, and at sun- 
set came up with her. And after a struggle 
making themselves masters of her, they took 
her in tow, and brought her back with all her 
crew on board to the naval station. But the 
ship, that took her course towards the Helles- 
pont, completed her escape, and carried the 
news of the siege to Athens. 



Diomedon, who went to the aid of Conon 
thus besieged, came to an anchor with tweive 
shipe in the road of Mitylene. But Callicrati- 
das, having suddenly borne down upon him, 
seized ten of his ships at once, whilst Diome- 
don fled away with his own and with another 
vessel. 

The Athenians, having received advice of 
all that happened, and of the siege, immediately 
decreed an aid to consist of a hundred and ten 
ships, compelling all of an age to bear arms to 
go on board, as well slaves as freemen. And, 
having manned out the hundred and ten ships 
in the space of thirty days, they put to sea : 
nay, even many of those persons who belonged 
to the cavalry of the state went on board this 
fleet. They first touched at Samos, and from 
thence took ten sail of Samians. They col- 
lected also above thirty ships more from the 
rest of the confederates, obliging men of all 
conditions to go on board. All vessels too 
they met at sea were embargoed, so that they 
amounted at last to more than a hundred and 
fifty sail. Callicratidas, having received intel- 
ligence that this aid was come to Samos, left 
fifty ships under the command of Eteonicus to 
continue the siege : but, putting to sea himself 
with a hundred and twenty, he took his even- 
ing-repast at Cape Malea in Lesbos over- 
against Mitylene. This very evening the 
Athenians were taking their repast at Argi- 
nusae, which is over-against the isle of Lesbos. 
But in the night-time perceiving fires, and 
some persons bringing him intelligence that 
" they are the Athenians," he .set sail at dead 
of night, with a design to fall suddenly amongst 
them. The great quantity of rain that fell in 
the night, accompanied with thunder, prevent- 
ed him from going across. But at break of 
day, when the tempest was ceased, he sailed 
over to Arginusse, where upon the left the 
Athenians were dawn out at sea in line of bat- 
tle in the following disposition : 

Aristocrates with fifteen ships was posted on 
the left ; next him was Diomedon with fifteen 
more. Pericles was posted behind Aristo- 
crates, and Herasinides behind Diomedon. 
Next to Diomedon were the Samians with ten 
ships drawn up in line a-head ; a Samian by 
name Hippeus had the command of the Sami- 
ans. Next them were ten ships of private 
captains, these also in the line a-head ; and ni- 
ter them, three ships of the commanders-in- 
chief and the rest of the confederates. Proto- 



368 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



us with fifteen ships commanded the 
right ; next him was Thrasylus with fifteen 
more. Lysias with an equal number of ships 
was posted behind Protomachus ; and Aristo- 
genes behind Thrasylus. They had made this 
disposition to prevent the enemy from breaking 
through their line ; for their ships sailed worse 
than those of the enemy. 

But all the ships of the Lacedaemonians were 
drawn up in a single line, with a view of being 
ready, as they were better sailers, to break 
through and tack about again upon the enemy ; 
and Callicratidas commanded in their right wing. 
Yet Hermon the Megarean, who was steers- 
man to Callicratidas, told him now it was most 
advisable for him to sheer off in time, since 
the ships of the Athenians were far superior in 
number to his own." Callicratidas made him 
this reply — " Sparta will not be worse inhabited 
when I am dead, but it would be infamous in 
me to flee." 

And now the fleets engaged in a fight of 
long continuance. At first, all the ships kept 
close together, yet afterwards were separately 
engaged. But so soon as Callicratidas was 
tumbled into the sea by the shock of his ship 
when she struck on an enemy, and was never 
seen any more, and Protomachus with those 
posted with him on the right had defeated the 
enemy's left ; then began the flight of the Pe- 
loponnesians to Chios, though most of them 
fled to Phocea ; and the Athenians sailed back 
again to Arginusae. Five and twenty ships of 
the Athenians were lost in this action with 
their crews, some few men excepted, who 
swam ashore. But on the Peloponnesian side 
nine ships belonging to Lacedaemon were lost, 
though the whole number of them was but ten, 
and upwards of sixty more belonging to the 
rest of the confederates. 

It was now judged expedient by the Athe- 
nian commanders to order Theramenes and 
Thrasybulus, who commanded ships, and some 
other officers, with seven and forty of the ships, 
to sail round to the wrecks and fetch off the 
men ; and to proceed with the rest to Mity- 
lenc against the fleet commanded by Eteoni- 
cue. But in these designs they were prevented 
by a gale of wind which grew to be a violent 
tempest. Upon which they erected a trophy, 
and passed the night at Arginusae. 

In the meantime, a fly-boat had carried 
Eteonicus the news of the late battle at sea. 
But he sent the boat out again with an order 



to those on board, to move silently off without 
saying a syllable to any person whatever, and 
soon after to return again to the naval station 
crowned with garlands, and shouting aloud, 
that " Callicratidas had gained a victory at sea," 
and that " the whole Athenian fleet was de- 
stroyed." They punctually observed his in- 
structions. And when they returned again, 
Eteonicus offered up a sacrifice for the good 
tidings they brought. He then issued an order 
to the soldiers to take their evening repast, and 
to the sutlers quietly to carry all their effects 
on board, and sail away in the ships with all 
expedition to Chios, for the wind favoured the 
passage ; whilst he himself, after setting his 
camp on fire, drew off the land-army to Me- 
thymne. And now Conon, having got his 
ships afloat, as the enemy was gone and the 
wind considerably abated, went out to sea, and 
met the Athenians who were under sail from 
Arginusae. He told them what Eteonicus 
had done, upon which the Athenians put in- 
to Mitylene. From thence they proceeded 
to Chios ; but being unable to do any thing 
there against the enemy, they stood away for 
Samos. 

VII. But at Athens the people turned out 
all the commanders excepting Conon, to whom 
they assigned for his colleagues Adimantus and 
Philocles. However, of those who commanded 
in the late engagement, Protomachus and Aris- 
togenes returned not to Athens, but six of 
them came home, namely Pericles and Diome- 
don, and Lysias and Aristocrates, and Thrasy- 
lus and Herasinides.. Archedemus, who at 
this time was the greatest demagogue in Athens, 
and had the management of all affairs relating 
to Decelea, laying a fine 1 upon Herasinides, 
preferred an accusation against him in public 
court, importing, that " he had embezzled some 
money from Hellespont belonging to the state," 
and charged him farther with misdemeanors 
during his cemmand. It was adjudged by the 
court that " Herasinides be committed to pri- 
son." After this, the commanders made their 
report in full senate about the late engagement 
at sea, and the violence of the storm. But 
Timocrates having moved, that " the rest of 
the commanders as well as Herasinides should 
be imprisoned in order to be tried by the peo- 
ple of Athens," the senate ordered their com- 



» I read Επ-<35λ))ν for ίτηβουκ^,ν, oa the authority of 
Dr. Taylor. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



mitment. In the next plage a general assem- 
bly of the people was holden, in which several 
persons preferred accusations against the com- 
manders, though Theramenes distinguished him- 
self mott.on this occasion. He affirmed " they 
ought to be brought to a trial for not fetching 
off the men from the wrecks." He produced 
their own letter eent by them to the senate and 
people as full evidence that " no necessary 
avocation had prevented their doing it, since 
they alleged no other excuse but the storm." 
Each of the commanders was then permitted 
to make a short apology for himself; the course 
of law did not yet allow them to make a formal 
defence. They made a bare recital of facts, 
that " they had stood out to sea in quest of the 
enemy : had given an order to proper officers 
amongst the captains of the ships, nay, to such 
as had formerly commanded fleets to Thera- 
menes, and Thrasybulus, and some others of 
equal rank, to fetch off the men from the 
wrecks. If any therefore were accountable for 
nonperformance of this point, it certainly ought 
to be charged upon them alone who received 
the order to perform it : and yet (they continue 
ed) the accusation preferred against ourselves 
6hall not make us deviate from truth, by assign- 
ing any other reason for their not having done 
it than the violence of the storm." They then 
called upon the pilots and many other persons 
who were on board the ships to give their evi- 
dence in confirmation of the truth.' By such 
pleas they mollified the people, many of whom 
immediately rose up, and offered to be security 
for their future appearance. It was resolved, 
however, " to adjourn the affair to another 
assembly ;" (for it was now so late in the 
evening that they could not distinguish the 
majority of hands) « the senate in the mean- 
time to draw up a resolution to be reported 
to the people in what manner they should be 
tried." 

The Apaturian festival now came on, in 
which it is the custom for fathers of families 
and near relations to entertain one another. 
Theramenes therefore and his party employed 
the festival in dressing up a number of persons 
in mourning garments, having first shaven them 
clean to the skin, who were to present them- 
selves to the assembly of the people for the re- 
lations of such as had perished on the wrecks. 
They also prevailed upon Callixenus to accuse 
the commanders in form before the senate. 
The general assembly was afterwards holden, 



when the senate reported their resolution by the 
mouth of Callixenus, and in the very words in 
which he had moved to have it drawn up : 

" Whereas in the last assembly of the peo- 
ple, not only the accusers of the commanders, 
but also the commanders themselves, were 
heard in their own justification : let the people 
of Athens proceed to give their votes by tribes. 
Let two urns be placed for every tribe. In 
each tribe let the herald proclaim — ' As many 
as are of opinion that the commanders have 
misbehaved in not fetching off from the wrecks 
the men who had earned them a victory, let 
such cast their ballots into this urn ; as many 
as are of the contrary opinion, into that. And 
if a majority declare them guilty, let them be 
sentenced to death, let them be delivered over 
to the public executioners, let their estates be 
confiscated, reserving a tenth part for the god- 
dess.'" 

And now a person stood forth in the assem- 
bly who affirmed, that " he had swam ashore 
upon a barrel of flour : that the poor wretches 
who were lost had solemnly conjured him, if 
he escaped with life, to tell the people of Athens, 
that their commanders would not save the lives 
of those very men who had fought with the 
utmost bravery for their country." A clamour 
was already begun against Callixenus, for pro- 
posing a method of procedure that was mani- 
fectly against due course of law. Euryptole- 
mus the son of Peisionax, and some other lead- 
ing men amongst the people, declared them- 
selves of this opinion. But the multitude 
roared aloud, that " Athens was undone, if the 
people were restrained from proceeding at their 
own discretion." Upon this a motion was 
made by Lyciscus, that " whoever ..interrupted 
the free votes of the assembly of the people, 
should be involved in the same sentence that 
was given against the commanders." This 
motion was approved by a loud tumultuous 
shout from the multitude, and the others are 
forced to withdraw their opposition ; but now 
again, the presidents refusing to put a question 
which was contrary to law, Callixenus stood up 
again, and accused them for their refusal. The 
people demanded aloud, that η such of them as 
refused should be called to account." This 
terrified the presidents, who immediately 
declared they were ready to comply, all but 
Socrates the son of Sophroniscus, who still in- 
sisted that " he would not do an act which was 
not according to law." But after this Euryp 
2W 



370 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book I. 



toletnus roso up, and spoko thus in favour of 
the commanders : 

« I rise up, my fellow-citizens of Athens, 
partly with η design to blame my near and dear 
relation Pericles, and my friend Diomcdon ; and 
partly to offer some plea in their behalf ; and 
farther to give you such advice, as in my opinion 
will best promote the welfare of the Athenian 
state. I therefore blame my relation and my 
friend for persuading their colleagues in the 
command to insert in the letter' they were de- 
sirous to send to the senate and you, that they 
had issued an order to Theramenes and Thrasy- 
bulus to repair with forty-seven ships to the 
wrecks, and fetch off the men, which order 
was never put in execution. In consequence 
of this, they are now involved in the guilt of a 
crime which others separately incurred : and, in 
requital for all their humanity, are now, by the 
treachery of those very persons and a party here, 
brought into imminent danger of their lives. No 
danger neither, if you will but comply with my 
advice, and obey the dictates of piety and jus- 
tice. And by this means you will best be enabled 
to discover all the truth, and preserve your- 
selves from a subsequent fit of remorse, when 
in process of time, convinced that you have 
enormously offended both against heaven and 
your own selves. 

" Let me therefore recommend such a con- 
duct to you, as will guard you from all decep- 
tion either by myself or by any other person, as 
will clearly discover the guilty, how far they all 
and in what degree each person amongst them is 
guilty, and will enable you to assign the pro- 
per measure of punishment to each. Indulge 
them therefore with only one day, if more time 
must not hj granted, to make their defence ; 
and pay a higher deference to your own than to 
the judgment of other men. And all of you 
know, my fellow-citizens of Athens, that the 
law of Canonus is still in force, which enacts, 
that ■ if any person hath aggrieved the people 
of Athens, he shall be imprisoned and brought 
to a trial before the people : and, in case he be 
convicted, shall be put to death and thrown 
into the pit, his goods and chattels to be for- 
feited to the state, reserving the tenth part for 
the goddess.' By this law I exhort you to try 
the commanders ; and by heaven to begin, if 
you think proper, with Pericles my own rela- 
tion. It would be baseness indeed in myself 
to place a higher valie upon him than upon my 
country. 



" But if you rather choose it, try them by the 
other law against persons accused of sacrilege 
and treason, which enacts that — «if any man 
betrays the city or robs the temples, he shall 
be tried in the courts of judicature ;Jmnd, if 
adjudged to die, shall not be buried in Attica, 
his goods and chattels to be forfeited to the 
state.' 

" Make use of either of these laws, my fel- 
low-citizemr; Let a separate day be assigned 
for the trial of each : that day to be divided 
into 1 three parts; in the first of which you 
ought to assemble and give your ballots whether 
or no they ought to be put upon their trial ; in 
the second, the accusation should be opened 
against them; in the third, they should be 
heard in their own defence. And if this me- 
thod be observed, the guilty will receive the 
severest punishment, and the innocent be saved 
by you, Athenians, and not be put to death by 
an iniquitous condemnation. You then, with- 
out offending heaven, without violating your 
oaths, will judge them according to law, and 
will not make war in combination with the 
Lacedaemonians by putting to death without a 
trial, in express violation of the laws, the very 
men who have taken seventy of their ships, and 
gained a notable victory over them. 

" But of what are you afraid, that you are in 
such vehement haste to pass a sentence 1 Are 
you afraid of losing your right to put to death 
or to save whom you please, in case you try 
men in a regular conformity with and not in 
open violation of the law ? Yes ; such was 
the motive of Callixenus, when he persuaded 
the senate to subject them all to one summary 
vote from the people. Yet this way perhaps 
you may put an innocent man to death ; and 
then, in a subsequent fit of remorse, you may 
bitterly reflect what a dreadful and unjustifiable 
act you have committed ; and more bitterly 
still, if you iniquitously put to death a number 
of them. Horrible indeed would the proce- 
dure be, if you, the very persons that indulged 
Aristarchus, who formerly overturned the 
popular government, and afterwards betrayed 
Oenoe to our enemies the Thebans, with a day 
of his own appointment to make his defence, 
and observed every form of law in regard to 
him, should deny every indulgence and every 
right to commanders who in all respects have 



1 Διγ,ξημίνων τ*; ^ημίζχς τξίνν μίςπν, LeunclaviUS. 

Paris Ed. marg. reading, p. 450, and the Appendix. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



371 



answered your expectations, and have gained a 
victory over your enemies ! Forbid it heaven, 
that Athenians should behave in such a man- 
ner. Keep your attention fixed on the laws, 
on laws which are entirely your own, on laws 
by whose immediate influence you have been 
so highly exalted ; and, let it never enter your 
hearts to deviate from them. Bring back your 
thoughts to the sole consideration of the mat- 
ters of fact, in which your commanders seem 
to have incurred your displeasure. 

μ For, after they had obtained the victory at 
sea and were returned to their station, it was 
Diomedon's advice, that the whole fleet should 
proceed in regular line to fetch off the disabled 
ehips and the crews on board them. Herasin- 
ides was for repairing immediately with the 
whole fleet against the enemy at Mitylene. 
Thrasylus declared for the execution of both 
these points, by leaving part of the fleet be- 
hind, and going with the rest against the ene- 
my. His advice received the general approba- 
tion. Each commander was to leave three 
ships of his own division ; the number of the 
commanders was eight ; besides the ten ships 
belonging to private captains, and the ten be- 
longing to the Samians, and the three ships be- 
longing to the commander-in-chief. All these 
together are forty-seven, four for the care of 
every disabled vessel, which were twelve in 
all. The officers left behind to command 
them were Thrasybulus. and Theramenes, that 
very Theramenes, who in the last assembly 
accused these commanders ; and then, with 
the rest of the fleet, they went out to sea 
against the enemy. 

" In what article therefore hath their con- 
duct been defective or inglorious 1 If the be- 
haviour hath been faulty in regard to the ene- 
my, those who went out against the enemy 
ought by all the rules of justice to be account- 
able for it. But such only as were assigned 
to fetch off the men, and yet did not execute 
the order of their superiors, should be put on 
their trial for not fetching them off. Thus 
much indeed I can safely allege in vindication 
of Thrasybulus and Theramenes too, that the 
storm prevented them from executing that or- 
der. The persons who by good fortune were 
preserved, are evidence that tnis is true ; in 



which number is one of your own command- 
ers, who escaped with life from one of the 
wrecks ; and whom, though then he stood in 
need of all their assistance, they now will have 
involved in the same sentence with those who 
were to bring it, and yet brought it not. 

" Take care, therefore, my fellow-citizens 
of Athens, that successful as you are, you act 
not the part of men who are on the brink of 
despair and ruin ; that, instead of submission 
to the gods in points that are subject to their 
will alone, you condemn not men for treachery 
when they were incapable of acting at all, since 
the violence of the storm entirely prevented 
the execution of orders. You would behave 
much more agreeably to justice if you honour- 
ed your victorious commanders with crowns, 
rather than, in compliance with the instigations 
of wicked men, to punish them with death." 

Euryptolemus, after this address, proceeded 
to move, that « the accused should be separate- 
ly put on their trials according to the law of 
Canonus." The proposal of the senate was 
that " one summary vote should be passed up- 
on them all." Upon holding up of hands, a 
majority appeared for the motion of Eurypto- 
lemus. But as Menecles entered a protest 
against the regularity of it, and of course the 
question was put again, it wa3 carried for the 
proposal of the senate. And after this they 
condemned to death the eight commanders in 
the sea-fight of Arginus®. Six of them, who 
were now at Athens, were actually put to 
death. Yet no long time after the Athe- 
nians repented of what they had done, and 
passed a decree, that " the persons who had 
beguiled the people in this matter should be 
impeached for the crime, and procure bail till 
they should be brought to a trial, Callixenus 
in particular to be one of the number." Four 
other persons were also impeached, and were 
kept in safe custody by thpir own bail. But 
the sedition breaking out afterwards in the 
city, in which Cleophon was killed, they all 
made their escape before they could be brought 
to a trial. Callixenus, however, who after- 
wards returned to Athens with those who 
came up from the Pirseus into the city, was 
so universally detested, that he starved himself 
to death. 



j 



THE 



\FFAIRS OF GREECE 



BOOK II. 



[373] 






CONTENTS OF BOOK IX. 



Lrsander sent out a second time to command. He gains a decisive victory against tne Athenians at /Ego» 
potamos: and in consequence of it besieges and takes the city of Athens. The end of the Peloponnesian 
War. History of the Thirty Tyrants at Athens, and their overthrow by Thrasybulus. 



[374] 



THE 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE 



BOOK II. 



I. The soldiers that were at Chios with Ete- 
onicus subsisted during summer on the fruits 
of the season, and the money they earned by 
working in the fields. But when winter came 
on, and they had no subsistence, and were both 
naked and barefoot, they ran into cabals, and 
formed a conspiracy to make seizure of Chios. 
It was agreed amongst them, that all such as 
approved of the scheme should carry a reed in 
their hands, in order to discover to each other a 
just account of their numbers. Eteonicus, 
who had gained intelligence of the plot, was 
highly perplexed in what manner to disconcert 
it, because of the great number of those who 
carried reeds. He judged it too hazardous to 
attack them openly, lest they should run to 
arms ; and then, seizing the city and turning 
enemies, might ruin all affairs at Chios in case 
they prevailed. On the other side he thought 
it would be dreadful to destroy so many persons 
who were old confederates, which might open 
the mouths of the rest of Greece against them, 
and give the soldiery an aversion to the service. 
Taking therefore along with him fifteen persons 
armed with daggers, he walked about the city ; 
and lighting on a fellow who had a disorder in 
his eyes, and was just come from the surgeon's, 
with a reed in his hand, he killed him on the 
spot. Hereupon a tumult beginning to rise, 
and some demanding " for what reason that man 
was killed !" Eteonicus orders them to be 
answered aloud, " because he carried a reed." 
This answer was no sooner given, than all such 
as carried reeds threw them instantly away ; 
every one within hearing was afraid lest he 
should have been seen with one of them in his 
hand. Eteonicus, after this, having assembled 



the Chians, issued out an order to them to ad- 
vance a proper sum of money, that the seamen 
might receive their pay, and all kinds of mutiny 
be prevented. #he Chians advanced the money, 
and then Eteonicus ordered all the men on 
board. Repairing afterwards on board every 
vessel in its turn, he encouraged and he advised 
them much, as if he was entirely ignorant of 
the late conspiracy, and then distributed a 
month's pay to each. 

The Chians and the rest of the confederates, 
assembling afterwards at Ephesus, determined 
to send ambassadors to Lacedaemon concerning 
the present state of their affairs, who were to 
make their report, and then desire, that " Ly- 
sander might be sent to command the fleet," 
who had highly recommended himself to the 
alliance during his former command, and by 
gaining the sea-fight at Notium. The ambas- 
sadors were accordingly despatched away, and 
with them some envoys for Cyrus, who wero 
to second them. But the Lacedaemonians com- 
plied only so far as to send Lysander to be the 
lieutenant, for they appointed Aracus to be 
admiral-in-chief: for their law doth not per- 
mit the same person to be twice in the chief 
command. The fleet therefore was resigned 
to Lysander, when twenty-seven years of the 
war were now completed. 

In this year Cyrus put to death Autobaesaces 
and Mitrseus, the sons of a sister of Darius and 
daughter of Artaxerxes, who was father of Da- 
rius, because at meeting him they had not drawn 
their hands within the sleeve, a compliment paid 
to the king alone. The sleeve reacheth down 
below the hand, and the person who draws his 
hand within it is incapable of doing any act at 

375 



376 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II. 



all. Hicramoncs and his wife represented to 
Darius, that ho could not in justice connive at 
such outrageous behaviour. Darius therefore, 
pretending himself much out of order, sends 
couriers to Cyrus to summon him to court. 

In the following summer (when Archytas 
presided in the college of ephori, and Alexius 
Wtt Archon at Athens) Lysander, now arrived 
at Ephesus, sends for Eteonicus with the ships 
from Chios, and collected all the rest from their 
several stations into one grand fleet. He refitted 
them all for service, and was building others at 
Antandros. He also made Cyrus a visit, and 
asked for money. Cyrus told him, that " all his 
father's money, and a great deal more besides had 
already been expended," reciting particularly, 
what each admiral in chief had received : how- 
ever, he gave him a supply. Lysander, thus 
furnished with money, assigned proper com- 
manders to the ships, and paid the seamen their 
arrears. In the meantime tb^Athenian com- 
manders were making preparations at Samos to 
go out to sea with the fleet. 

At this juncture Cyrus sent again for Ly- 
■sander, when the messenger was come to him 
from his father, with the news, that " he was 
much out of order and wanted to see him," be- 
ing now at Thamneria in Media near the Cadu- 
sians, against whom he had marched because 
they had revolted. When Lysander was come, 
he expressly forbade him " to engage the 
Athenians at sea, unless he had by far the 
larger number of ships, since both the king and 
himself were masters of abundance of wealth, 
and the fleet might be properly enlarged to se- 
cure the point." He then showed him an ac- 
count of all the tributes from the cities which 
were "his own appointments, and gave him what 
money he could spare. And then, having put 
him in mind " of the great friendship he bore 
to the Lacedaemonian state, and particularly to 
Lysander," he set out on a journey to his fa- 
ther. 

Lysander, when Cyrus had thus intrusted 
him with all his concerns, and was departed in 
obedience to the summons to visit his sick fa- 
ther, after distributing pay to his fleet, sailed 
into the Ceramic bay of Caria ; where, assaulting 
a city called Cedrea, that was confederate with 
the Athenians, he took it the second day by 
storm, and sold the inhabitants for slaves ; 
these inhabitants were half-barbarians; and 
from thence he sailed away to Rhodes. The 
Athenians, having stood out from Samos, were 



infesting the coasts belonging to the king ; they 
even sailed up to Chios and Ephesus, and were 
prepared for battle. They associated also in 
the command of the fleet, Menander, Tydeus, 
and Cephisodotus. Lysander was now coast- 
ing along Ionia, from Rhodes towards the 
Hellespont, and the track of vessels out of it, 
and against the cities that had revolted. The 
Athenians were also at sea, being bound to 
Chios ; for Asia was entirely against them. 
Lysander from Abydus sailed up to Lampsa- 
cus, which was confederate with the Athenians. 
The Abydenians and others marched their 
troops thither by land. They were commanded 
by Thorax the Lacedaemonian ; and assaulting 
Lampsacus they take it by storm. The soldiers 
plundered this city, a rich one, and plentifully 
stocked with wine and other needful stores : 
but Lysander dismissed all persons that were 
free without a ransom. The Athenians, who 
closely chased him, were now arrived at Eleus 
in the Chersonese, with a hundred and eighty 
ships. Here they had no sooner taken their 
repast, than news is brought them of what had 
been done at Lampsacus, when immediately 
they proceed to Sestos : from whence, after 
victualling with the utmost despatch, they sailed 
into vEgos-potamos, over-against Lampsacus. 
The distance between them across the Helles- 
pont is about 'fifteen stadia : and here they 
took their evening repast. Night came on ; 
but so soon as it was break of day, Lysander 
made a signal for his men to eat their meal 
and repair on board their ships. Having 
now got things in readiness for an engage- 
ment, and made all fast on board for de- 
fence, he issued out orders, that no ship should 
stir out of the line or go out to sea. The 
Athenians, when the sun was up, appear- 
ed before the harbour in a line abreast, as ready , 
to engage. But when Lysander would not 
come out against them, and it grew late in 
the day, they sailed back again into JBgos- 
potamos. 

Lysander now ordered the nimblest vessels 
to follow the Athenians. They were to take 
a view in what manner they behaved so soon as 
they quitted their ships, and then to return and 
bring him a report. Nor did he suffer any of 
his own men to quit their vessels before these 
ships returned. He did the same thing for 
four days successively ; and the Athenians 



» One mile and a half. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



377 



overcame, the same number of days, against 
him. 

Alcibiades from his own fortress had a view 
of the Athenians in their present station, on 
the open beach, near no city, and obliged to go 
'fifteen stadia from their ships to fetch provi- 
sions from Sestos ; whilst the enemy lay in a 
harbour, and were supplied with every thing 
from the adjacent city. He told them therefore 
" they had chosen an improper station ;" he ad- 
vised them to remove to Sestos, to a harbour 
and to a city ; " Only station yourselves there," 
said he, " and you will be able to fight the enemy 
at your own discretion." But the commanders, 
and especially Tydeus and Menander, ordered 
him to be gone — since they, and not he, were 
at present in the command of the fleet Ac- 
cordingly he went his way. 2 

But Lysander, on the fifth day tho Athen- 
ians thus came over to offer him battle, ordered 
those who followed them in their retreat, that, 
" so soon as they saw them landed again, and 
straggled about the Chersonese," which they 
continued to do more and more every succeed- 
ing day, to buy provisions at a great distance, 
heartily despising Lysander for not coming out 
against them, " they should immediately re- 
turn, and when they were got out half way, 
ehould hoist a shield up in the air." They 
punctually obeyed his orders ; and Lysander im- 
mediately made the signal for standing out to 
sea with all expedition. Thorax, also, with the 
land forces under his command, was taken on 
board to go along with them. Conon no sooner 
had a view of the enemy, than he made a sig- 
nal to the ships to be ready for defence with all 
their might. But as the seimen were dis- 
persed about, some ships had but two benches 
of rowers aboard, some only one, and some none 
at all. Conon's own ship, with about seven 
more and the Paralus, had their crews on 
board, and immediately put out to sea : but 
all the rest Lysander took close to the shore. 
They had indeed drawn together most of their 
men on the land, but they fled away to places 
of safety. Conon flying with nine ships, as he 
found all was over with the Athenians, sailed 
up to Cape Abarnis near Lampsacus, and car- 
ried from thence the great masts belonging to 

ι One mile and a half. 

» This is the last time any mention is made of Alcibi- 
adee, who soon after, through the instigations of Critias 
and Lysander, was treacherously put to death by Pliar- 
nabazus. 

32* 



the ships of Lysander. And then with eight 
ships he sailed away for Cyprus to Evagoras, 
whilst the Puralus went for Athens to notify 
what had happened. But Lysander brought 
over the ships, and the prisoners, and every 
thing else to Lampsacus. And besides others 
of the commanders, he had got for his prisoners 
Philocles and Adimantus. But the very day 
he • performed these exploits, he sent away 
Theopompus the Milesian partizan to Lace- 
dsemon, to notify what had been done, who 
performed the journey in three days, and pub- 
lished the victory. 

Lysander afterwards called the confederates 
together, and desired their advice about the 
prisoners. On this occasion many bitter 
charges were exhibited against the Athenians : 
— " what sad trangressors they had formerly 
been ! — what horrid designs they would have 
put in execution had they obtained the victory, 
even to cut οίΓ the right hands of all the 
prisoners they should take ! They had throw u 
overboard and drowned all the men belonging 
to two ships they had taken, one a Corinthian, 
and the other an Andrian : and Philocles was 
the very Athenian commander who had thus 
destroyed them." Much more was said at this 
meeting, and a resolution was taken » to put 
all the Athenians who were prisoners to death 
except Adimantus," who in the council of war 
had singly opposed the proposal to cut off hands ; 
however, he was charged by some persons with 
betraying the fleet to the enemy. Lysander 
therefore, having first put the question to Phi- 
locles, who had thrown the Corinthians and 
Andrians overboard — " What he deserved to 
suffer, who had set the example of such outra- 
geous behaviour in Greece 1" put him instant- 
ly to death. 

II. And so soon as he had settled affairs at 
Lampsacus, he sailed to Byzantium and Chal- 
cedon. They gave him a reception, having 
first sent away under truce the Athenian gar- 
risons. The persons indeed, who had betrayed 
Byzantium to Alcibiades, fled away to Pontus 
and afterwards to Athens, where they were 
naturalized. 

But Lysander sent home all the garrisons 
belonging to that state, and all Athenians 
whatever that fell into his hands, to Athens ; 
thither he permitted them to sail without any 
molestation, but no where else. He knew, 
that the greater the numbers that were col- 
lected together in the city and the Pireus, the 
2X 






378 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II. 



sooner they must want the necessaries of life. 
And now leaving Sthenelaus the Lacedaemo- 
nian, to be commandant of Byzantium and 
Chaloedon, he himself returned to Lampsacus 
and refitted the fleet. 

At Athens, where the Paralus arrived in the 
night, the calamity was told, and a scream of 
lamentation ran up from the Piraeus through 
the long walls into the city, one person repeat- 
ing the news to another; insomuch that no 
single soul that night could take any rest, not 
merely for lamenting those who were lost, but 
much more for reflecting what themselves in 
all probability were soon to suffer — the like no 
doubt as themselves had inflicted upon the 
Melians, when they had reduced by siege that 
colony of the Lacedaemonians, on the Istians 
also, and Scioneans, and Toroneans, and -#3gi- 
netae, and many other people in Greece. The 
next day they summoned a general assembly, 
in which " it was resolved to barricade all their 
harbours excepting one, to repair their walls, 
to fix proper watches, and prepare the city in 
all respects for a siege." All hands accordingly 
were immediately at work. 

Lysander, who now from the Hellespont 
was come to Lesbos with two hundred sail, 
took in and re-settled the cities in that island, 
and especially Mitylene. He also sent away 
to the towns of Thrace ten ships commanded 
by Eteonicus, who reduced every thing there 
into subjection to the Lacedaemonians. But 
immediately after the fight at ^Egos-potamos 
all Greece revolted from the Athenians, ex- 
cepting Samos. At Samos the people, having 
massacred the l nobility, held the city for the 
Athenians. 

In the next place, Lysander sent notice to 
Agis at Decelea, and to Lacedaemon, that " he 
is sailing up with two hundred ships." The 
Lacedaemonians immediately took the field with 
their own force, as did the rest of the Pelo- 
ponnesians, except the Argives, upon receiving 
the order circulated by Pausanias the other 
king of Lacedaemon. When they were all as- 
sembled, he marched away at their head, and 
encamped them under the walls of Athens, in 
the place of exercise called the Academy. But 
Lysander, when come up to ^Egina, collected 
together all the ^Eginetae he could possibly 
find, and replaced them in their city. He did 
the same to the Melians, and to the other 



people who formerly had been dispossessed. In 
the next place, having laid Salamis waste, he 
stationed himself before the Piraeus with a hun 
dred and fifty ships, and prevented all kind of 
embarkations from entering that harbour. 

The Athenians, thus besieged both by land 
and sea, and destitute of ships, of allies, and of 
provisions, were miserably perplexed how to 
act. They judged they had nothing to expect 
but suffering what without provocation them- 
selves had made others suffer, when they wan- 
tonly tyrannized over petty states, and for no 
other reason in the world than because they 
were confederate with the state of Lacedaemon. 
From these considerations, after restoring to 
their full rights and privileges such as were un- 
der the sentence of infamy, they persevered in 
holding out ; and, though numbers began to 
die for want of meat, they would not bear any 
motion of treating. But when their corn be- 
gan totally to fail, they sent ambassadors to 
Agis, offering " to become confederates with 
the Lacedaemonians, reserving to themselves 
the long walls and the Piraeus," and on these 
terms would accept an accommodation. Yet 
Agis ordered them to repair to Lacedaemon, 
since he himself had no power to treat." When 
the ambassadors had reported this answer to 
the Athenians, they ordered them to go to 
Lacedaemon. But when they were arrived at 
Sellasia on the frontier of Laconia, and the 
ephori were informed " they were to offer no 
other proposals than had been made by Agis," 
they sent them an order " to return to Athens, 
and when they heartily desired peace, to come 
again with more favourable instructions." 
When therefore the ambassadors returned to 
Athens, and had reported these things to the 
state, a universal despondency ensued ; " sla- 
very," they judged, " must unavoidably be their 
portion ; and whilst they were sending another 
embassy numbers would die of famine." No 
one durst yet presume to advise the demolition 
of the walls ; since Archestratus, who had only 
hinted in the senate that « it would be best for 
them to make peace on such terms as the Lace- 
daemonians proposed," had immediately been 
thrown into prison. But the Lacedaemonians 
proposed, that " each of the long walls should 
be demolished to the length of 2 ten stadia ;" 
and a decree had been passed that " such a pro- 
posal should never be debated." 



a About a mile. 






AFFAIRS OF GREECE, 



379 



In this sad situation, Theraraenes offered to 
the general assembly, that " if they would let 
him go to Lysander, he could inform them at 
his return, whether the Lacedemonians insisted 
on the demolition of the walls with a view 
entirely to enslave them, or by way of security 
only for their future behaviour." He was 
ordered to go ; and he staid more than three 
months with Lysander, waiting till a total want 
of provisions should necessitate the Athenians 
to agree to any proposal whatever. But on 
his return in the fourth month, he reported to 
the general assembly, that " Lysander had de- 
tained him all this time, and now orders him to 
go to Lacedaemon, since he had no power to 
settle the points of accommodation, which 
could only be done by the ephori." Upon 
this he was chosen with nine others, to go am- 
bassador-plenipotentiary to Lacedaemon. Ly- 
sander sent Aristotle, an Athenian, but under 
sentence of exile, in company with other Lace- 
daemonians, to the ephori, to assure them that 
" he had referred Theramenes to them, who 
alone were empowered to make peace and 
war." When therefore Theramenes and the 
other ambassadors were arrived at Sallasia, 
and were asked — " What instructions they 
had 1" — their answer was, — " They had full 
powers to make a peace." Upon this the 
ephori called them to an audience ; and on 
their arrival at Sparta they summoned an as- 
sembly, in which the Corinthians and Thebans 
distinguished themselves above all others, 
though several joined in their sentiments. 
They averred that « the Athenians ought to 
have no peace at all, but should be utterly de- 
stroyed." The Lacedaemonians declared, « they 
would never enslave a Grecian city that had 
done such positive service to Greece in the 
most perilous times." Accordingly they granted 
a peace on condition " they should demolish 
the long walls and the Piraeus, should deliver 
up all their ships except twelve, should recall 
their exiles, should have the same friends and 
the same foes with the Lacedaemonians, and 
follow them at command either by land or 
sea." Theramenes and his colleagues returned 
to Athens with these conditions of peace. At 
their entering the city a crowd of people flocked 
about them, fearing they had been dismissed 
without any thing done: for their present 
situation would admit of no delay at all, such 
numbers were perishing by famine. On the 
day following, the ambassadors reported the 



terms on which the Lacedaemonians grant a 
peace. Theramenes was their mouth on thjg 
occasion, and assured them Ν they had no re• 
source left, but to obey the Lacdaemonians 
and demolish the walls." Some persons spoke 
against, but a large majority declaring for it, it 
was resolved — Η to accept the peace." 

In pursuance of this, Lysander stood into 
the Piraeus, and the exiles returned into the 
city. They demolished the walls with much 
alacrity, music playing all the time, since they 
judged this to be the first day that Greece was 
free. 

Thus ended the year, in the middle of which 
Dionysius, the son of Hermocrates, made him- 
self tyrant of Syracuse, after the Carthaginians 
had been defeated in battle by the Syracusans, 
though the former had first made themselves 
masters of Agrigentum, which the Sicilians 
too evacuated for want of provision. 

III. [In the year following were celebrated 
the Olympic games, in which Crocinas the 
Thessalian gained the prize in the stadium or 
foot-race, Eudius presiding amongst the ephori 
at Sparta, and Pythodorus being archon at 
Athens, whom the Athenians, because he was 
appointed during the oligarchy, never name in 
their list of archons, but style that year the 
Anarchy.] 

The oligarchy was thus set up : — It was de- 
creed by the people, that " thirty persons should 
be chosen to draw up a body of laws for the 
future government of the state." The persons 
chosen were these — Polyarches, Cfitias, Me- 
lobius, Hippolochus, Euclides, Hiero Mnesi- 
lochus, Chremon, Theramenes, Aresias, Dio- 
des, Phaedrias, Chaerelaus, Anetius, Piso, 
Sophocles, Eratosthenes, Charicles, Onoma- 
cles, Theognis, JEschines, Theogenes, Cleo- 
medes, Erasistratus, Phido, Dracontides, 
Eumathes, Aristotle, Hippomachus, Mnesi- 
thides. When these things were done, Ly- 
sander sailed away for Samos: and Agis, 
marching away the land army from Decelea, 
disbanded them to their several cities. 

About the same time, and when the sun 
was eclipsed, Lycophron the Pheraean, who 
was scheming to be king over all Thessaly, 
defeated in battle the Larisseans and other 
people of Thessaly who had made head against 
him, and slew many of them. At the same 
time also, Dionisius, tyrant of Syracuse, being 
defeated in battle by the Carthaginians, lost 
Gela and Camarina; and a little time after, 



380 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II. 



i.oontines who lived at Syracuse revolted 
from Dionvsius and tho Syracusans, and -with- 
drew to their own city, upen which the cavalry 
-\racuse were immediately sent by Diony- 
sius to Catana. 

The Samians, invested on all sides by Ly- 
sander, treated for the first time about a sur- 
render when he was just proceeding to a general 
assault. The capitulation was, that « all the 
freemen should depart with only the clothes on 
their backs, and should deliver up every thing 
beside ;" accordingly they departed. Lysander, 
having delivered over the city and all within it 
to its ancient inhabitants, and appointed ten 
commanders for the preservation of the place, 
sent home all the quotas of shipping belonging 
to the confederates ; and with those belonging 
to that state he sailed away to Lacedaemon, 
bringing with him all the ornaments of the 
ships he had taken from the enemy, and the 
ships out of the Piraeus, twelve excepted, and 
the crowns that had been presented personally 
to himself from the states of Greece, and four 
hundred and seventy talents 1 of silver, being 
the surplus of the tributes which Cyrus as- 
signed him for the war, and whatever else he 
had got in the course of his command. All 
these articles he delivered in to the Lacedae- 
monians in the close of this summer, at which 
time twenty-eight years and a half 2 put an end 
to this war, during which the ephori of Sparta 
are reckoned up in the following order : first 
JSnesias, in whose time the war began, in the 
fifteenth ^ar of the truce made for thirty 
years after the conquest of Euboea. After 
him are these — Brasidas, Isanor, Sostratidas, 
Hexarchus, Agesistratus, Angenidas, Ono- 
macles, Zeuxippus, Pityas, Pleistolas, Clino- 
machus, Hilarchus, Leon, Chaeridas, Patesia- 
das, Cleosthenes, Lycarius, Aperatus, Ono- 
mantius, Alexippidas, Misgolaidas, Hysias, 
Aracus, Avarchippus, Pantacles, Pityas, Ar- 
chytas, and Audicus, in whose time Lysander, 
having finished the war as is above related, 
returned with the fleet to Sparta. 

The Thirty were put into commission at 



ι 91.062/. 10e. 

» That is, if reckoned by the complete years of the 
ephori at Sparta. But as the war began in the year of 
iEnesias, the first year of it ended in the year of Braei- 
dag. Count Brasidas therefore first, and the duration of 
the war will appear to be twenty-seven years and a 
half, since it ends in the year of Eudicus. This per- 
fectly reconcile* Thucydides and Xenophon 



Athens, so soon as ever the long walls and those 
of the Piraeus were demolished. They were ap- 
pointed to draw up a body of laws for the 
future government of the state, and yet were 
continually delaying to draw up such laws, and 
make them public : but they then filled up the 
senate and other offices of state by nominations 
of their own. In the next place, it was their 
principal care to apprehend and subject to 
capital punishment all such as, during the de- 
mocracy, had subsisted by the trade of infor- 
mers, and had been a nuisance to honest and 
gofed men. Such persons the senate readily 
condemned to death ; and the whole body of 
Athenians who were conscious to themselves 
that they had never been guilty of such prac- 
tices, were not at all dissatisfied. But when 
they began to cabal together how to erect 
themselves into an arbitrary council of state, 
their first step was to send ^Eschines and 
Aristotle to Lacedaemon, to persuade Lysan- 
der to send them a guard, that they might 
effectually rid themselves of a malignant party 
in order to settle their future polity ; and they 
promised to take the expense upon themselves. 
Lysander was persuaded, and procured a body 
of guards to be. sent them under the command 
of Cajlibius. But when they had got this 
guard, they paid all possible court to Callibius, 
that his commendation might be given to all 
their measures. By this sending them parties 
to execute their orders, they now apprehended 
whatever persons they pleased, no longer bad 
men and scoundrels, but such as they imagined 
would^never acquiesce in their violent proceed- 
ings, would attempt resistance, and had in- 
fluence enough to raise a large party against 
them. 

Critias and Theramenes at first had acted 
with great unanimity and friendship. But 
when the former, who had been exiled by the 
people, was impetuous for putting numbers to 
death, Theramenes began to clash. He main- 
tained it " to be quite iniquitous to put men to 
death only because they were honoured by the 
people, and had never done any harm to the 
worthy and good. For," he added, " even I 
myself, and you too, Critias, have advised and 
executed many public measures merely for the 
sake of obliging the people." But Critias 
(for he was still well with Theramenes) re- 
plied — " It was an inconsistency for men, 
who had schemed to get the power into 
their own hands, not to rid themselves of 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



381 



such as were best able to disappoint their 
scheme. You judge very simply indeed, if, 
because we are thirty in number, you think 
we ought to be less vigilant in establishing 
our power, than a single person would be for 
his own personal tyranny." Yet, when num- 
bers had unjustly been put to death, and it 
was visible, that the Athenians began to form 
associations, and to be alarmed for their future 
safety, Theramenos again declared, that " un- 
less they strengthened themselves by taking in 
a number of able assistants, it was impossible 
the oligarchy could be of long continuance." 
Here Critias and the rest of the thirty begin- 
ning to be alarmed, and not least of all about 
Theramenes lest the Athenians should put 
themselves under his protection, draw up a list 
of three thousand persons, who were to be as- 
sociated with them in the administration. But 
Theramenes again declared his sentiments, 
that " it seemed an absurdity to him, for men, 
who had at first proposed to form a union only 
of the best men in the community, to draw 
up a list amounting to three thousand, as if 
that number necessarily implied that all of them 
were men of honour and virtue ; as if it was im- 
possible for any one not in the list to be a man 
of worth, or any one in it to be a villain. But 
in short," said he, " I plainly see that you are 
intent on two schemes utterly inconsistent with 
one another, a government to be supported by 
violence, and the agents in it much less consid- 
erable in point of power than those who are to be 
governed." In this manner Theramenes talked. 

They now summoned the whole city to a 
review ; the three thousand to assemble in the 
forum, but all the rest who were not in the list 
at a distant place. The former they ordered to 
arms ; and, whilst the rest were remotely en- 
gaged, they despatched the guards and such of 
the citizens as were in combination with them, 
to seize the arms of all the Athenians except- 
ing the three thousand. And, having carried 
them into the citadel, they laid them up safe 
within the temple. 

These things being done, as if now with se- 
curity they might act all their pleasure, they 
put many to death from personal enmity, and 
many because they were rich. 1 And to enable 



> Critias had been in the earlier part of his life a disci- 
ple of Socrates, and his bad conduct afterwards occa- 
sioned several reproaches to be thrown upon this divine 
philosopher, as if he had given him improper lessons. 
Xenophon had justified Socrates from these reproaches 



them to pay the Lacedaemonian guards, they 
also made a decree, that " each person of the 
thirty might apprehend one of the sojourners 



in a neat and most convincing manner. He also relates 
a severe censure that Socrates passed upon the impurity 
of his manners; and how, when Critias became one of 
the thirty tyrants, and had put many worthy men to 
death, Socrates made in public the following observa- 
tion : " It would bo strange (said ho) if a person, who 
was appointed to take care of a herd of cattle, should 
lessen their number, and reduce the remainder to a state 
of weakness, and yet not confess that he was a bad keep- 
er of cattle: but then it is much stranger that a ρβτβοη, 
who governing in a community of men, lessens the num- 
ber of the people under him, and reduces the rest to a 
state of desolation, can avoid taking shame to himself, 
and not confess that he is a wretched governor indeed." 
This (says Xenophon) was carried to the tyrants ; upoa 
which Critias and Charicles sent for Socrates, and show- 
ing him the law they had made, by which he was for- 
bidden to teach the art of reasoning, they strictly en- 
joined him to hold no discourse at all with young men of 
Athens. Socrates begged leave to propose some ques- 
tions, that he might be sure of the meaning of this pro- 
hibition. They told him he might. " I declare myself 
(he then went on) always ready to obey the laws. But 
lest I should transgress through ignorance, I would 
know explicitly from you, whether you forbid me to 
teach the art of reasoning, because you judge it to con 
sist in saying what is right, or saying what is wrong 
For if it consists in saying what is right, you clearly 
forbid me to say what is right; if it consie'/in saying 
what is wrong, it is certain indeed I ought always to en- 
deavour to say what is right." Charicles upon this grew 
angry, and replied : Since you are so ignorant, Socrates, 
we word the prohibition in such a manner that you can- 
not mistake ; you are to hold no discourse at all with the 
young men of Athens. " But still (said he) to prevent mis- 
takes, and to guard me from the least breach of your com- 
mands, declare to me, till what age yon deem men young?" 
Till the age prescribed for their entrance into the senate 
(said Charicles), till then they are not to be deemed at 
years of discretion. Hold therefore no discourse at all 
with persons under thirty years of age. "Suppose I 
want something of a tradesman who is under thirty, 
must I not ask him the price of what I want?" Ay, ay, 
certainly you may, said Charicles. But it is your way, 
Socrates, to ask questions about points in which you 
want to inform and not to be informed. You are to ask 
no such questions as those. "Suppose then a person 
may ask me, where Charicles lives, or where Critias may 
be found, am I forbidden to give him any answer ?" Here 
Critias put in : You are to hold no discourse at all about 
shoemakers, and carpenters, and braziers ; though I fancy 
you have already vexed them with fetching them in for 
comparisons in your daily loquacity. " Why then (said 
Socrates) I must refrain too from the consequences I draw 
from such comparisons, arid eay nothing about justice, 
and piety, and things that are right and proper?" Ay, 
by Jove, you must, and from ever mentioning again 
your keepers of cattle; if not, you may depend upon it, 
you shall suffer for it in your own goods and chattels 
too. From hence it is plain, it had been told them what 
Socrates had said about a keeper of cattle, which had 
made them exceeding angry with him. — Xenophon Ί 
Memorable Things of Socrates, Book I. 



382 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II. 



resid.ng in the city, might put him to death, and 
appropriate his wealth."' They then encour- 
aged Theramenes to apprehend what sojourner 
he pleased. But the answer of Theramenes 
was, " To me it appears base indeed, that men, 
who pique themselves on being the best men in 
Athens, should give in to such outrages as the 
vile tribe of informers could not commit. The 
latter only extorted their money, but deprived 
not men of their lives. But as for us, if we 
shall murder persons who have done us no 
wrong, merely to get their money, will not our 
behaviour be in every respect more outrageous 
than theirs :" ' Judging from hence that Thera- 
menes would obstruct them in all their designs, 
they combine against him, and calumniate him 
privately to every member of the senate apart, as 
a determined opposer of their new polity. And 
then, having issued out orders to a party of 
young men, such as they judged would act 
most daringly, to repair to the senate-house 
with daggers under their skirts, they convened 
the senate. No sooner was Theramenes come 
in, than Critias rose up, and spoke as follows : 
" If there be a man in this house, who ima- 
gines that more persons suffer death than the 
public v. .lfare requireth, let him only reflect, 
that in all revolutions of government such 
everywhere is the case. And when revolu- 
tions end here in an oligarchy, the greatest 
number of adversaries must necessarily start 
up, because Athens is the most populous com- 
munity in Greece, and because for the longest 
series of time the people here have been pam- 
pered in liberty. For our parts, gentlemen of 
the senate, who know what an oppressive yoke 
the democracy hath ever proved to men of such 
qualifications as we are and as you are ; who 
know besides, that the people can never be 
well affected to the Lacedaemonians, to whom 
we owe our preservation, whereas the most 
worthy men amongst us may ever be their 
hearty friends ; on these considerations, and 
by advice of the Lacedaemonians, we are now 
modelling our constitution ; and, whomsoever 
we perceive to be an enemy to the oligarchy, 
we rid ourselves of him to the utmost of our 
power. But then, if any one of our own body 
gives a dangerous opposition to our own fa- 



i I am for making one sentence of two by a small but 
necessary correction : viz. 'H,u£<; St '-' usroxTntquptv . . . 
λ.χμβχνομιν, πως ov. — This 13 more in the manner of 
Xenophon. The future verb χπο-Λτιναυμιν calle for this 
alteration. Dr. Taylor. 



vouritc scheme, nothing on our principles can 
be so equitable as to make him suffer for it. 
And yet we are well assured, that this Thera- 
menes, who sits here amongst us, is labouring 
his utmost to destroy both us and you. I speak 
nothing but the truth. You will be convinced 
of it yourselves if you only reflect, that nobody 
is so lavish of his censure on the present mea- 
sures as this very Theramenes, nobody so 
ready to oppose when we are willing to put one 
of the demagogues out of our way. If in- 
deed his principles had originally been the 
same, though this would prove him our enemy, 
it would not justly expose him to the title of 
villain. But now, this very man, the author 
of our confidence in and our friendship towards 
the Lacedaemonians, the author of the late de- 
molition of the power of the people, and who 
was most active at exciting us to inflict due 
punishment on our first set of enemies, — now, 
I say, when you, gentlemen, have shown your- 
selves to be utter enemies to the people, this 
very man takes upon him to be displeased with 
your conduct, in order to secure his own per- 
sonal safety, and leave us to be punished for all 
that hath been done. — Here, beyond all doubt, 
we are obliged to take vengeance upon him, 
not only as an enemy but also as a traitor. 
And treachery of a truth is a much more hein- 
ous crime than open enmity, by how much 
more difficult it is to guard against what is not 
seen than against what is. Nay, it carries a 
more implacable enmity with it, since men at 
open variance with one another become recon- 
ciled, and renew a mutual confidence ; but with 
a man, who is a traitor convict, no one ever 
yet was, and no one can ever again be recon- 
ciled. But, to give you complete conviction 
that Theramenes is not merely a changeling, 
but by nature a traitor, I will remind you of 
his former behaviour. 

" This man, who in the early part of his days 
was in the highest credit with the people, as 
his father Agnon had been before him, showed 
himself the most impetuous zealot in shifting 
the power of the people into the hands of the 
four hundred, and accordingly became the lead- 
ing man amongst them. And yet, he no sooner 
perceived that a sufficient party was formed 
against the four hundred, than he set himself 
again at the head of the people against his own 
accomplices. And this in truth is the reason 
why he is styled the. Buskin. The buskin you 
know seems to fit both of the feet, and is a 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



383 



Luskin for cither of them. But let me tell you, 
Theramenes, a man, who deserves to live at 
ait, ought not to signalize himself by leading 
his fellow-citizens into dangerous schemes, and 
when things go wrong to make a sudden turn 
and desert them. Embarked as it were in the 
same ship with them, he ought to share their 
toil, till they meet with more favourable gales. 
For in case he refuseth this, how shall they 
ever reach their harbour in safety, when at 
every adverse blast they must immediately in- 
vert their course ] 

" It must be owned, that revolutions in po- 
litical bodies carry death and destruction with 
them. But you, sir, most dexterous in making 
your turns, were the cause, that an unusual num- 
ber was put to death by the people when the 
oligarchy was demolished, and an unusual num- 
ber put to death by the few when the de- 
mocracy was again suspended. And this again 
is that very Theramenes, who, after the sea- 
fight on the coast of Lesbos, being ordered by 
the commanders to fetch off their countrymen 
from the wrecks, never executed that order, 
and yet accused those very commanders, and 
got them to be put to death, though merely to 
save himself. And what mercy ought ever to 
be shown to that man, who hath made it the 
business of his life to convince the world of his 
own selfishness of heart, and of his total disre- 
gard of his duty and his friends 1 And how 
cautiously ought we to behave, who are con- 
scious of his unsteady shifting temper, that he 
may never be able to turn the tables upon us 1 

" We therefore charge him before you as a 
dangerous and subtle plotter, as a traitor to us 
and to you. That we act on just and cogent 
reasons, you will be convinced from hence. — 
The polity of the Lacedaemonians is allowed 
by you all to be the finest in the world. Yet 
if any one of the ephori at Sparta, instead of 
conforming to the determinations of the body, 
should asperse their conduct and oppose their 
measures, can you think he would not be judg- 
ed worthy of the severest punishment by all 
the rest of the ephori, and by the whole com- 
munity 1 You therefore, gentlemen, if you are 
wise indeed, will have no mercy on him, but 
will have mercy on yourselves. For if Thera- 
menes escapes with life, he will give fresh and 
higher spirits to many who are already your 
determined foes ; but at once put to death, he 
will totally confound the hopes of all the fac- 
tious either within the city or without." 



Critias having spoken thus sat down. And 
Theramenes rising up made this defence : 

" I shall, gentlemen, first reply to the finishing 
article of his charge against me. He says, it 
was I who accused and got the commanders to 
be put to death ; but I did not begin the prose- 
cution against them. It was pleaded by them- 
selves in their own justification, that I was 
ordered to do it, and did not save the lives of 
our unhappy countrymen in the sea-fight near 
Lesbos. I was heard in my own defence ; 
and, insisting on the impossibility of putting 
to sea, or fetching off the men because of the 
storm, was judged by all Athens to have spoken 
nothing but the truth. And so the charge 
of the commanders against me turned wholly 
upon themselves: for though by their own 
confession, it was possible to save them, yet 
they sailed away with the fleet, and left them 
all to perish. 

" I am not however surprised, that Critias 
hath violated the laws of equity. He was not 
at Arginusse ; he saw no part of the transactions 
there ; but was at that time in Thessaly, assisting 
Prometheus to set up a democracy, and arming 1 
vassals against their lawful superiors. His ex- 
ploits in Thessaly were fine ones indeed ! and 
grant heaven we may never see the like in 
Athens ! 

" And yet in one point I entirely agree 
with him, that if any man endeavours to put 
an end to your administration, and to strengthen 
the hands of your determined enemies, he 
ought in all justice to suffer the severest punish- 
ment. And in my judgment, you yourselves, 
if you will only fix your recollection on what 
hath already been done, and what each of us arc 
now doing, will be able most clearly to find out 
the man, on whom the guilt of such practices 
ought entirely to be fastened. 

" So long therefore as the points in agitation 
were only these — to establish you, gentlemen, in 
the possession of the senate house, to appoint 
proper magistrates for the state, and to rid the 
community of a notorious set of informers, 
we all of us proceeded in perfect unanimity. 
But when Critias and his faction began to appre- 
hend the worthy and the good, I too began that 
moment to differ in sentiments with them. I 
was well convinced, when Leon of Salamis, who 
was reputed to be, and in reality was, a worthy 
man, without being guilty of the least niisde- 

1 TOUJ Π:1'ί<Γ*ί. 



384 



XENOPHON ON THE 



Lbook II. 



meanor, was put to death, that all such persons 
as ho would with reason be alarmed for them- 
. and thus alarmed for themselves, must 
needs turn out enemies to the new administra- 
tion. I was well assured, when Niceratus the 
son of Nicias was apprehended, a man of so 
large a fortune, and who had never dabbled in 
popular intrigues, nor his father before him, 
that all such men as Niceratus must needs con- 
ceive an aversion towards you. And again, when 
Antipho was put to death by you, Antipho, who 
during the war fitted out two ships that were 
excellent sailers at his own expense, I was firm- 
ly persuaded, that all men, who from pure gen- 
erosity were desirous to serve their country 
must entertain suspicions of you. I also op- 
posed, when they urged the necessity for each 
person to seize one of the sojourners residing 
in the city. For it was plain to me, that by 
putting these men to death, the whole body of 
sojourners must be made enemies to such an 
administration. I also declared my opposi- 
tion to taking away their arms from the body 
of the citizens, judging that we ought not in 
this manner to weaken our own community. 
I knew the Lacedsemonians could never in- 
' tend, when they determined to save us, that 
we should be reduced so low as never again 
to be able to do them service. For had this 
been their scheme, it was once in their power 
to have left not one single Athenian alive, since 
famine in a little time would have done it for 
them. And I never could give my consent to 
take into pay these foreign guards, when we 
might have been supported by a competent num- 
ber of honest Athenians, till by gentle methods 
we had brought those who were to be governed 
into quiet submission to us who were to govern. 
And when I perceived that numbers of men in 
Athens were actually become enemies to the 
new administration, and numbers of our coun- 
trymen were driven into exile, I could never 
approve that either Thrasybulus or Anytus or 
Alcibiades should be sent into exile after the 
rest. For I plainly saw that an accession of 
strength accrued to our enemies, when able 
heads were driven out to command the multi- 
tude, and numbers showed themselves ready 
to follow such as were willing to command 
them. 

" Ought therefore the man who openly remon- 
strates aloud against such violent measures, to 
be esteemed an honest manor a traitor 1 You 
are mistaken, Critias. The persons who re- 



strain you from increasing the number of your 
foes, who persuade you to enlarge to the utmost 
the number of your friends, can in no light be 
regarded as agents for your foes. By every 
rule of judging, that character belongs to others, 
to such as made plunder of the property of their 
neighbours, to such as unjustly put the innocent 
to death. Such men, beyond all contradiction, 
enlarge the number of our enemies ; such men 
are traitors not only to their friends but even to 
their own selves, for the sake of filthy lucre. 

" But if you are not yet convinced that I 
speak the truth, consider it in another light. 
What set of measures, whether those which I 
recommend or those to which Critias and his 
faction adhere, do you think are most pleas- 
ing to Thrasybulus and Anytus and the rest of 
the exiles 1 For my own part, I am thoroughly 
persuaded, that this very moment they are con- 
fident that all the world is on their side. But 
were only the best families of Athens well 
affected to us, they would judge it difficult in- 
deed to get the least footing anywhere within 
our borders. 

" And now examine attentively with me the 
remaining part of his charge, that I have been 
for ever turning about. — It was the people of 
Athens, and they alone, who placed the govern- 
ment in the hands of the Four-hundred. They 
were convinced that the Lacedsemonians would 
trust to any form of government whatever soon- 
er than the democracy. But, when after all 
they would not relax in their demands, and a fac- 
tious parcel of our own commanders, such as Ar- 
istotle, Melanthius, and Aristarchus, were rais- 
ing a work at the end of the pier, and with a 
manifest design to let the enemy in amongst us, 
and subject the state to themselves and others ; 
— if I detected and put a stop to their scheme, 
am I therefore a traitor to my friends? He 
styles me indeed the Buskin, as if I endeavour- 
ed to fit both parties. And how then, good 
Heaven ! must we style that man, who could 
never yet ingratiate himself with any party at 
all 1 When the democracy was in being, you, 
Critias, were judged the bitterest enemy the 
people ever had ; and, during the aristocracy, 
you signalized your abhorrence of all good 
men. But I, good Sir ! have ever been wag- 
ing war against those who formerly thought a 
democracy never to be safe, till every slave and 
every scoundrel, who, to gain a drachma, would 
have sold the community, should have a share 
in the government for the price of a drachma ; 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



385 



and have as constantly signalized myself in op- 
position to those who think an oligarchy can 
never be safe, till they have enslaved the whole 
community to a small parcel of tyrants. Athens 
was then best constituted, when a competent 
number of citizens were ready to defend her 
with their horses and their shields. I thought 
so formerly : and this very moment I think the 
same. If you have any objections, Critias, tell 
these gentlemen on what occasion I ever at- 
tempted, in conjunction either with a factious 
populace or a small parcel of tyrants, to deprive 
any good and worthy Athenian of the right 
and privileges to which he had just pretensions. 
For in case I am convicted of doing so now, or 
ever to have done so in the former part of my 
life, I frankly own that death in its severity 
ought in all justice to be my doom." 

Here Theramenes ended his defence : and a 
murmur, intimating their good-will to him, ran 
round the senate. Critias was convinced by 
this, that, should he suffer the senate to pro- 
ceed to a vote, Theramenes would escape him. 
But, regarding this as worse than death to him- 
self, after drawing near and conferring a while 
with the Thirty, he went out, and ordered those 
who had daggers about them, to go into the 
house and take their stand at the bar. And 
then, coming in again, he spoke as follows : 

" Gentlemen of the senate, I reckon it the 
duty of a good magistrate, not to stand by 
quietly and suffer gross impositions to pass upon 
his friends : and it shall be my care at present 
to discharge that duty. For even those gen- 
tlemen, who now stand round the bar, declare 
they will never suffer us to let a man escape 
with impunity, who openly avows himself an 
enemy to the oligarchy. It is indeed enacted 
in the new body of laws, that no person in the 
list of the Three-thousand shall be put to death 
unless by a vote of the senate, but that the 
Thirty be empowered to put any to death who 
are not in that list. I therefore (he went on,) 
with your entire approbation, strike the name 
of this Theramenes here out of the list ; and 
we (he added) order him to be put to death." 

Theramenes^ hearing this, leaped upon the 
altar, and cried out : — 

" I make to you, gentlemen of the senate, 
the most righteous request that ever can be 
made, by no means to suffer Critias to strike 
out my name or any of your names, at pleasure, 
but to adhere to the law which these very per- 
sons have enacted concerning those in the list, 
33 



that both I and yourselves may be judged ac- 
cording to the law. Of this, by Heaven ! I am 
well persuaded, that even this altar will avail 
me nothing. But I would willingly convince 
you all, that these men are not only most un- 
just in regard to their fellow-creatures, but 
most irreligious too towards the gods. And 
yet I am surprised at you, men as you are of 
honour and worth, that you will not succour 
your own selves, though so well aware that my 
name is not easier to be struck out of the list, 
than the name of any one amongst you." 

But here the crier belonging to the Thirty 
ordered the Eleven 1 to go and seize TLera- 
menes. Accordingly they came in, attended 
by their own servants, with Satyrus, the most 
reprobate and audacious fellow alive, at their 
head. Critias thus addressed himself to them — 
" We deliver over to you that Theramenes yon- 
der, who by law is condemned to die. Seize 
him, you whose office it is ; and then, convey 
him hence to the properplace, and do your duty." 
So soon as Critias had spoken, Satyrus was pull- 
ing him from off the altar, the servants too 
were helping to pull him down. Theramenes, 
as was likely he should, called aloud upon gods 
and men to take notice of what was doing. 
The senate continued quietly in their seats, see- 
ing the bar surrounded by fellows like Satyrus, 
and the area before the senate-house quite filled 
with the foreign guards, nut ignorant besides 
that those within had daggers about them. 
They hurried Theramenes away across the 
forum, in very loud lamentations deploring 
his fate. One thing he said is still talked of, 
and it is this — When Satyrus told him — « If 
he did not hold his tongue, he would make his 
heart ache," — he replied — « But will not my 
heart ache, though I should hold my tongue'?" 
And at the time of his execution, when he 
had drank off the poison, they say he dashed 
the little that was left in the cup upon the 
ground, and said — « May the brave Critias 
pledge me !" I am not ignorant indeed, that 
such sententious escapes are not worth relating ; 
but this I think worthy of admiration in the man, 
that, in the very hour of death, neither his good 
sense nor his pleasantly forsook him. And in 
this manner Theramenes died- 2 

IV. The Thirty, as if they were now at li- 



» Public executioners of justice. 

a And soon after Alcibiades was murdered by Pharn*- 
bazus at the request of Lysander, owing entirely to tb• 
instigations of Critias. 

2Y 



386 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II. 



berty to tyrannize without restraint, issued 
out an order to all whose names were not in 
the list, not to come into the city. They drove 
them also out of the country, that themselves 
and their friends might get into possession of 
their estates. It was to the Piraeus that they 
went chiefly for refuge : but numbers of them, 
driven out also from thence, filled both Megara 
and Thebes with Athenian exiles. 

Immediately after this it was that Thrasy- 
bulus, setting out from Thebes with about 
seventy persons in company, possesseth him- 
self of the strong fort of Phyle. The Thirty 
marched immediately out of Athens to recover 
the place, attended by the Three-thousand and 
the horsemen of the state; and the weather 
was very calm and fine. On their approach 
to Phyle, some of the younger sort, who piqued 
themselves on their bravery, immediately at- 
tacked the fort with no manner of success, 
since they were obliged to retire with plenty of 
wounds. But, the Thirty having formed a 
design to throw up a work, in order, by cutting 
off the conveyance of all necessaries, the more 
easily to reduce them, there fell in the night an 
exceeding deep snow. Next morning, having 
been well drenched by the snow, they marched 
back to Athens, after losing many of their 
baggage-men in the retreat by a party that pur- 
sued them from Phyle. Apprehensive too, 
that they would plunder the adjacent country, 
if a guard was not properly posted, they des- 
patch almost all the Lacedaemonian guards and 
two troops of horse to the extremity of their 
frontier, about 1 fifteen stadia from Phyle : 
these, having encamped themselves on a rough 
spot of ground, set themselves on the watch. 

But Thrasybulus, as now seven hundred 
persons were got together at 2 Phyle, put him- 
self at their head, and marched out by night. 
Having ordered them to ground their arms 3 at 



the distance of three or four stadia from the 
guard, he halted for a time. But at the ap- 
proach of day, and the enemy beginning to get 
up and straggle on their necessary business 
from the camp, and the noise being heard 
which the grooms made in currying their 
horses, at this juncture the party under Thra- 
sybulus recovered their arms, and came run- 
ning in amongst them. They made some of 
them prisoners ; and put all the rest to flight, 
pursuing them to the distance of six or seven 
stadia. They slew more than one hundred 
and twenty of the heavy-armed, and Nicostra- 
tus (who was called the handsome) of the 
horsemen: two other horsemen they had 
seized in their beds. After quitting the pur- 
suit and erecting a trophy, they packed up all 
the arms and baggage they had taken from the 
enemy, and marched back to Phyle. The 
horsemen who marched out of Athens to suc- 
cour their brethren, were too late to gain the 
sight even of a single foe. They continued 
however in the field, till their relations had 
carried off the dead, and then withdrew into 
the city. 

The Thirty, who now apprehended that 
their power began to totter, bethought them- 
selves of securing Eleusis, that, when things 
were at the worst, they might be sure of 
a place of shelter. Having therefore issued 
out orders to the Athenian horse to attend, 
Critias and the rest of the Thirty repair- 
ed to Eleusis ; where, having ordered out to 
a review the horsemen of Eleusis, pretending 
they must know exactly how many they were 



» One mile and a half. 

* Marginal reading of the Paris edition, 1625. 

* This passage, with two others cited below, justifies 
the English translation ground their arms. I am per- 
euaded it ought always to be so translated, when the 
Greek phrase 5ιμινος τ* 'οπ\χ stands simply and abso- 
lutely by itself: for nri t>jv y*v or something like it is in 
this case understood. The addition indeed of another 
or of more words may vary the meaning. But in these 
passages the context determines the meaning beyond 
a doubt. Need it be mentioned, that when soldiers 
halt or are upon a guard, it easeth them much to 
ground their arms, the men sometimes standing, some- 
times lying down in their ranks, nay sometimes walking 
about, yet, if discipline be alive, to no greater distance 
than to be able, on the most sudden alarm, to fall again 



into their ranks, and recover their arms. But to the point 
iu hand : 

Thrasybulue, under favour of the dark, is got undis- 
covered within three or four stadia of the enemy. The 
better to direct hie attack he waits for daylight ; and in 
the meantime to ease his men and preserve their vigour 
for action, δίμινος τ* »ewx« *ν<τυ%ι»ν n%tv — but at day- 
light cevte\«6owTlf r* W\«— srpOirfjrtsrTOi'. 

See farther p. 387, where the action is rather more 
distinct, for the men only ground their shields and not 
their spears or javelins, του; ^ίτ' «υτου dia-Sxt xfXtue-ej 
τχς ασπι^χς, x«t» αυτό; ίιμίνος, τχδ* xKKx *οπΚχ e^tov- 
ιλίξίν. And when the speech is ended, the corresponding 
phrase soon occurs, xvtXxGt or χνιλχΖον τ<* 'βζτλα. 

See also book vii. near the end, where Epaminondas is 
preparing for the battle of Mantinea— thro τ« \rrxx, 
•ωβ -Tt ΐίχ*οτ6ιι <ττρατο7Γί Jiu/uevco. Thiscould never be stand- 
ing to their arms, which could not have imposed upon the 
enemy. But he ordered the arms to be grounded, as if 
he was going not to fight but to encamp. The enemy ob- 
served the action and wa9 deceived, for Epaminondas 
soon saw his opportunity — τοτι in xvx\xS>ttv irxpxyya- 
hat τ* 'οϋ-λ*— and began the attack. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



387 



ami how many more were wanting to garrison 
the place, they commanded them all to give in 
their names ; and each person so soon as his 
name was taken down, was ordered to go 
through the wicket to the sea. They had 
posted their own horse on either side of the 
wicket upon the beach ; and the servants seized 
and bound every Eleusinian as he came out of 
the wicket. And, when all of them were 
bound in this manner, they ordered Lysimach- 
us, who commanded the horse, to deliver them 
into the custody of the Eleven. Next day they 
assembled in the Odeum the heavy-armed in 
the list and the rest of the horsemen, where 
Critias rose up, and addressed them thus : 
" We, gentlemen, are settling a new form of 
government for your benefit as much as for our 
own. You therefore are obliged, as you will 
share the honours, to take an equal share in all 
the dangers. You must therefore sentence to 
death the Eleusinians whom we have secured, 
that both in your hopes and in your fears you 
may be united with us." — Then, having pointed 
out a certain spot, he ordered them to give 
their ballots in the presence of all the assem- 
bly. But the Lacedaemonian guards were this 
moment drawn up under arms so as to fill half 
the Odeum. Yet even this behaviour was not 
displeasing to some citizens of Athens, to such 
as had no regard for any thing but their own 
selves. 

The number of those who had gathered to- 
gether at Phyle was now increased to a thou- 
sand : and Thrasybulus, putting himself at their 
head, marcheth by night into the Piraeus. No 
sooner had the Thirty intelligence of it than 
in person they sallied out against them with 
the Lacedaemonian guards, the horsemen, and 
the heavy-armed. They took their march along 
the cart-way that goes down to the Piraeus. 
Those from Phyle for some time attempted to 
stop their approach. But as so large a com- 
pass of ground was judged to require a very 
large number of men to guard it, and themselves 
were few indeed, they wheeled off by regular 
• bodies into Munychia. Those from the city 
immediately repaired into the forum of Hip- 
podameia, where having formed into regular 
order, they afterwards filled up the way that 
leads to the temple of Diana in Minuchia and 
to the Bendideum. They were in depth not 
less than fifty shields; and, thus drawn up, 
they were mounting the ascent. But those 
from Phyle likewise filled up the road, though 



they were not more than ten heavy-armed in 
depth. The targetecrs and light-armed darter» 
were posted behind them, and behind these 
were the slingers. The latter were numerous 
indeed, since now they were in a way of con- 
tinual increase. But during the enemy's ap- 
proach, Thrasybulus ordered his men to ground 
their shields : and, having laid down his own, 
though keeping the rest of his arms, he placed 
himself in the midst of them, and harangued 
them thus : 

« I am desirous, my fellow-citizens, to in- 
form some of you, and put the rest in mind, 
that of yonder body now approaching to fight us, 
those posted on the right are the very people 
whom you beat and pursued but five days ago. 
But those in the extremity of the left are the 
Thirty, who have deprived us, though guilty of 
no offence at all, of our rights and liberties, 
have driven us from our houses, and by an illegal 
sentence stripped our dearest friends of all their 
property. But now we have them fast, where 
they expected never to have been found, and 
we have continually been praying to find them. 
With arms in our power we are now drawn up 
and face them. All the heavenly powers know 
we have been seized upon during the hours of 
repast, and the hours of repose, and our peace- 
able walks upon the forum : and that some of 
us, so far from having offended at all, and not 
even residing in the city, have been doomed to 
exile ; and all these heavenly powers at present 
declare themselves on our side. For instance, 
in the finest weather they raise a storm, when 
it serves our cause ; and, when we give the as- 
sault to a more numerous body of our foes, 
they have enabled us, though but a handful of 
men, to erect our trophies. And now they 
have led us to a spot of ground, in which the 
enemy cannot throw their darts or javelins over 
the heads of the heavy-armed in their own front, 
because they are mounting an ascent ; whilst 
ourselves, who are to throw our javelins and 
darts and stones down-hill, shall reach them at 
every throw, and shall wound numbers. It 
was but reasonable to judge we should have 
been obliged to engage the heavy-armed in 
their van on level ground ; but now, if you will 
only throw your weapons in the proper and 
judicious manner, the way is so crowded wiili 
them -that every weapon must do execution, 
and they have no defence left but to be skulk- 
ing perpetually under their shields. Disabled 
thus from seeing their assailants, we shall have 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book II. 



opportunities to strike at our own discretion, 
and of driving each fighting man from his rank. 

" But you, my fellow-citizens', should act 
with the full conviction, that each man amongst 
you must personally earn the victory at pre- 
sent : for that victory, if heaven awards it us, 
will instantly restore us our country and our 
habitations, and our liberty and our honours, 
and to some amongst us our children and our 
wives. Happy men indeed will such of us be, 
as, after the victory, shall see the sweetest day 
that men can live. And blessed will he be too 
who dies in the struggle : for all the wealth in 
the world cannot purchase so noble a monument 
as will be that man's portion. I myself, at the 
proper time, shall begin the peean ; and when 
we have invoked the god of battle, then with 
one heart and all our hands united, let us re- 
venge ourselves on yonder men for all the 
wrongs they have made us suffer." 

After this harangue, he returned again to his 
post, and stood quietly facing the enemy ; for 
the soothsayer had strictly enjoined him, " in 
no wise to begin the attack before one of their 
own people was either killed or wounded. — So 
soon as ever that happens, we ourselves (said 
he) shall lead you forwards. The consequence 
to you will be victory, and death to me, if I 
prophesy right." He was no false prophet: 
for, the moment they recovered their arms, he 
jumped out of the rank, like a man hurried by 
divine impulse ; and, rushing among the ene- 
my, dies in a moment, and was buried at the 
ford of the Cephissus. His friends obtained a 
victory, and carried their pursuit down into 
the plain. 

Critias and Hippomachus of the Thirty, and 
Charmidas the son of Glauco, one of the ten 
governors of the Pirseus, and others to the num- 
ber of seventy, lost their lives in the engagement. 
The conquerors plundered them of their arms, 
but stripped off the garment from none of their 
fellow-citizens. And when all was over, and 
they had granted a truce for fetching off the 
dead, they began to approach and confer with 
one another, till at length Cleocritus, herald of 
the Mystae, remarkable for the loudness pf his 
voice, proclaimed silence, and spoke as follows : 

" What is the • reason, my fellow-citizens, 
that you drive us from Athens 1 What is the 
reason you are so intent on destroying us "? On 
no occasion whatever have we done you any 
wrong, but have ever shared along with you 
the most solemn temples, the most pompous 



sacrifices and feasts. We have assisted in the 
same choruses, we have walked in the same 
processions, we have served in the same armies, 
and have partaken the same dangers with you 
boA by sea and land, in defence of the common 
safety and liberty of us all. Ί conjure you, 
therefore, by our parental gods, by the ties of 
affinity, consanguinity, and friendship, (for in 
all these respects we are many of us connected 
together) — I conjure you to show some rever 
ence both to gods and men, by ceasing to sin 
against your country, and by no longer obeying 
these execrable tyrants, who for their own pri- 
vate gain have nearly slain as many citizens of 
Athens in the space of eight months, as all the 
Peloponnesians slew in ten years' war. We 
might have lived together in an orderly and 
peaceable manner ; but these tyrants oblige us 
to make war «upon one another — a war, the 
basest, the most grievous, most impious, and 
most abominated by gods and men, that human 
creatures were ever engaged in. But know, 
for most true it is, that some of those persona 
who died by our hands in the late engagement, 
have cost abundance of tears to ourselves as 
well as to you." 

In this manner Cleocritus spoke; but the 
commanders on the other side, and the sooner 
too for having heard such a speech, marched 
away their people into the city. 

The day following, the Thirty, solitary and 
quite dejected, took their seats in council : but 
the Three-thousand, wheresoever posted, were 
at variance one with another. So many of 
them as had committed any acts of violence, 
and were now alarmed for their own safety, 
declared in a vehement tone against submission 
in any shape to those in the Pirseus. But as 
many as were conscious they had done no 
harm, immediately saw matters in a true light, 
and were persuading the rest, that " the present 
evil situation was not in the least conducive 
to their welfare." They insisted " it was no 
longer their duty to obey the Thirty, nor suffer 
them to destroy their country." And at last 
they passed a decree to put an end to the Thirty 
and elect others. Accordingly they chose Ten, 
one out of every tribe. The Thirty went 
off immediately to Eleusis : but the Ten, as 
the city was full of confusion and mutual diffi- 
dence, applied themselves to preserve the peace, 
with the aid of the generals of the horse. The 
horsemen, with both horses and shields, passed 
the night in the Odeum. Distrustful as they 



AFFAIRS Ο 
ι 

Tvere, they patroled from the beginning of 
night towards the walls with their shields, 
and when it was near day on horseback, 
being under continual apprehensions, lest a 
body of men from the Piraeus might break in 
amongst them. The latter, as they were now 
become exceeding numerous, and a collection 
of all sorts of persons, were busy in making 
themselves shields of wood or the twigs of 
osier, and these were afterwards whitened. 
Yet before ten days were passed, proper se- 
curity being given that whoever would join 
them in arms, even though they were not 
natives of Athens, should be admitted to an 
equal share of right and privilege," many of 
the heavy-armed, and many of the light-armed 
too, went off to the Piraeus. Their horsemen 
also were now increased to the number of 
seventy. In the day-time they went out to 
forage, and having fetched in wood and the 
fruits of the season, reposed themselves by 
night in the Piraeus. Not one of the heavy- 
armed in the city sallied out against them ; but 
the horse came once to a skirmish with the 
plundering parties from the Piraeus, and threw 

tthe body that covered them into disorder. 
Another time they fell in with some l persons 
of the borough of ^Exone, going to their own 
lands to fetch provisions, and took them pri- 
soners , and these Lysimachus, one of the 
generals of horse, immediately butchered, 
though they begged hard for their lives, and 
many of the horsemen expressed an abhorrence 
at putting them to death. And those in the 
Piraeus retaliated upon them, by butchering in 
like manner Callistratus of the horse of the 
Leontine tribe, whom they took prisoner in 
the country. For now their spirits were raised 
so high that, they even gave an assault to the 

* walls of the city. And here it may be excusa- 
ble to mention a mechanic of the city, who, 
becoming well assured that the enemy would 
place their battering machines in the course 
that goes out of the Lyceum, ordered all the 
carts to load with single stones, and throw 
them down at their own J discretion in the 
course. For when this was performed, the re- 
moval of each of these stones gave the enemy 
a deal of trouble. 

Ambassadors were now sent away to Lace- 
daemon, not only by the Thirty from Eleusis, 



F GREECE. 



389 



ι Των (ξ* νιων in the Greak; but I translate it A<£u>. 
m»v according to the reading of Palmeriui. 
33* 



but by those in the list from Athens, who 
entreated their speedy aid, since the people hud 
revolted from the Lacedaemonians. Lysander, 
reasoning with himself that " a siege both by 
land and sea must quickly reduce the enemy in 
the Piraeus, if they were deprived of all future 
supplies," exerted himself so effectually, that a 
hundred talents 2 were advanced by way of loan 
for. this service, and himself was ordered to go 
and command by land, and his brother Libys 
by sea. He himself went off immediately to 
Eleusis, where he collected into a body the 
heavy-armed from Peloponnesus. Libys in 
the meantime kept so strict a watch at sea, 
that not one boat with provisions could get 
into the Piraeus. By this means those in the 
Piraeus were soon distressed by famine, whilst 
those in the city were greatly animated by the 
coming of Lysander. 

When affairs were in this situation, Pau- 
sanias, king of Sparta, envious of Lysander, 
since, if he succeeded now, his glory would be 
greater than ever, and Athens would become 
entirely his own, obtained the consent of three 
of the ephori, and proclaims a foreign expedi- 
tion. All the confederates put themselves un- 
der his command, except the Boeotians and Co- 
rinthians, who alleged that " they could not, 
in any consistence with their oaths, make war 
against the Athenians, who had broken no one 
article of the peace." The true motive, of their 
refusal was their own persuasion, that the La- 
cedaemonians designed to get possession of all 
Attica, and to make it a province of their own. 
Pausanias, however, encamped the army near 
the Piraeus at Halipedum. He himself com- 
manded in the right, and Lysander with the 
mercenary troops had the left. He sent am- 
bassadors to those in the Piraeus, commanding 
them " to separate and be gone." But as they 
refused compliance, he proceeded to an assault, 
to the noise of one at least, that he might con- 
ceal his real design to save them ; and, when 
no advantage could be gained by such an as- 
sault, he again retired. 

The day following, putting himself at the 
head of two Lacedaemonian brigades and three 
troops of the Athenian horse, he marched down 
to the Still Harbour, examining in what man- 
ner a circumvallation might be thrown up quite 
round the Piraeus. But, in his return to the 
camp, as some of the enemy sallied out upon 



a 20,Q30J. 



390 



XENOPHON ON THE 

ι 



[book II. 



him and retarded his march, he grew angry, 
and ordered the horse to ride out upon them, 
and the first class of Spartans to advance with 
the horse, whilst himself followed with the 
rest of his force. They slew about thirty of 
the light-armed, and pursued the rest to the 
theatre in the Piraeus. All the targcteers hap- 
pened to be drawn up there in arms, and the 
h wvv-armed too of the Piraeus. The light- 
armed sallied out in a moment against the 
enemy ; they were poising, were throwing, 
were shooting, were slinging. The Lacedae- 
monians, as numbers of them were wounded, 
unable to withstand the attack, gave ground. 
Their enemies perceiving this, plied upon 
them more briskly than ever. Here Chaeron 
and Thibracus, both of them general officers, 
are slain ; Lacrates also, an Olympic victor, 
and other Lacedaemonians, who are buried in 
the Ceramicus near the gates. Thrasybulus 
saw what was doing, and with the rest of the 
heavy-armed marched to the aid of his own 
people ; and they were soon formed eight deep 
before the light-armed. But Pausanias, who 
was greatly distressed, and had already re- 
treated four or five stadia to some rising 
ground, sent orders to the Lacdsemonians and 
the rest of the confederates to march up to 
him : and then, having drawn his whole army 
into a very deep and compact body, he led 
them against the Athenians. The latter stood 
the shock ; but some of them were soon driven 
into the mud at Alee, and some took to flight. 
About a hundred and fifty of them were slain : 
and Pausanias, after erecting a trophy, march- 
ed away to his camp. 

He was not after all this exasperated against 
them : but, secretly sending his emissaries 
amongst them, instructs those in the Piraeus 
" to address themselves by an embassy to him- 
self and the ephori with him, with such and 
such proposals." They followed his instruc- 
tions. He raiseth farther a division in the 
city, and orders as large a number of them as 
could be got together to repair to his camp 
with a remonstrance, that " they saw no reason 
at all to continue the war against those in the 
Piraeus, but they ought to be reconciled, and 
all parties unite in being friends to the Lace- 
daemonians." Nauclides, one of the ephori, 
heard this remonstance with pleasure ; for, 
since by the laws of Sparta two ephori must 
accompany the king in the field, and he him- 
self and another person were now attending in 



that capacity, both of them were more in the 
sentiments of Pausanias than in those of Ly- 
sander. For this reason, therefore, they readily 
despatched away to Lacedcemon the ambassa- 
dors from those in the Piraeus, (who carried 
with them the articles agreed upon in relation 
to the Lacedaemonians,) and some persons 
without a public character from those in the 
city, besides Cephisophon and Melitus. After 
these were set out for Lacedsemon, those who 
had now authority in the city sent a deputation 
after them, declaring that " they actually sur- 
render the walls that are yet in their power, 
and their own persons, to the Lacedaemonians 
at discretion ; but they think it reasonable that 
they in the Piraeus, if they pretend to be 
friends to the Lacedaemonians, should also sur- 
render to them the Piraeus and Munychia." 
The ephori and council of state, having heard 
all sides, despatched fifteen persons to Athens, 
and ordered them, in concurrence with Pau- 
sanias, to complete the reconciliation on the 
most honourable terms that could be made. 
They completed it on these ; that " they should 
be at peace with one another : should on each 
side repair to their own habitations, except the» 
Thirty and the Eleven, and the Ten who had 
commanded in the Piraeus : — but in case any of 
those in the city were afraid to continue there, 
they might withdraw to Eleusis." 

All points being now adjusted, Pausanias 
disbanded his army ; and they of the Piraeus, 
marching up under arms into the citadel, sacri- 
ficed to Minerva. But when the commanders 
were come down again from the citadel, Thra- 
sybulus spoke as follows : 

« To you, Athenians, who have been of the 
party in the city, I give this advice, that you 
would know your own selves. This know- 
ledge you will readily gain, if you will reflect, 
for what reason you took so highly upon you 
as to attempt to make us your slaves. Are 
you men of more integrity than we 1 Why, 
the body of the people, poor indeed as they are 
in comparison with you, have never for money 
done you any injury : but you, who have more 
wealth than all the people put together, from 
the mere motives of avarice, have done many 
scandalous injuries to them. Since therefore 
the plea of integrity cannot avail you, consider 
another. Have you taken so highly upon you, 
because you are men of greater bravery 1 Why, 
what clearer decision can be made of this 
point, than the manner we have warred upon 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



391 



one another ? But it is wisdom, you may say, 
in which you excel. You had fortifications, 
you had arms, you had wealth, you had besides 
the Peloponnesians for your confederates, and 
yet have been overpowered by men, who had 
none at all of these advantages. Yet perhaps 
you took so highly upon you, because the La- 
cedemonians were your friends? — But how? 
Why, as men fasten 1 biting curs by a collar, 
and give them up to those they have bitten, 
just so the Lacedaemonians, after giving up you 
to an injured people, have rid themselves of you 
and are gone. Far be it however from me, 
Athenians, to excite any of you to a violation 
in any degree of the oaths you have swom. I 
only exhort you to show all mankind, that, be- 



i Οιητις ο» touj ίΛχμοντ»; xvc*j χλοί«>, marg. reading, 
Paris Ed. 1625. 



sides all your other glories, you can keep your 
oaths and be religiously good." 

Having spoken thus, and said a great deal 
more about refraining from giving any farther 
disturbance to one another, and adhering firmly 
to their ancient laws, he dismissed the assem- 
bly. Having next appointed a new eet of 
magistrates, the government went regularly 
forwards. But hearing some time after, that 
those at Eleusis were taking foreigners into 
pay, they marched against them with the whole 
force of the city, and slew the commanders when 
they came out to parley. They sent their 
friends and relations amongst the rest to per- 
suade them to a reconciliation. At length, 
having sworn to one another that " they would 
never remember grievances," they do to this 
day live quietly together, and the people stand 
firm to their oaths. 



THE 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



BOOK III. 



[393] 



SZ 



CONTENTS OF BOOK III. 



War in Asia• History of Mania ; and the subtle conduct of Dercyllidas. — Agesilaus declared one of the kings 
at Sparta. His expedition into Asia, and his noble conduct.— War in Greece between the Lacedaemonian! 
and Thebane, in which Lysander is slain. 



1.384] 



THE 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE 



BOOK III, 



I. The sedition at Athena was in this manner 
brought to an end. 

After this, Cyrus sent envoys to Lacedae- 
mon, and demanded that " as he had behaved 
towards the Lacedemonians in the war against 
the Athenians, so now the Lacedaemonians 
should behave towards him." The ephori, 
acknowledging the equity of his demand, sent 
orders to Samias, who was at this time admiral 
of their fleet, " to do all the service in his 
power to Cyrus." Samius accordingly per- 
formed with cheerfulness whatever Cyrus de- 
sired of him. For, having joined his own fleet 
with that of Cyrus, he sailed round to Cilicia, 
and disabled Syennesis, governor of Cilicia, 
from giving any molestation by land to Cyrus 
in his march against the king. • Yet in what 
manner Cyrus drew an army together, and con- 
ducted the expedition against his brother, and 
how the battle was fought, and how Cyrus lost 
his life, and how afterwards the Greeks re- 
treated safe to the sea, hath been written by 
Themistogenes the Syracusan. 1 

But now when Tissaphernes, who was 
judged to have done the king excellent service 
in the war against his brother, was sent down 
again to be governor of the provinces he him- 
self had governed before, and of those also 
which had belonged to Cyrus, he immediately 
insisted that all the cities of Ionia should ac- 
knowledge him for their master; but these, 
from a desire to be free, added to their dread 



» There is no such history now to be met with. So 
fine a subject no doubt excited others to write as well a* 
Themistogenes. But Xenophon only was equal to the 
task of penning his own achievements. It seems prob- 
able from hence, that he had not yet written, or at least 
not finished his own history of the Anabasis. 



of Tissaphernes, with whom they had never 
acted, but had always joined Cyrus so long as 
he was living, refused to receive him within 
their walls. On the contrary, they despatched 
away ambassadors to Lacedaemon, representing 
there, that " as the Lacedaemonians are the 
ruling state in Greece, they were bound to 
take under their protection the Greeks in 
Asia, that their lands might not be ravaged 
and they might still be free." The Lacedae- 
monians therefore sent Thimbro to take upon 
him the command, having assigned him a thou- 
sand soldiers of those who were newly enfran- 
chised and four thousand other Peloponne- 
sians. Thimbro desired farther to have three 
hundred horse from the Athenians, promising 
that he himself would take care to pay them. 
They sent him that number, composed of such 
persons as had served in the cavalry under the 
Thirty, judging it clear gain to the people, if 
these were sent into a foreign country and per- 
ished there. 

"When these were arrived in Asia, Thimbro 
further drew the troops together that belonged 
to the Greek cities on that continent. For 
all those cities readily obeyed, as a Lacedae- 
monian was now in the command. And 
yet with all this army, Thimbro would not 
march doWn into the plains: he was awed 
by the enemy's horse, and contented himself 
to preserve the country where he was from 
devastation. But when those who had been 
in the expedition with Cyrus were safely 
returned, 2 and had joined his army, he ever 
after that drew up boldly in the plains 
against Tissaphernes. He became master 



• Under the command of Xenophon himself. 

395 



396 



XENOPHON ON THE 



I BOOK III. 



of some cities; of Pergamus, by voluntary 
surrender ; of Teuthrania also and Alisarnia, 
which belonged to Eurysthencs and Procles, 
the descendants of Demaratus the Lacedaemo- 
nian ; for this country had been given to Dema- 
ratus by the king in requital for his serving with 
him in the invasion of Greece. Gorgio also 
and Gongylus came over to him. They were 
brothers ; and one of them was master of 
Gambrium and Palsegambrium, the other of 
Myrine and Grynium. These cities also were 
a present from the king to Gongylus, the only 
person who had been exiled from Eretria for his 
attachment to the Medes. There were cities 
too, which because of their weakness Thim- 
bro reduced by storm. Yet he was obliged to 
encamp before Larissa, which is styled the 
.^Egyptian, and besiege it in form, because it 
would not hearken to any capitulation. And 
when he could not reduce it by other methods, 
he sunk a deep pit, from whence he continued a 
subterraneous trench, with a design to draw off 
their water. But as the besieged by frequent 
sallies from the walls filled up the pit with 
pieces of timber and stones, he built a wooden 
penthouse and placed it over the pit. And yet 
the Larisseans, who made a sudden sally in the 
night, set fire to this penthouse and burnt it to 
ashes. As he was now judged to be doing 
nothing, the ephori sent him an order to raise 
the siege and march into Caria. But, when he 
was got to Ephesus in order to begin that ex- 
pedition, Dercyllidas came with orders to su- 
persede him in the command ; a man in high 
reputation for the subtlety of his genius, and 
for that reason known by the name of Sisy- 
phus. Thimbro therefore departed for Sparta, 
where he was fined and sent into exile, since 
the confederates preferred an accusation against 
him, for permitting his soldiers to plunder their 
friends. 

Dercyllidas was no sooner in the command, 
than knowing that Tissaphernes and Pharna- 
bazus were suspicious of each other, he had an 
interview and made a private bargain with the 
former, and then led off his army into the coun- 
try of Pharnabazus, choosing rather to make war 
against one of them singly than against both 
of them at once. Besides this, Dercyllidas 
had been of long time an enemy to Pharnabazus. 
For having been commandant at Abydus whilst 
Lysander was admiral of the fleet, a complaint 
had been made against him by Pharnabazus, 
for which he was obliged to stand holding his 



shield. By all Lacedaemonians of spirit this is 
reckoned high disgrace, as it is the punishment 
for breach of discipline. And for this reason 
he marched with more pleasure to himself 
against Pharnabazus. He soon" convinced the 
world, that he was a much better man for com- 
mand than Thimbro ; for, as he marched his 
army through a friendly country all the way to 
^Eolia that belonged to Pharnabazus, he did 
no damage at all to the confederates. 

uEolia indeed belonged to Pharnabazus ; but 
one Zenis, a Dardan, so long as he lived, had 
been governor of the province under him. But 
when Zenis was carried off by sickness, and 
Pharnabazus was preparing to dispose of the 
government to another person, Mania the wife 
of Zenis, who also herself was a Dardan, hav- 
ing got her equipage in order, and taken money 
with her to make presents to Pharnabazus, and 
to gratify his mistresses and favourites, per- 
formed her journey, and being admitted to an 
audience, addressed him thus : 

" My husband, Pharnabazus, was in other 
respects your hearty friend, and was punctual 
in the payment of his tributes. For this you 
gave him praise, and you gave him honour too. 
If therefore I myself can serve you in no worse 
a manner than he did, why should you appoint 
any other person to command the province 1 If 
indeed I should not answer your expectations, 
it will be always in your power to remove me, 
and to bestow the government upon another." 

Pharnabazus, having heard her, determined 
that the lady should be governante of the pro- 
vince. And when she was settled in it, she 
paid the tributes with as much punctuality as 
her husband had paid them ; and besides that, 
whenever she waited upon Pharnabazus, she 
constantly brought him presents. Nay,• when- 
ever he came into her province, she entertained 
him in a more generous and elegant manner 
than any of his sub-governors. All the cities 
that originally belonged to her district* she 
kept firm in their obedience, and enlarged the 
number by the acquisition of some on the sea- 
coast ; for instance, of Larissa, Hamaxitus, 
and Colonae. She assaulted these high places 
with troops she had hired from Greece. Seat- 
ed in a high chariot she viewed every attack, 
and was remarkably liberal in her gratuities to 
those whom she had a mind to distinguish for 
their good behaviour ; and by this means was 
become mistress of a most splendid body of 
mercenaries. She even took the field in com- 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



397 



pany with Phamabazus, whenever he invaded 
the Mysians or Pisidians, ' for committing 
hostilities on the dominions of the king. 
Pharnabazus in return loaded her with hon- 
ours, and on some occasions gave her even 
a seat in his council. She was now above 
forty years of age, when Midias, her daugh- 
ter's husband, buoyed up by some of his 
flatterers, who represented " how base it was 
that a woman should rule and himself be only 
a private' person," whilst she was on her guard 
against all the world beside, as people in such 
invidious stations must necessarily be, but had 
an entire confidence in, and even a fondness for 
him, as much as a mother-in-law can have for 
her daughter's husband, — this Midias, I say, is 
reported to have stolen into her chamber and 
strangled her. He also put her son to death, 
who was a most beautiful youth, and not above 
seventeen years of age. And after these mur- 
ders he took possession of Scepsis and Gergis, 
two fortified cities, in which Mania had re- 
posited the greatest part of her treasures. 
The other cities would not submit to him. 
but the garrisons within preserved them for 
Pharnabazus. Midias after this sent presents 
to Pharnabazus, and solicited the government 
of the province which had belonged to Mania. 
He was ordered to keep his presents, "till 
Pharnabazus came in person, to take into his 
custody both the presents and the sender." For 
he declared " he would either lose his life, or 
be revenged for Mania." , 

At this very time Dercyllidas arrives ; and 
immediately, in one and the same day, was 
master, by their voluntary surrender, of the 
cities on the coast, Larissa, Hamaxitus, and 
Colonse. He also sent round to the ^Eolian 
cities, insisting upon it, that they should assert 
their freedom, should receive him within their 
walls, and become confederates. Accordingly 
the Neandrians and Ilians and Cocylitans 
obeyed the summons ; for as these cities were 
garrisoned by Grecians, they had not been well 
dealt with since the death of Mania. But the 
commandant of Cebren, who found himself at 
the head of a garrison in a well fortified town, 
had judged that, in case he preserved the town 
for Pharnabazus, he should be nobly recom- 
pensed for it, and therefore refused to receive 
Dercyllidas. Exasperated at this refusal, Der- 
cyllidas prepared for an assault. But when on 
the first day's sacrifice the victims were not 
favourable, he sacrificed again the day after. 
34 



And when nothing appeared favourable at this 
second sacrifice, on the third day he sacrificed 
again. Nay, he continued to do so four days 
together, though inwardly very much dissatis- 
fied. He was eager to compass the reduction 
of all iEtolia, before Pharnabazus could come 
up to its succour. 

One Athenadas of Sicyon, who commanded 
a company of heavy armed, took it into his 
head, that Dercyllidas trifled sadly on this oc- 
casion, and that he himself could cut off the 
water of the Cebrenians. Running up there- 
fore with his own company, he endeavoured to 
fill up their fountain. But the inhabitants, 
sallying out against him, wounded Athenadas, 
killed two of his men, and sometimes fighting 
close and sometimes at a distance, entirely re- 
pulsed them. Whilst Dercyllidas was fretting 
at his incident, and judged it might slacken 
the ardour of the assault, the heralds of the 
Greeks came out from the wall, and assured 
him « they did not concur in the behaviour of 
their commander, but chose rather to be along 
with their countrymen than along with a Bar- 
barian." Whilst they were yet speaking, a 
messenger came also from the commandant, 
declaring that what the heralds said was his 
own sense of things." Dercyllidas therefore 
the next day, for he had now sacrificed with 
favourable signs, ordered his soldiers to their 
arms, and led them towards the gates. They 
threw open the gates, and gave them admittance. 
Having therefore fixed a garrison here, he march- 
ed immediately against Scepsis and Gergis. 

But Midias, who expected Pharnabazus, and 
was even afraid of the inhabitants, sent a mes- 
sage to Dercyllidas, and assured him that " if 
he would give him hostages, he would come 
out to a conference." He immediately sent 
him one from each of the confederate cities, 
and bade him take which of them and as many 
of them as he pleased. Midias took ten of 
them, and came out. And now advancing to 
Dercyllidas he asked him, " on what conditions 
he might be a confederate V He answered, 
" by leaving the inhabitants of the cities in a 
state of freedom and independence ; " — and say- 
ing these words he moved forward to Scepsis. 
Midias, sensible that if the inhabitants were 
willing to admit him he could not prevent it, 
suffered him to enter the city. Dercyllidas, 
after sacrificing to Minerva in the citadel of 
the Scepsians, made the garrison of Midia> 
withdraw ; and having delivered the city to the 



398 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book III. 



inhabitants, and exhorted them to behave for 
the future as Grecians and as freemen ought, 
he left it and marched towards Gergis. But 
many of the Scepsians, as they honoured the 
man and were highly pleased with his be- 
haviour, accompanied his march. Midias fur- 
ther, who was still in company, begged him to 
leave in his custody the city of the Gergithians; 
to which Dercyllidas replied, that " he should 
have justice done him in every respect." And 
saying these words, he went up to the gates 
with Midias ; and his army followed him by 
two and two in a most peaceful manner. The 
people on the turrets, which were exceeding 
lofty, as they saw Midias with him, threw not 
so much as a single dart. But when Dercylli- 
das said to him, « order the gates to be opened, 
Midias, that you may show me the way, and 
I go with you to the temple, and sacrifice to 
Minerva," here Midias boggled about opening 
the gates. Afraid however that he should 
instantly be put under arrest, he ordered them 
to be opened. Dercyllidas was no sooner in 
the town, than, with Midias still at his side, 
he went to the citadel. He ordered his soldiers 
to ground their arms round the walls, but with 
his own attendants he sacrificed to Minerva. 
When he had finished the sacrifice, he ordered 
the guards of Midias to go and ground their 
arms in the front of his own troops, as now 
taken into his pay, since Midias had no longer 
any thing to fear. Midias, however, who be- 
gan to be in great anxiety, said to him, " I 
must leave you for the present, to go and get 
ready for you the hospitable feast." — " That is 
what I shall never permit," replied Dercyllidas, 
" since it would be base in me, who have 
offered the sacrifice, to accept of an entertain- 
ment from the man whom I ought to feast. 
Stay therefore here with us ; and, whilst sup- 
per is preparing, let you and me confer together 
about what ought to be done, and then we will 
do it." 

When the company was seated, Dercyllidas 
began with this question, " Tell me, Midias, 
did your father leave you in possession of all 
his substance 1" " He did," said Midias. "And 
how many houses have you in all 1 how many 
fields have you 1 how many pastures 1" Whilst 
he was reciting the particulars, some of the 
Scepsians who were present cried out, " He 
tells lies, Dercyllidas." " You need not insist," 
replied Dercyllidas, " on his being quite exact." 
When he had recited all his inheritance, « But 



tell me," Dercyllidas went on, "whom did 
Mania belong to?" The whole company an- 
swered, "To Pharnabazus." "Then all she 
had belonged also to Pharnabazus 1" "It did," 
was the general answer. " Therefore it now 
belongs to us," said Dercyllidas, " by right of 
conquest, for Pharnabazus is an enemy to us. 
And let somebody show me where the effects 
of Mania and Pharnabazus are lodged." Some 
persons led him directly to the house of Ma- 
nia, which Midias had appropriated to his own 
use, and Midias himself followed. So soon as 
he entered the house, Dercyllidas called for 
the upper servants, and having ordered his 
own people to take them into custody, he 
threatened them, that "if they were caught 
secreting any thing that belonged to Mania, 
they thould be instantly put to death ;" but 
they made a clear discovery. When he had 
surveyed the whole, he made all fast, clapped 
on his own seal, and appointed a guard. As 
he was coming out of the house, he saw many 
of his officers at the door, and said to them, 
" We have here a fine supply for the army : 
near a year's pay for eight thousand men ; and 
if we can earn any more in good time, it will be 
so much the better." This he said purposely, 
concluding that all who heard him would ob- 
serve discipline better, and would study more 
to oblige him. But Midias asking him now, 
" And where am I to live, Dercyllidas ?" 
" Just where you ought," he replied, " in 
Scepsis, where you were bom, and in the house 
you inherit from your lather." 

II. Dercyllidas, having so far acted with 
success, and taken nine cities in eight days, 
consulted with himself how he might avoid 
taking up his winter quarters in a friendly 
country, lest he might be burdensome to the 
confederates, as Thimbro had been, and yet so 
that Pharnabazus might be sufficiently awed 
from harassing the Greek cities with his horse. 
He sends therefore to the latter, and asks him, 
whether he chose to have war or peace 1 
Pharnabazus, reflecting that ^Eolia was now 
become a continued fortification against Phry- 
gia, in which he himself resided, declared for a 
truce. And when the point was settled, 
Dercyllidas, marching into Bithynian-Thrace, 
passed the winter there ; at which Pharnabazus 
was very little, if at all concerned, for these 
Bithynians were often making war upon him. 
In this country Dercyllidas spent his time, 
sending out parties who harassed all Bithynia, 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



399 



and furnished his quarters with necessaries in the 
most plentiful manner. And when about two 
hundred Odrysian horse, and about three hun- 
dred targcteers were crossed over from Seuthes 
to join him, they formed a separate camp, which 
they fortified with a circular work, at the dis- 
tance of ' twenty stadia from the camp of the 
Grecians : and having begged Dercyllidas to 
send them some of his heavy-armed to guard 
their camp, they went out for plunder, and took 
many slaves and valuable effects. When their 
camp was at length quite crowded with prison- 
ers, the Bithynians, who had gained intelligence 
how many went out to plunder, and how many 
Grecians were left behind to guard their camp, 
having drawn together a vast body of targeteers 
and horsemen, about break of day rush upon 
the heavy-armed, who were about two hundred. 
At the first approach, some were throwing in 
their darts, others were tossing in their javelins 
amongst them. The defendants, who though 
amidst wounds and death could yet do nothing 
for their own preservation, shut up as they 
were within a work as high as their own heads, 
tore down an opening in it, and sallied out 
against them. But their enemies retreated 
before them at every sally, and being but tar- 
geteers, slipped with ease out of the way of 
men in heavy armour. But they still were 
galling them on their flanks with javelins, and 
struck many of them to the ground at every 
sally. In short, pent up as it were in a fold, 
they were slain by darts and javelins. Not 
but that about fifteen of this number escaped 
in safety to the camp of the Grecians : but 
these had wheeled off in time, when they first 
perceived the enemy's design, and as, in the 
hurry of engaging, the Bithynians had not at- 
tended to their motions, effected their escape. 
The Bithynians, after so much success and 
putting all the tent-keepers of the Odrysian- 
Thracians to the sword, marched quickly away, 
and carried off with them all the prisoners ; so 
that the Grecians, who marched thither, so 
soon as they had notice of the affair, found 
nothing at all in the camp but naked dead. 
The Odrysians at their return, after interring 
their own dead, swallowing a great quantity of 
wine on the occasion, and solemnizing a horse- 
race, encamped themselves for the future along 
with the Grecians, and continued to lay By- 
thynia waste with fire and sword. 

» About two mile». 



So soon as it was spring, Dercyllidas left 
Bithynia, and arrived at Lampsacus. Whilst 
he was there, Aracus, and Navates, and Antis- 
thenes arrive from the magistracy of Sparta. 
They were commissioned έο inspect the state 
of affairs in Asia, and notify to Dercyllidas that 
he must continue in the command another 
year. They had further been particularly en- 
joined by the ephori, to assemble all the sol- 
diers, and tell them in their name, that " they 
had justly been displeased at their behaviour, 
in former years ; but as lately they had been 
guilty of no misbehaviour, they commended 
them for it: and, in regard to the time to 
come, to assure them, that Μ if they behaved 
amiss, they should find no connivance in them ; 
but in case they behaved justly towards the 
confederates, they will give them all due com- 
mendation." When therefore they called an 
assembly of the soldiers and delivered theii 
instructions, 2 the commander of those who 
had served under Cyrus made the following 
answer : 

" We, for our parts, Lacedaemonians, are 
the very same persons now that we were the 
preceding year; but the commander-in-chief 
is quite another person now than he who com- 
manded then. You are capable yourselves to 
discern the reasons, why we committed so 
many irregularities then, and commit none at 
all at present." 

At an entertainment that Dercyllidas gave 
in his own quarters to the commissioners from 
Sparta, some persons, who belonged to the 
retinue of Aracus, let fall the mention of an 
embassy now at Sparta from the Chersonesus. 
It was said, they were representing at Sparta, 
that " they were not able to till the lands in 
the Chersonesus, where every thing was con- 
tinually ravaged and plundered by the Thraci- 
ans ; but in case a fortification was raised from 
sea to sea, they should possess in security a 
great quantity of good land, enough for them- 
selves and for all Lacedaemonians that would 
settle upon it." It was added, " they should 
not be surprised, if some Lacedaemonian was 
sent out by the state with a body of men to 
carry this work into execution." Dercylli- 
das, who listened to this discourse, discovered 
nothing at all of his present sentiments to 
the company, but sent away the commis- 
sioners through the Grecian cities to Ephe- 

» Xenophon himeelf. 



400 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book III. 



bus.' He was delighted with the thought, 
that they would see those cities living happily 
in peace. The commissioners accordingly pro- 
ceeded on their journey. 

Dercyllidas, as he knew he was to continue 
another year in the command, sent once more 
to Pharnabazus and demanded — " whether he 
was for a truce, as during the last winter, or for 
war?" And Pharnabazus preferring at this 
time too a continuation of the truce, Dercyllidas, 
leaving all the confederate cities that were near 
to Pharnabazus in peace, passeth over the Hel- 
lespont into Europe with his army. And then, 
marching through the part of Thrace in friend- 
ship with him, where he was hospitably enter- 
tained by Seuthes, he arrives at the Chersone- 
sus. Finding now that it contained eleven or 
twelve cities, was the best and most fruitful 
country in the world, though sadly ravaged, as 
was said before, by the Thracians, he measured 
the isthmus, and found it to be 2 thirty-seven 
stadia over. He lost no time, but after a sac- 
rifice began to raise a fortification. He divided 
out the ground to the different parties of his 
army. He promised rewards to such as soonest 
completed the parts assigned them, and to all 
in proportion to their diligence. He began it 
in the spring, and before autumn he had com- 
pletely finished the work. He inclosed within 
it eleven cities, many harbours, a large quantity 
of excellent ground for tillage, a large quantity 
too of plantations, and a vast number of the 
finest pastures for all sorts of cattle. And now 
he again repassed into Asia. 

Taking here a survey of the cities, he found 
all well in every respect, except that the exiles 
from Chios had possessed themselves of Atar- 
na, a strong town, and by incursions from thence 
were extending their ravages all over Ionia, and 
subsisting themselves by this practice. But 
learning that they had a great store of corn, he 
invested the place, and besieged it in form. 
And having in eight months reduced it to a 
surrender, and appointed Draco of Pellene to 
take care of the place, and filled the maga- 
zines in it with all kinds of stores, that it 
might supply him with every thing he want- 
ed, whenever he came to Atarna, he marched 
for Ephesus, which is three days' journey from 
Sardis. 



Till this time there and been peace between 
Tissaphernes and Dercyllidas, and also between 
the Grecians of those parts and .the Barbarians. 
But when ambassadors from the Grecian cities 
had been at Lacedaemon, and had represented 
to the state, « that Tissaphernes, if he had a 
mind, might leave all the cities quite free and 
independent ;" adding, that " in case a war was 
carried vigorously into Caria, where Tissapher- 
nes resided, they judged he might soon be pre- 
vailed upon to leave them all in perfect liber- 
ty ;" the ephori, after listening to these repre- 
sentations, sent over to Dercyllidas, and ordered 
him to march with his army into Caria, and 
Pharax, who commanded at sea, to attend the 
expedition with the fleet. They accordingly 
obeyed their orders. 

But just at this time Pharnabazus was ar- 
rived on a visit to Tissaphernes, as well to 
compliment him on his being declared governor 
in chief over all, as to testify for himself that 
he was ready to concur in a general war, to 
join his troops with Tissaphernes, and drive 
the Greeks out of their master's dominions. 
But at the bottom he was sadly mortified at the 
pre-eminence given to Tissaphernes, and was 
also grieved at the loss of ^Eolia. Tissapher- 
nes, after giving him the hearing, answered — 
" In the first place, therefore, come along with 
me into Caria, and there we will afterwards 
consult together about these other points." 
And when they were in Caria, they thought 
proper to place sufficient garrisons in all the 
fortified places, and then to proceed against 
Ionia. 

When Dercyllidas had received intelligence 
that they had again passed the Mseander, he 
made known his fears to Pharax, lest Tissa- 
phernes and Pharnabazus, finding no resistance 
in the country, might extend their devastations 
at pleasure ; and then he immediately repassed 
the Mseander. His troops were advancing for- 
ward without any regular order, as judging the 
enemy to be got already on the lands of the 
Ephesians ; 3 when on a sudden they discover 
from the opposite shore some of their scouts 4 
mounted on the tombs. Upon which, climbing 
up themselves on the tombs and some turrets 
that were near, they had a view of their army 
drawn up in order of battle on the very ground 
they were to march over. It consisted of the 



- The text is *-' Έ^ιτ-,υ, but I translate it according 
to Dr. Taylor's reading «-' E;;r-.•-. 
a Near four miles 



3 The marginal reading, πο\ιμα.»ν f<s rr.v E^se-t 
* For τρίτον read yxosrovj. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



401 



Carians, distinguished by the name of Leucas- 
pide, of all the Persian troops they had been 
able to draw together, of the Grecian troops in 
the pay of both these chiefs, and a very numer- 
ous cavalry, those belonging to Tissaphernes 
being posted in the right wing, those belonging 
to Pharnabazus in the left. When Dercyllidas 
saw this, he issued out his orders to the officers 
of the heavy-armed to draw them up eight in 
depth, and to post the targeteers, and the horse, 
as many and such as he had upon the flanks ; 
and then he offered sacrifice. All the troops 
from Peloponnesus observed on this occasion a 
deep silence, and prepared for battle. But of 
the men from Priene, and Achilleum, and the" 
islands and the cities of Ionia, some ran instantly 
away, throwing their arms into the corn (for in 
the plains of Mseander the corn was very high), 
and such as were left showed plainly they would 
not stand. It was reported that Pharnabazus 
declared strongly for fighting. Tissaphernes, 
however, who recalled to his remembrance 
in what manner the Greeks under Cyrus had 
fought against them, and judged that all Greeks 
were men of the same spirit and resolution, 
would not be persuaded to fight. But sending 
to Dercyllidas he notified to him, that " he de- 
sired to meet and have a conference with him." 
Dercyllidas, taking with him such persons both 
of the horse and foot as made the finest ap- 
pearance, advanced towards the messengers, 
and said — " I was ready here prepared for bat- 
tle, as yourselves perceive : but since your 
master is desirous of a conference, I have no- 
thing to object. Yet before the conference 
begins, we must receive and exchange securi- 
ties and hostages." This point being agreed 
to and executed, the armies drew off; the Bar- 
barian army to Tralles of Phrygia, and the 
Grecian to Leucophrys, where was a temple of 
Diana, held in high veneration, and a lake more 
than a stadium in length, of a sandy bottom, 
kept full by perpetual springs, its water fine 
for drinking and. warm. And these were the 
incidents of the present day. 

On the following day they met at the place 
of conference ; and it was agreed on each side 
to propose the terms on which a peace should 
be made. Dercyllidas said, " it should be on 
condition the king would leave the Grecian 
cities entirely free." Tissaphernes and Phar- 
nabazus answered, " on condition the Grecian 
army evacuates the dominions of the king, and 
he commandants from Lacedaemon do the 
34* 



same by the cities." On these conditions they 
made | truce, till the treaty could be reported 
for ratification, by Dercyllidas at Lacedaemon, 
and by Tissaphernes to the king. 

Whilst Dercyllidas was thus employed in 
Asia, the Lacedaemonians, who had long been 
exasperated against the Eleans ;' because they 
had entered into an offensive and defensive 
league with the Athenians, and Argivcs, and 
Mantineans ; and because, on the pretext that 
themselves had not paid a fine set upon them, 
they had refused them a share in the equestrian 
and gymnic games ; and not satisfied with this 
refusal, when Lichias had entered his chariot 
in the name of the Thebans, and they accord- 
ingly were proclaimed victors, because Lichias 
came forwards and crowned the charioteer, 
they scourged that venerable man, and expelled 
him the assembly ; and later in time, when 
Agis had been sent in pursuance of an oracle 
to sacrifice to Jupiter, the Eleans would not 
suffer him to pray for a successful war, pre- 
tending it was an old established rule, that Gre- 
cians should not consult an oracle in relation 
to a war against their countrymen, on which 
account he was obliged to depart without sac- 
rificing at all ; — upon all these provocations, 
it was decreed by the ephori and the council 
of state, to " reduce them to a more submissive 
temper." They despatched therefore an em- 
bassy to Elis with the notification that " the 
regency of Lacedaemon had judged it equitable 
that the Eleans should leave all the cities ad- 
jacent to Elis in perfect liberty." The Eleans 
answering, " they would not do it, since they 
were masters of those cities by right of war," 
the ephori proclaimed an expedition against 
them. 

Agis who commanded the army, marched 
through Achaia, and entered Elea not far from 
Larissa. But the army being now in the ene- 
my's country, and extending their devastations, 
an earthquake is felt. Agis, reckoning this an 
inhibition from heaven, retreated out of the 
country, and disbanded his army. After this 
the Eleans were in higher spirits than ever, and 
sent embassies round to every state whom 
they knew to be disaffected to the Lacedae- 
monians. 

But the year after, the ephori again pro- 
claim an expedition against Elis ; and, except- 
ing the Boeotians and Corinthians, all the con- 



See Thucydides, Book V. 
3A 



402 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book III. 



federates, nay, even the Athenians, attended 
with their troops in this army under Agis. As 
Agis entered now by the way of Aulon, the Le- 
pratta revolted from the Ε leans and immedi- 
ately joined him. The Macystians soon did the 
same, and immediately after them the Epitalians. 
And. when he had passed the river, the Leprini- 
ans, and Amphidolians, and Marganians came 
over to him. After this, he went to Olympia, and 
sacrificed to Olympian Jove, no creature any 
longer endeavouring to stop him. After the sa- 
crifice, he advanced towards Elis, putting all the 
country to fire and sword ; nay, a vast number 
of cattle and a vast number of slaves were 
taken on this occasion. Very many of the 
Arcadians and Achseans, who had heard what 
was doing, flocked down to the army as volun- 
teers, and got a share of the plunder. And 
this expedition was as it were a general forage 
for the benefit of Peloponnesus. But when 
Agis had reached the city, he destroyed the 
suburbs and the gymnasiums which were very 
splendid ; yet as to the city itself (which was not 
fortified) the world judged it was not in his 
choice, rather than not in his power, to take it. 
The country being thus destroyed, and the 
army being now in the neighbourhood of Cyl- 
lene, one Xenias and his accomplices, who, 
according to the proverb, were measuring their 
wealth before they had it, being desirous of se- 
curing Elis for the Lacedaemonians, rushed out 
from his house by night with daggers, and be- 
gan a massacre. Amidst the number of those 
they put to death, they had killed a person 
very much resembling Thrasydseus, who was 
head of the popular party, and were persuaded 
they had killed Thrasydseus himself, insomuch 
that the people were quite dispirited, and made 
no resistance at all. The assassins now judged 
that all was secure; and their whole party 
were coming out in arms to join them in the 
market-place. In the meantime Thrasydseus 
was still sleeping in the house where he had 
been «pending the evening. So soon therefore 
as the people knew he was not dead, they came 
flocking in crowds about the house, like a 
swarm of bees about their monarch. And 
when Thrasydseus had put himself at then- 
head, and marched them up, a battle ensued, in 
which the people were victorious. But those 
who had been concerned in the assassinations 
made their escape to the Lacedaemonians. 
"When Agis in his retreat had repassed the 
Alpheus, he left a garrison to be commanded 



by Lysippus, and the fugitives from Elis in 
Epitalium near the Alpheus; after which he 
disbanded the army, and returned to Sparta. 
But during the rest of the summer and the en 
suing winter, the territory of the Eleans was 
exposed to the continuing ravage of Lysippus 
and his soldiers. 

The summer after, Thrasydseus sent his 
agents to Lacedsemon, declaring his assent to a 
demolition of the fortifications, and to setting 
at perfect liberty Cyllene and the cites of Tri- 
phylia, Phrixa, and Epitalium, and Ladrin, the 
Amphidolians too, and the Marganians ; adding 
to these the Acronians also and Lasium that 
was claimed by the Arcadians. The Eleans 
however insisted on still keeping Epeum, which 
is situated between the city of Hersea and Ma- 
cisthus. They said, " they had purchased the 
whole district at the price of thirty talents 1 
from the persons who at the time of the sale 
were possessed of the city, and had actually paid 
the money." But the Lacedaemonians, who knew 
the injustice was the same between forcing 
people to sell, or forcing them to quit their pro- 
perty, obliged them also to set Epeum at liberty. 
However they would not strip them of the pri- 
vilege to be guardians of the temple of Olym- 
pian Jove, though it did not originally belong 
to the Eleans. They judged the people 2 who 
claimed it to be only a company of peasants, 
and not at all qualified for so important a trust. 
These points being settled, a peace and a con- 
federacy ensued between the Eleans and the 
Lacedsemonians. And thus the war between 
the Lacedaemonians and the Eleans was brought 
to an end. 

III. Agis after this repaired to Delphi, and 
offered up the tenth of the spoil. But in his 
return, since he was far advanced in years, he 
fell sick at Hersea, and being with some diffi- 
culty brought home alive, died soon after at 
Sparta, and was buried in too pompous a 
manner for mortal man. . When the usual 
time of mourning was expired, and his suc- 
cessor to be declared, two competitors ap- 
peared — Leotychides, who called himself the 
son, and Agesilaus, who was the brother of 
Agis. Leotychides said, 3 The law, Age. 

ι 5812/. 10*. « The PisaDS. 

» The text of Xenophon is, in the following dispute 
about the succession, very perplexed and certainly cor- 
rupt. In the translation I have made use of three vari- 
ous readings in the margin of tho Paris edition by Leon- 
clavius, 1£25. But there is no marginal reading to help 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



403 



silaus, expressly enjoins, that not the brother 
cut the son of the king shall reign." " Yet, 
if there be no son," Agesilaus replied, " the 
brother reigns : the right therefore is in 
me." " What ! is there no son, and I alive ?" 
" None ; because he whom you call your father 
never owned you for his son." 1 u But my 
mother, who knows the truth much better than 
he, protests that I am." " Yes, but then Nep- 
tune hath clearly proved that it is all a fiction, 
who by an earthquake drove your father abroad 
from cohabiting with her: and time itself, 
which is said to bo the surest witness, joins 
evidence with Neptune, since you were born 
the tenth month after he separated from and 
had no cohabitation with her." In this man- 
ner they disputed. But Diopithes, who was a 
great dealer in oracles, supported the claim of 
Leotychides, and affirmed there was an oracle 
of Apollo, « which bade them be on their 
guard against a halting reign." Lysander, who 
favoured Agesilaus, replied, " That he did not 
imagine it was the sense of the oracle to put 
them on their guard against a king who was 
lame of a foot; but rather, that no person 
should reign who was not of the royal blood. 
For the kingdom would halt to all intents and 
purposes, when men ruled the state who were 
not of the race of Hercules." The Spartans, 
having thus heard the plea of both parties, 
chose Agesilaus for their king. 

us out in the close, where this knotty expression occurs 
μι 5Γ£θο•5Γτ««<Γ«5τΐί %ωλίυ<τ>ι. . . The learned Dr. Taylor 
hath favoured me with his sentiments upon it, to which 
I have paid a due regard in the translation. "The words, 
(he says) may possibly be mended by the help of Plutarch, 
who, in the Life of Lysander, reciting this story, has 
μ* 7τςοττΓτχΐ(τ»ς τι? αξχν, and in that of Agesilaus μη 
vrpoT7TT*nr»i τις βχα-ιΚιυτη ; one of which words must 
be given here to Xenophon. For as the text stands, it 
is just as if he had said μη χωλίυων τις χωλιυο-ιι. Possibly 
χωλυς may be added in the margin to explain πς οο-λ•τ«ι- 
τα; (as being a more unusual word), and so was reduced 
to χ,υλίυο-)), and jostled out the true word βχα -tKtva-n or 
*?/£>!• Or it may be thus : There wants no verb at all in 
this place. See how it runs, φυλ«ξ«ο•δ*ί μ\\ πξοτπτχια-χς 
ης, αλλ» μάλλον μγ\ ουκ ων του γινους, /3«ο-«λίυο•)). Let 
us apply the words of Plutarch to the whole passage: Ou 
γ*ξ n sTpoo-TTToeio-xj tjj tov sroJ* ββοπλευοΊ) τω iiu ί»*• 
Οίζΐιν βλλ' II μν\ γνγ\<τιος ων, μν\Ζι «Η^ακλίΐί»);, τούτο 
τ>ι* χωλ»ιν ιινχι &xtri\u*v. Plutarch in Agesil. 

« He is said to have been the son of Alcibiades, who 
during his residence at Sparta, had an intrigue with 
Timsea. She was excessively fond of this gallant Athe• 
nian, and within doors always called this son Alcibiades. 
But Alcibiades was used to profess, that he carried on 
the intrigue with TimaBa, not from any lewd or wanton 
motive, but only that his own posterity might reign at 
Sparta. Plutarch's Lift of Alcibiades. 



Agesilaus had not reigned a year, when,dur 
ing his performance of a solemn sacrifice for 
the public welfare, the soothsayer told him, 
that " the gods showed him a conspiracy of the 
most dangerous kind." Upon his repeating 
the sacrifice, he affirmed that " the victims 
showed worse than before." But when he aa* 
crificed a third time, he said, " It is plainly 
signified to me, that we are, Agesilaus, in the 
midst of enemies." They sacrificed afterwards 
to the gods who avert calamities or were 
guardians of the state ; and the victims after 
several repetitions at length appearing favour- 
able, they ceased. Within five days after the 
sacrifices, somebody gives the ephori informa- 
tion of a conspiracy, and that " Cinadon was 
the chief director of it." This Cinadon was a 
very handsome young man, of great solidity of 
mind, but not in the first class of Spartans. 
The ephori questioned the informer " on what 
grounds the plot was to be carried on?" He 
answered, that " Cinadon, drawing him aside 
in the farthest part of the forum, bade him 
count the number of Spartans who were then 
walking upon it. And I (said he) having 
counted the king, and the ephori, and the 
seniors, and about forty others, demanded, But 
why, Cinadon, did you bid me count them? 
Beckon these (he replied) to be enemies, but 
all others now upon the forum, who amount at 
least to four thousand, to be assuredly friends." 
He added, that " as they went along the 
streets, Cinadon pointed sometimes at one, 
and sometimes at a couple of enemies, but all 
others were firm accomplices ; and on all the 
estates in the country belonging to Spartans, 
the master singly was• an enemy, whilst all the 
people were their own." The ephori then de- 
manded, " what number of persons he told him 
were in the secret of the plot?" He answer- 
ed, that " Cinadon told him, the number yet 
let into the design by the principal agents was 
not large, but were men on whom they could 
depend. Yet all agreed that the Helots, the 
new-enfranchised, those incapacitated by law 
from being magistrates, and the people in the 
neighbourhood of Sparta, were all ripe for a 
rebellion ; since whenever any discourse arose 
about the Spartans, not a soul amongst them 
could conceal the longing he had to eat them 
up alive." They asked him next, " By what 
methods they were to procure arms ?" He 
answered, that " such as were already in the 
secret had told him— We ourselves are already 



404 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book in. 



provided;- -and in regard to the multitude, 
Cinadon had led him to the shops of the me- 
chanics, and showed him many swords, many 
daggers, many spits, many hatchets and axes, 
and many scythes ; adding farther on this oc- 
casion, that all the ut&tsils which men employ 
in agriculture and the working of timber and 
stone were so many weapons, and even the 
tools used in most trades would serve the pur- 
pose, especially against enemies who had no 
arms at all." Being interrogated again, « in 
what time they were to put the plot in execu- 
tion?" he said, "he had already received an 
order to keep in the way." 

The ephori, having finished the examina- 
tion, were persuaded he had discovered a deep- 
laid plot, and were terribly alarmed. Yet they 
summoned no meeting on the occasion even 
of the lesser council ; but assembling some of 
the senior Spartans just as they could pick 
them up, they determined to send Cinadon to 
Aulon, accompanied by a party of the younger 
Spartans, to arrest and bring away some in- 
habitants of that city and some Helots, whose 
names he would find in his scytale. They 
also ordered him to bring away with him a wo- 
man, who was reported to be the greatest beau- 
ty in the place, but was thought to debauch all 
the Lacedaemonians, as well old as young, who 
frequented Aulon. Cinadon had executed 
some such orders of the ephori on former oc- 
casions, and readily took the scytale they gave 
him now, in which were the names of the per- 
sons he was to apprehend. But when he ask- 
ed, * what youths he was to take with him V* 
" Go," they said, " and order the senior of the 
prefects of youth to send six or seven of his 
band along with you, of such as happen to be 
at hand." They had taken care beforehand, 
that this prefect should know whom he was to 
send, and that the persons sent should know 
they were to secure Cinadon. They . told 
Cinadon further, " they would send three car- 
riages, that they might not bring away their 
prisoners on foot;" concealing from him as 
much as possible, that they only aimed at his 
single person. They would not venture to 
apprehend him in the city, as they did not 
know how far the plot might have spread, and 
were desirous to learn first from Cinadon him- 
self who were his accomplices, before they 
would discover that any information was given 
against them, in order to prevent their flight. 
The party along with him were first to secure 



him, and then getting out from him the names 
of his accomplices, to send them in writing in 
all haste. to the ephori. Nay, so intent were 
the ephori on securing the point, that they 
also ordered a troop of horse to march with 
this party to Aulon. 

But as soon as Cinadon was secured, and a 
horseman returned with the names that Cina- 
don had discovered, they instantly apprehended 
Tisamenus the soothsayer, and the most dan- 
gerous persons amongst the conspirators. And 
when Cinadon was brought to Sparta and ex- 
amined, he confessed the particulars of the 
plot, and named all the persons concerned in 
it. At last they asked him, " "With what view 
he had engaged in such a project ?" His reply 
was, " That I might be inferior to no man in 
Sparta." Immediately after this he was tied 
neck and arms in the wooden collar, 1 and along 
with his accomplices was led round the city, 
being all the way scourged with rods and prick- 
ed with javelins. And thus they received the 
punishment inflicted by the laws. 2 

IV. After these transactions, one Herod a 
Syracusan, who was along with the master of 
a vessel in Phoenicia, and saw several Phoeni- 
cian vessels arriving from other places, and 
more of them already manned where he was, 
and more still fitting out, and heard farther 
that they were to be completed to the number 
of three hundred ; — this Herod took his pas- 
sage on board the first vessel that sailed for 
Greece, and gave intelligence to the Lacedie- 
monians, that " the king and Tissaphernes 
were fitting out so great a fleet, but whither 
designed, he said, he had not discovered." 
The Lacedaemonians were all in a flutter, and 
summoned a meeting of the confederates to 
consult what was to be done. Lysander, who 
reckoned that the Grecians would be far supe- 
rior at sea, and remembered the fine retreat of 
his countrymen who had served in the expedi- 
tion under Cyrus, persuades Agesilaus to en- 
gage, if they would assign him thirty noble 
Spartans, two thousand of such as were newly 
enfranchised, and a body of six thousand con- 
federates> to carry the war into Asia. He had 
it farther in. his intention to accompany Age- 
silaus in this expedition, that under his protec- 
tion be might re-establish the forms of govern- 
ment consisting of ten persons, which himself 



ι JUotw. 

» Leunclaviua's marg. reading, ("* S* «w oix^ 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



405 



had set up in the cities, and the ephori had 
since abolished, who ordered them to return to 
their primitive models. Agcsilaus having 
therefore offered to undertake the expedition, 
the Lacedemonians, beside all the rest of his 
demands, granted him a six months' supply of 
corn. When he had performed his sacrifices, 
particularly the solemn ones usual before fo- 
reign expeditions, he set forwards. He had al- 
ready by messengers circulated his orders to 
the confederate states, to what place they were 
to send their quotas, and ih what number they 
were to be ready for him. For his own part, 
he intended to go and sacrifice at Aulis, as 
Agamemnon had done when he set out against 
Troy. When arrived at Aulis, the rulers of 
Boeotia, who heard he was sacrificing, sent 
thither a party of horse, who forbade his sacri- 
ficing any more, and threw off from the altar 
the victims he was offering at the time of their 
approach. Making loud appeals to heaven, 
and full of indignation, he went on board his 
ship, and put to sea. And after reaching Ge- 
rastus, and collecting together as large a num- 
ber as he could of the troops assigned him, he 
crossed the sea at the head of the armament to 
Ephesus. 

On his arrival at Ephesus, he was accosted 
by messengers from Tissaphernes, who de- 
manded, «what was his business in Asial" 
He replied, " To set the Greek cities in Asia 
in as perfect liberty as our own cities enjoy in 
Greece." The answer of Tissaphernes to this 
was — « If therefore you will come into a truce, 
whilst I send up to the king, I think I shall 
get that point settled so that you may go home 
again at pleasure." « I would agree to a 
truce," said Agesilaus, « was I not afraid that 
you will deceive me. But you shall have," he 
added, " what security you please from us, that 
if you solicit the point without fraud, we will 
refrain during the truce from doing any damage 
to the country under your government." This 
point being agreed to, Tissaphernes swore to 
Herippidas, Dercyllidas, and Megialius, who 
were sent to him for this purpose, that " with- 
out fraud he would procure a peace :" and they 
in return swore to Tissaphernes, in the name 
of Agesilaus, that whilst Tissaphernes was 
employed in this negotiation, he would faith- 
fully observe the truce." Tissaphernes swore, 
indeed, but immediately broke his oath. For 
instead of soliciting a peace, he sent to the 
king for a number of troops to reinforce the 



army he already had. But Agesilaus, though 
sensible of such behaviour,, most steadily ob- 
served the truce. 

Whilst Agesilaue was thus passing his time 
in a quiet and leisurely manner at Ephesus, 
there was high confusion in all the Greek 
cities of Asia, as the democracy, which had 
prevailed when they were under the Athe- 
nians, no longer existed, nor the administration 
of ten persons, which had been the establish- 
ment of Lysander. But, as every body there 
was acquainted with Lysander, they applied 
themselves to him, requesting his interest with 
Agesilaus to get their favourite forms estab- 
lished. And hence it was, that a prodigious 
crowd of people was constantly attending up- 
on and paying court to Lysander, so that in 
short Agesilaus seemed only a private person, 
and Lysander looked like a king. What fol- 
lowed showed indeed that these things cha- 
grined Agesilaus. The rest of the thirty 
Spartans were so filled with envy, that they 
could not refrain from giving it vent. They 
told Agesilaus, that « Lysander's behaviour 
was quite unjustifiable, since he assumed a 
pomp even too high for a king." But as soon 
as Lysander began to introduce them to Age- 
silaus, he dismissed with a flat refusal of their 
petitions all such as he knew were strenuously 
supported by Lysander. And as things were 
now taking a quite different turn to what Ly- 
sander expected, he soon discovered the cause. 
And then he no longer suffered such a crowd 
of people to pay attendance upon himself, and 
ingenuously owned to such as begged his sup- 
port, that they would succeed the worse if he 
appeared in their favour. He took his dis- 
grace to heart, and going to Agesilaus expos- 
tulated thus — " Are you then, Agesilaus, be- 
come an artist at lessening your friends?" 
" Upon honour, I am," he replied, " when they 
betray a design of appearing greater than my- 
self. But I should blush indeed if I was not 
as great a proficient in the art of honouring 
those who endeavour to promote my honour." 
« Why then I am convinced," said Lysander, 
" that your conduct is much easier to be justi- 
fied than my own. But for the future, that I 
may avoid the disgrace of having no interest at 
all in you, and may be no obstacle to your per- 
sonal glory, send me to some remote employ. 
For wherever I go, I will spare no pains to 
serve you." He made this proposal which 
Agesilaus approved, and sends him to Hellee- 



400 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book III. 



pent. When there, Lysander having made a 
discovery, that Spithridates the Persian had 
suffered some oppressions from Pharnabazus, 
gets a conference with him, and persuades him 
to revolt with his children, with his wealth, 
and about two hundred horse. He placed the 
rest o( his people and his effects in Cyzicus, 
but set out himself on the journey, and con- 
ducted Spithridates and his son to Agesilaus. 
Agesilaus, when he knew the whole affair, 
was highly pleased, and immediately began his 
inquiries about the country and government 
that belonged to Pharnabazus. 

But when Tissaphernes, highly animated by 
the army that came down to his assistance 
from the king, declared war against him, unless 
he evacuated Asia, the rest of the confede- 
rates and even the Lacedaemonians who were 
there, betrayed great signs of dejection, as 
they judged the force at present with Agesi- 
laus was by no means a match for that of the 
king. Agesilaus however, with a counte- 
nance exceeding cheerful ordered the ambas- 
sadors to acquaint Tissaphernes, that » he had 
high obligations to him, since by perjuring 
himself he had got the gods for his enemies, 
and had made them friends to the Greeks." 
Immediately after this he issued out orders to 
his soldiers to get all things in readiness to take 
the field. He gave notice also to the cities, by 
which he must of necessity pass in the route to- 
wards Caria, to prepare their markets. He sent 
farther to the Ionians, and ^Eolians, and Hel- 
lespontines to march up their quotas that were 
to serve under him to Ephesus. Tissaphernes, 
therefore, because Agesilaus had no horse, and 
Caria was not a country proper for them, and 
because he judged him exasperated personally 
against himself for having deceived him, ac- 
tually concluded that he would march into 
Caria to ruin the place of his residence. He 
therefore sent away all his infantry into Caria, 
but led his horse round into the plains of Mae- 
ander, accounting himself able with his horse 
alone to trample the Grecians under foot before 
they could reach that part of the country in 
which cavalry could not act. But Agesilaus, 
instead of taking the route of Caria, took in- 
stantly one quite contrary, and marched for 
Phrygia. He reduced the cities on his march, 
and by an incursion so entirely unexpected, he 
took an infinite quantity of most valuable spoil. 

Hitherto he had seen no enemy at all. But 
when he drew near Dascylum, the horse in his 



van rode up to an eminence, that they might 
take a view of the country before them. It so 
happened that the horse of Pharnabazus, com- 
manded by Rathines and Bancaeus his bastard 
brother, in number about equal to the Grecians, 
had been detached by Pharnabazus, and were 
riding up the same eminence that very moment. 
Thus getting a view of and not distant from 
one another above four plethra, 1 each side at 
first made a halt. The Grecian horse was drawn 
up four deep, like a body of foot ; but the Bar- 
barians had formed their ranks to no more 
than twelve men in front, but of a very great 
depth. After this halt, the Barbarians ad- 
vanced first to give the charge. "When the 
engagement was begun, whatever Grecian 
struck an enemy, his spear broke off short with 
the blow : but the Persians, whose weapons 
were made 1 of less brittle materials, 2 had soon 
slain twelve men and two horses ; and soon 
after the Grecians were put to flight. Yet, as 
Agesilaus was advancing with the heavy-armed 
to their relief, the Barbarians retreated in their 
turn, and one of the noble Persians is slain. 

After this engagement between the horse, 
when Agesilaus sacrificed next day for proceed- 
ing forwards, the victims were inauspicious. 
This plainly appearing, he turned off and 
marched down to the sea-coast. Being now 
convinced, that, unless he could procure a suffi- 
cient body of horse, he should never be able to 
march down into the plains, he resolved to 
procure them, that he might not be obliged to 
make war like a fugitive. He therefore drew 
up a list of the persons in all the adjacent cities 
who could best afford to keep horses. And 
having promised, that whoever contributed to- 
wards the cavalry either arras or an approved 
horseman should be excused from personal ser- 
vice, he made them exert themselves with as 
much activity as if each was seeking out a man 
to die in his own stead. 

But afterwards, so soon as it was spring, he 
drew them all in a body to Ephesus. And here 
resolving to exercise his troops, he proposed 
rewards to the companies of heavy-armed which 
ever appeared in the finest condition, and to 
the squadrons of horse which should perform 
their duty best. He also proposed rewards to 
the targeteers and archers, to such as should 
best behave in their respective duties. In 



» Four hundred feet. 

9 Upavitva παΚτ» ιχοντις. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



407 



consequence of this one might have seen all 
the places of exercise crowded with persons at 
their exercise, and the riding-schools with 
horsemen practising the manege, the darters 
also and archers exercising their parts ; in 
short, he made the whole city of Ephesus a 
fine spectacle indeed ; for the market-place was 
filled with arms of all sorts and horses for sale. 
The braziers, carpenters, smiths, curriers, and 
furbishers were all busy in preparing the in- 
struments of battle, insomuch that you would 
actually have judged that city to be the work- 
house of war. And it inspirited every spectator 
to see, beside all this, Agesilaus marching first, 
his soldiers following with garlands on their 
heads, when they came from their exercise and 
went to offer up their garlands to Diana. For 
wherever men worship the gods, perfect them- 
selves in martial exercise, and carefully practise 
obedience to their superiors, how is it possible 
that all things there should not be full of the 
warmest hope 1 But thinking further, that a 
contempt of the enemy might invigorate his 
men the more for battle, he ordered the criers to 
sell such barbarians quite naked as were taken 
by their plundering parties. The soldiers there- 
fore seeing them with skins exceeding white, 
because they never had used themselves to strip, 
delicate also and plump in body, because they 
always travelled upon wheels, imagined there 
was no difference between fighting against such 
men and fighting against women. 

A whole year was now completely come 
round since Agesilaus sailed from Greece, so 
that the thirty Spartans in commission with 
Lysander departed for Sparta, and their suc- 
cessors with Herippidas were ready to succeed 
them. To Xenocles, one of the number, and 
to another person Agesilaus gave the command 
of the horse; to Scythes that of the heavy- 
armed who were newly enfranchised ; to He- 
rippidas the command of those who had served 
under Cyrus ; and to Migdon the command of 
the troops belonging to the cities. And now 
he gave out, that he would immediately march 
them by the shortest route into the strongest 
parts of the country, that from this consider- 
ation, they might best prepare their bodies and 
resolution too for action. Tissaphernes judged 
indeed, that he gave this out merely from a de- 
sire to deceive him again, but now undoubtedly 
he would break into Caria. His infantry there- 
tore, as before, he sent away into Caria, and 
posted his horse in the plain of Meander. 



Agesilaus told no falsehood at all ; but, exactly 
as he had given out, immediately marched for 
the province of Sardis; and for three days pass- 
ing through a country quite clear of enemies, 
he got subsistence in abundance for all his 
troops. But on the fourth day the enemy's 
horse came in sight, and ' their commander 
ordered the officer who took care of the baggage 
to pass the river Pactolus and encamp. And 
then, beholding the followers of the Greeks to 
be straggling about for plunder, they slew many 
of them. Agesilaus, perceiving this, ordered 
the horse to advance to their relief. On the 
other side, the Persians, when they saw the 
horse advancing, gathered close together, and 
drew up their whole numerous cavalry in order 
of battle. And here Agesilaus, knowing that 
the enemy had no foot at hand, whereas none 
of his own forces were absent, thought it a pro- 
per opportunity to engage if possible. Having 
sacrificed therefore, he immediately led the 
main body towards the horse who were drawn 
up to face him ; but he ordered some 2 heavy- 
armed Spartans of the first military class to 
march up with the main body ; and bade the 
targeteers advance at the same time running ; 
and then he sent orders to the horse to charge 
the enemy, since himself and all the army were 
ready to support them. The Persians stood 
indeed the charge of his horse. But when at 
once every thing terrible was upon them they 
were forced to give way ; and some of them 
were immediately pushed into the river, whilst 
the rest fled outright. The Grecians pursue, 
and are masters of their camp. And now the 
targeteers, as it is likely they should, were gone 
off to plunder. But Agesilaus, inclosing friend 
and foe, encamped round about them in a cir- 
cle. A vast quantity of booty was taken by 
him on this occasion, which he found to be in 
value above seventy talents. 3 The camels also 
were taken at this time, which Agesilaus 
brought afterwards into Greece. 

At the time this battle was fought, Tissa- 
phernes happened to be at Sardis : for which 
reason he was accused by the Persians, as one 
who had betrayed them all to the enemy. But 
the king of Persia, conscious himself that the 
bad state of his affairs was owing entirely to 



* The marginal reading of the Paris edition by Lcun• 
clavius. 
» Marginal reading of Leunckviua. 
> 13,502/. 10s. 



40S 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book in. 



Tissapherncs, sent Tithraustes down, and cuts 
off bis head. 

When Tithraustes had executed this order, 
he sends ambassadors to Agesilaus, who eaid 

The author, Agesilaus, of the present war 

between you and us, hath received his punish- 
ment. But the king now insists that you re- 
turn back to Greece, and that the cities in Asia, 
continuing to govern themselves by their own 
laws, shall pay to him the tribute they formerly 
paid." Agesilaus replied, that " he would set- 
tle nothing without instructions from the ma- 
gistrates of Sparta." Tithraustes rejoined, " But 
till you can know their pleasure, quit these parts 
and make war upon Pharnabazus, since I my- 
self have amply avenged you on your enemy 
here." Agesilaus answered, ■ As I shall be 
some time on my march thither, you must pay 
for the supply of my army." Accordingly 
Tithraustes gives him thirty talents, 1 on receipt 
of which he proceeded towards Phrygia, in 
quest of Pharnabazus. 

Being now on his march and in the plain be- 
yond Cyme, an express from the magistrates of 
Sparta comes to him with an order, " to take 
the fleet under his own command, and to ap- 
point whom he pleased to be admiral of it." 

The Lacedaemonians acted thus from these 
considerations, that if he was commander of 
both, the land-army would act more firmly be- 
cause of their union with the fleet, and the 
fleet would act more firmly by the sight of the 
land-army ready to support them whenever it 
was needful. When Agesilaus had received 
this authority, he immediately circulated orders 
to the cities in the islands and on the sea-coast 
to build triremes, the number to be left to the 
discretion of each city. Accordingly, about 
one hundred and twenty new ones were built, 
partly at the public determination of those 
cities, and partly by the zeal of private persons 
who studied to oblige him. He then appointed 
Pisander, his wife's brother, to be admiral, a 
man desirous to signalize himself, and of great 
natural abilities, but of small experience in na- 
val matters. Pisander accordingly departed to 
take care of the fleet, whilst Agesilaus, contin- 
uing his first deeign, proceeded in his march 
against Phrygia. 

V. In the meantime Tithraustes, who judged 
it plain that Agesilaus had a real contempt for 
the power of his master, and had no manner of 



χ 5,612/. 10*. 



intention to go out of Asia, but on the con- 
trary entertained high hopes of demolishing 
the king ; — Tithraustes, I say, after balancing 
about the measures he should take, sends into 
Greece Timocrates the Rhodian. He furnished 
him with gold to the value of fifty talents, 2 and 
instructed him to distribute the money amongst 
the leading men in the several states, after 
procuring from them the strongest engagements 
that they would make war upon the Lacedae- 
monians. Timocrates, when arrived, distributes 
his gold, at Thebes to Androclides and Isme- 
nias and Galaxidorus, at Corinth to Timolaus 
and Polyanthes, at Argos to Cyclon and his 
faction. The Athenians, even without getting 
any share of the money, were ready for a war, 
and judged they ought to be principals in it. 
The persons who had received their shares, 
began the outcry against the Lacedaemonians 
in their own several communities. When they 
had once raised in these a hatred against the 
Lacedaemonians, they next drew the principal 
states of Greece into their scheme. But the 
leading men at Thebes, being well assured 
that unless somebody began the rupture the 
Lacedaemonians would never break the peace 
with their allies, persuade the Locrians of 
Opus to levy contributions on a certain district, 
about which there was a controversy between 
them and the Phocians, judging that upon this 
provocation the Phocians would break into 
Locris. They were not deceived ; for the 
Phocians breaking immediately into Locris, 
carried off a booty of many times the value. 
Androclides therefore and his party soon per- 
suaded the Thebans to assist the Locrians, 
since the Phocians had actually levied war, not 
upon a district that was in dispute, but on 
Locris itself, that was confessedly in friendship 
and alliance with them. And when the The- 
bans, by way of retaliation, had broke into 
Phocis and laid the country waste, the Pho- 
cians send ambassadors in all haste to Lacedae- 
mon, and demanded assistance, representing 
that " they had not begun the war, but had act- 
ed against the Locrians in self-defence." The 
Lacedaemonians caught with pleasure at this 
pretext to make war upon the Thebans, having 
long been irritated against them for their de- 
tention at Decelea of the tenth due to Apollo, 
and for their refusal to march with them against 
the Piraeus. They accused them farther of 

a 9.683J. 10i. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



409 



persuading the Corinthians too, not to accom- 
pany them on that occasion. They also re- 
called to remembrance, how they would not 
permit Agesilaus to sacrifice at Aulis, and 
threw the victims actually sacrificed from off 
the altar, and that none of them were serving 
at this time under Agesilaus in Asia. They 
judged the present, therefore, a fine oppor- 
tunity to march an army against them, and 
put a stop to their insolent behaviour; for 
matters went well in Asia under the com- 
mand of Agesilaus, and they had no war at 
present upon their hands in Greece. These 
being the general sentiments of the Lace- 
daemonians, the ephori proclaimed a foreign 
expedition. But first they sent Lysander to 
the Phocians, and ordered him to conduct the 
Phocians with all their strength, and the 
Oeteans and the Heracleots and the Melien- 
sians and JEnianians to Haliartus. Pausanias, 
who was to command the army, agreed to be 
there on a certain day with the Lacedaemonians, 
and the rest of the Peloponnesian confederates. 
Lysander truly obeyed all his orders, and, what 
is more, procured the revolt of the Orchomeni- 
ans from the Thebans. But Pausanias, after 
completing the solemn sacrifices, lingered for 
a time at Tegea, sending out the persons who 
were to command the confederate quotas, and 
waiting the coming up of the troops from the 
neighbouring cities. 

When now it was clear to the Thebans that 
the Lacedaemonians would soon march into 
their country, they sent ambassadors to Athens, 
who spoke as follows ; 

" You have, Athenians, complaints against 
us, as men who made proposals to ruin you, in 
the close of the late war : but ye have no man- 
ner of reason for such complaints. These 
proposals were not issued by the people of 
Thebes ; they were merely the declaration of 
one single Theban, who assisted then at the 
consultations of the confederates. But when 
the Lacedaemonians solicited us to march with 
them against the Piraeus, the whole state un- 
animously joined in a refusal. It is principally 
therefore on your account that the Lacedair 
monians now are exasperated against us ; and 
it is natural for us to esteem it incumbent 
upon you to assist our state against them. 

" Nay, we have much stronger reasons for 

insisting, that so many of you as were of the 

party in the city should march cheerfully now 

against the Lacedaemonians. For, after setting 

35 



up an oligarchy here, and throwing you into 
enmity with the people, hither they marched 
with a numerous force, pretending themselves 
your confederates, and then delivered you up 
to the people. So far as Lacedaemonians 
could do it, you were utterly undone : it was 
your own people here assembled that saved 
you. 

" We know, moreover, Athenians, we know 
it well, how desirous you are again to recover 
that empire, of which you were formerly pos- 
sessed. And what more probable method to 
accomplish this desire, than in person to suc- 
cour those whom your enemies oppress 1 Those 
enemies, it is true,• give law to numerous states. 
But suffer not yourselves to be awed by this 
consideration, which rather abounds in motives 
to courage and resolution. Your own recol- 
lection will inform you, that the number of 
your enemies was always the greatest when 
your rule was most enlarged. So long indeed 
as no favourable opportunities offered for re- 
volt, people concealed the enmity they bore 
you ; but no sooner had the Lacedaemonians 
set up for leaders, than they openly showed 
what they thought of you : and at present 
would but we Thebans and you Athenians 
appear together in arms against the Lacedae- 
monians, be assured that many who hate them 
will openly declare it. 

" Reflect within yourselves, and you will con- 
fess the truth of what we are alleging. — What 
people in Greece continues at present well af- 
fected to them 1 Have not the Argives been 
from time immemorial their irreconcileable 
foes] Even the Eleans, deprived by them as 
they now have been of a large territory and its 
cities, are added to the number of their ene- 
mies. And why should we mention the Cor- 
inthians and Arcadians and Achaeans 1 who, so 
long as the war was carrying on against you 
were earnestly solicited by them, and were au- 
mitted to a share of every hardship, of every 
danger, and of every expense ; and yet, when 
the Lacediemonians had carried all their points, 
in what dominion, what honour, what wealth, 
were they suffered to partake 1 Nay, so haugh- 
ty are they grown, that they send out their 
very slaves to be governors over their friends ; 
and, in the height of their good fortune, have 
declared themselves lords over their free con- 
federates. Nay farther, it is manifest to all, 
how grossly they have deluded those very peo- 
ple whom they seduced to revolt from you, 
3 Β 



410 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book hi. 



since, instead of giving them liberty, they have 
doubled their portion of slavery upon them. 
For they are tyrannized over by the governors 
whom these Lacedemonians send them, and by 
the committees of ten, which Lysander hath 
established in every city. Nay, even the mon- 
arch of Asia, who principally enabled them to 
get the better over you — what better treatment 
doth he now receive, than if he had joined with 
you to war them down 1 

" Is it not therefore quite reasonable to ima- 
gine, that would you but set yourselves at the 
head of those who were so manifestly aggrieved, 
you may again become a much greater people 
than ever you were in former times? For, 
during the former interval of your power, the 
sea was the only element in which you dis- 
played it But now you will be leaders of all, 
of us, of the Peloponnesians too, and of those 
who were subjected to you before, and of the 
king himself possessed of the amplest share of 
power. In regard to us, you yourselves well 
know, how very valuable confederates we 
proved to them. But now, we want no mo- 
tive to join you with higher alacrity and more 
effectual strength than we then joined the La- 
cedemonians. For we shall unite our aid on 
this occasion, not in behalf of the inhabitants 
of the isles or the inhabitants of Syracuse, not 
in behalf of remote people as we did at that 
time, but in behalf of our ownselves, so griev- 
ously injured as we have been. 

" There is one truth more, of which you 
ought to rest well assured, that the ravenous 
appetite after power in the Lacedemonians 
may much easier be demoUshed than the power 
you once enjoyed. You then were a maritime 
power, and could awe the most reluctant states. 
The Lacedaemonians, though a mere handful 
of men, are greedily assuming power over peo- 
ple many times more numerous than, and in 
arms not one jot inferior to themselves. 

■ These considerations therefore we lay be- 
fore you ; and rest perfectly convinced, Athe- 
nians, that it is our firm persuasion we are in- 
viting you now to do greater services to Athens 
than to Thebes." 

With these words the Theban ambassador 
put an end to his discourse. 

A very large number of Athenians spoke 
afterwards in their favour, and it was unani- 
mously decreed to aid the Thebans. Thrasy- 
bulus presented the decree by way of answer, 
in which it was expressly recited, that " though 



the Piraeus was not yet restored to a state of 
defence, they would however run all hazards to 
return greater services than they had themselves 
received. — You Thebans," he then added, " did 
not join your arms against us, but we Athe- 
nians will fight along with you against the La- 
cedaemonians, in case they invade you." The 
Thebans therefore departing got ready all the 
means of their defence, and the Athenians were 
making preparations for their succour. 

The Lacedaemonians lost no more time, for 
Pausanias their king marched into Bceotia at 
the head of the troops of Sparta and the troops 
of Peloponnesus ; the Corinthians were the 
only people who did not attend. Lysander, 
however, at the head of the troops from Pho- 
cis and Orchomenus and the adjacent cities had 
arrived at Haliartus before Pausanias. And 
when arrived, he could not bear to wait inac- 
tively till the Lacedaemonian army came up, 
but with the force he already had he marched 
up to the walls of the Haliartians. At first he 
persuaded ' them to revolt from the Thebans, 
and declare themselves free and independent : 
but when some of the Thebans, who were 
within the walls, hindered them from making 
any such declaration, he made an assault upon 
the wall. The Thebans hearing this set for- 
ward, heavy-armed and horse, with all speed to 
its succour. Kow the fact really'was, whether 
they suddenly fell upon Lysander, or whether, 
aware of their approach, he slighted them from 
a confidence of victory, is still uncertain. 
Thus much only is clear, that a battle was 
fought under the walls, and a trophy was 
erected at the gate of Haliartus. And no 
sooner was Lysander slain, than his troops fled 
away to the mountain, and the Thebans fol- 
lowed resolutely in pursuit. The pursuers 
were now on the ascent of the mountain, and 
had pushed forward into the strait and narrow 
pass, when the heavy-armed faced suddenly 
about, and poured their javelins with good effect 
upon them. When two or three of the fore- 
most were dropped, they rolled down great 
stones along the declivity upon the rest, and kept 
plying at them with great alacrity, so that the 
Thebans are driven quite down the hill, and 
more than two hundred of them perish. This 
day therefore the Thebans were dispirited, 
reckoning they had suffered as much as 
they had made the enemy suffer before. 
However, on the morrow, when they heard 
the Phocians had marched off in the night anc 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



411 



the rest of the confederates were departed to 
their several homes, they conceived a much 
higher opinion of their late success. But when 
again Pausanias appeared in sight at the head 
of the Lacedffimonian army, they thought them- 
selves once more in very imminent danger, and 
it was said there was a deep silence and much 
dejection among the troops. Yet when, upon 
the arrival of the Athenians the day after, and 
their junction with them, Pausanias came no 
nearer and no battle ensued, the Thebans be- 
gan to be much higher in spirit than ever. 
Pausanias, it is true, had called a council of his 
general officers and captains, and demanded 
their opinions, "whether he should give the 
enemy battle, or fetch off Lysander and those 
who were killed with him under truce." 
For Pausanias and the other Lacedaemonians 
who were in authority reasoned with themselves 
that Lysander was actually slain, that the army 
under his command was defeated and dispersed, 
that the Corinthians had flatly refused to join 
them, and the troops now in the army served 
plainly against their inclinations : the cavalry 
also were taken into their account; that of 
the enemy was numerous ; their own was very 
small ; the dead moreover were lying under 
the walls of Haliartus ; so that, should they 
get a victory, they could not easily fetch them 



off because of the defendants upon the turrets. 
Upon all these considerations, they judged it 
most advisable to demand a truce for fetching 
off their dead. The Thebans answered, that 
" they would not restore the dead, unless the 
enemy evacuated the country." They received 
this condition with pleasure, and fetching off 
their dead marched out of Bceotia. But after 
such things had passed, the Lacedaemonians 
march away with minds sadly dejected, and the 
Thebans with all the marks of insolence. If 
any one of the enemy straggled the least into 
the inclosures, they drove them out again with 
blows into the high road. 

In this manner the expedition of the Lace- 
daemonians was brought to a conclusion. Pau- 
sanias however, upon his return to Sparta, was 
summoned to a trial for his life. He was ac- 
cused in form, for not marching up to Haliartus 
so soon as Lysander, though they had jointly 
agreed on a day for their junction, for demand- 
ing a truce to fetch off their dead when he 
ought to have endeavoured to recover them by 
a battle, and for letting the people of Athens 
escape him formerly when he had got them fast 
in the Piraus. Upon the whole, as he did not 
appear at his trial, he was condemned to die. 
He fled indeed to Tegea, and died there of sick- 
ness. These things were done in Greece. 



* I 



THE 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



BOOK IV. 



[413] 



CONTENTS OF BOOK IV. 



Farther pnceedings of Agesilaus in Asia, till he is recalled to assist his country.— The sea-fight of Cnidus.-- 
The great battle of Coronea gained by Agesilaus.— The Massacre of Corinth ; and the war between the Ar- 
gires and Corinthians ; the exploits of Agesilaus in behalf of the latter.— Conon rebuilds the walls of Athene.— 
War in Hellespont.— Thrasybulus killed.— Total defeat of Anaxibius by Iphicrates. 

Γ 414 1 






THE 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE 



BOOK IV. 



I. Agesiiaus, who about autumn reached the 
Phrygia of Pharnabazus, put the country to 
fire and sword, and possessed himself of the 
cities either by siege or voluntary surrender. 
But Spithridates telling him that " if he would 
go along with him into Paphlagonia, he would 
persuade the king of the Paphlagonians to a 
conference with him, and make him his con- 
federate,'l he readily went with him, having 
long been desirous to procure the revolt of this 
nation from the king. And when he was ar- 
rived in Paphlagonia, Cotys came to him and 
agreed to a confederacy; for he had already 
refused to obey a summons sent him by the 
king. And, at the persuasion of Spithridates, 
he left with Agesilaus a thousand horse and 
two thousand targeteers. 

Agesilaus esteeming himself highly obliged 
to Spithridates for this good service, said to 
him, " tell me, Spithridates, would not you 
give your daughter to Cotys !" « With much 
more pleasure," he replied, « than Cotys would 
receive her from me, an exile as I am, whilst 
he is a mighty king and of large dominions." 
This was all that was said at that time about 
the match. But when Cotys was about de- 
parting, he waited upon Agesilaus to take his 
leave. The thirty Spartans were present ; 
Spithridates had purposely been sent out of 
the way ; when Agesilaus began thus to open 
the affair: "Tell me, Cotys, (said he) is 
Spithridates a man of noble birth 1" He re- 
plied, " No Persian is more nobly born." 
u You have seen his son, (said he) who is a 
very handsome youth V* " Beyond all doubt 
he is ; I supped last night in his company." 
" They tell me he hath a daughter, who is 
much handsomer." " Oh heavens ! (replied 
Cotys) she is a beauty indeed." " Cotys, (said 



he) you are now my friend ; I regard you as 
such, and must advise you to marry this lady. 
She is exceedingly beautiful, than which, what 
can be sweeter to a man ? She is the daughter 
of a man of the highest nobility, and so exten- 
sive a power, that in return to the wrongs 
Pharnabazus hath done him, he hath taken 
such ample revenge, as to force him to be a 
fugitive from all his dominions, as yourself can 
witness. And rest convinced, that as he 
knows how to avenge himself upon an enemy, 
so he knows as well how to serve his friend. 
And be farther assured, that if this match be 
completed, you not only gain a relation in 
Spithridates, but in me also, and all the Lace• 
daemonians, and consequently, (as we are the 
head of Greece,) in all Greece itself. Nay, in 
case you comply, what man can ever marry 
with so much pomp as yourself] What bride 
can ever be conducted home with so many 
horsemen, so many targeteers, and so many 
heavy-armed, as shall conduct yours home to 
you!" Here Cotys demanded, whether he 
made this proposal with the privity of Spith- 
ridates 1 "I call the gods to witness (said 
he) that he gave me no orders to mention 
it to you. But I can say for myself, that 
though I rejoice above measure when I punish 
an enemy, yet methinks I receive much more 
abundant pleasure when I find out any good 
for my friends." " Why therefore (replied 
Cotys) did you not ask him whether he ap- 
proves the match ?" "Go you there, Herip- 
pidas, (said Agesilaus) and persuade him to 
give us his consent." Herippidas and hi& 
colleagues rose up an,d went on their commis- 
sion. But as their stay was long, " Are you 
willing, Cotys, (said Agesilaus) that we send 
for him ourselves 1" He replied, " with all my 

415 



416 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



heart ; for I am convinced, you have more in- 
fluence over him than all the rest of mankind." 
And upon this Agesilaus sent for Spithridates 
and the others. On their approach, Herippi- 
das said, " what need Agesilaus to repeat to 
you all that hath passed between us 1 For in 
short Spithridates says he will consent with 
pleasure to whatever you please to propose." 
" It is therefore my pleasure," said Agesilaus, 
" that you Spithridates give your daughter to 
Cotys, and that you Cotys accept her, and 
heaven bless the match ! We cannot indeed 
before spring bring the lady home by land." 
Cotys cried out, « But, by heaven, Agesilaus, 
if you are willing, she may be sent immediate- 
ly by sea." And now having given their hands 
to one another to ratify the contract, they 
dismissed Cotys. Agesilaus, as he knew 
his eagerness, without loss of time com- 
manded a trireme to be manned, and ordered 
Callias the Lacedaemonian to carry the lady to 
him. 

In the meantime he marched himself to 
DascyUum, where was the palace of Pharna- 
bazus, surrounded with a number of villages, 
all of them large and abundantly stored with 
the necessaries of life. There was excellent 
hunting, both in the parks that were paled 
about and in the open fields. A river, full of 
all sorts of fish, flowed round the whole spot 
of ground ; and birds were everywhere to be 
found for those who could fowl. It was here 
that Agesilaus passed the winter, having sup- 
plies at hand for his army, or fetching them in 
by his foraging parties. But as once the sol- 
diers were fetching in necessaries in a very 
careless and unguarded manner, since hitherto 
they had met with no interruption, Pharnaba- 
zus, who had with him two chariots armed 
with scythes, and about four hundred horse, 
fell suddenly amongst them as they were dis- 
persed about the plains. The Grecians when 
they saw him riding up, ran together in a body 
to the number of seven hundred. He lost no 
time, but setting his chariots in the front, and 
posting himself behind with his horse, ordered 
them to drive full upon the enemy. No soon- 
er was that body broken by the fury of the 
chariots than his horsemen instantly demolish- 
ed about one hundred of the Greeks. The 
rest fled away to Agesilaus, for he was near at 
hand with the heavy-armed. 

The third or fourth day after this, Spithri- 
dates discovers that Pharnabazus was encamped 



at Cauo, a large village about a ! hundred and 
sixty stadia off, and sends this intelligence im- 
mediately to Herippidas. Herippidas, always 
eager to distinguish himself by some grand ex- 
ploit, requests of Agesilaus two thousand 
horse, an equal number of targeteers, the 
horsemen farther belonging to Spithridates and 
the Paphlagonians, and so many of the Greeks 
as he could persuade to go with him. Agesi- 
laus having complied with his request, he be- 
gan his sacrifices ; and the victims appearing 
favourable in the evening, he sacrificed no 
more. He then issued his orders for the 
troops to be ready after supper in the front of 
the camp. It was now dark, and half the 
number were not come out; but reflecting, 
that if he gave up the affair, the rest of the 
Thirty would sadly ridicule him, he marched 
away with what force he got : and, falling in 
by break of day upon the camp of Pharnabazus, 
many of the Mysians, who were then upon the 
guard, were slain; the enemy took to their 
heels, the camp is taken, with a great quantity 
of plate and the whole field-equipage of Phar- 
nabazus, with the addition of all the baggage 
and the carriages, with the beasts that drew 
them. For as Pharnabazus was in constant 
fear of staying too long in a place, lest he 
should be surrounded and blocked up, Scy- 
thian-like, he was for ever changing his ground, 
and most cautiously concealing his encamp- 
ments. But when the Paphlagonians and 
Spithridates brought in the booty they had 
taken, Herippidas, who had posted his officers 
for the purpose, took every thing away from 
Spithridates and the Paphlagonians, in order 
to enlarge the booty he himself should deliver 
in to the commissioners of sale. Treated ir. 
this manner, they could not brook it ; but as 
men who had been injured and disgraced, they 
packed up their baggage and went off by night 
to Sardis, to offer their service to Ariseus, con- 
fident of a good reception from him, as he too 
had revolted from and was making war upon 
the king. Agesilaus took nothing to heart 
during this expedition so much as this deser- 
tion of Spithridates, and Megabyzus, and the 
Paphlagonians. 

But there was one Apollophanes of Cyzi- 
cus, who had an hospitable connexion of long 
standing with Pharnabazus, and at this time 
had the same connexion with Agesilaus. 



a About sixteen miles. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



417 



This man therefore told Agesilaus, that 
he thought he could bring Pharnabazus 
to a conference with him about a peace. 
And when Agesilaus, listening to him, pledged 
his right hand and granted a truce, he soon 
brought Pharnabazue to the place agreed on. 
Agesilaus truly and his thirty Spartans were 
lying down upon the grass and waiting for 
him. At length Pharnabazus appeared, dressed 
up in a most sumptuous attire. His servants 
spread the carpets, on which the Persians seat 
themselves softly down before Pharnabazus, 
who seeing the mean figure that Agesilaus 
made, became ashamed to indulge himself in 
his usual manner ; in his finery therefore he 
threw himself down on the bare ground. In 
the first place, they gave one another a short 
verbal greeting. Pharnabazus then offering 
his right hand, Agesilaus in return held out his 
own. This done, Pharnabazus thus began the 
conference, for he was the elder man. 

" To you, Agesilaus, and to all you Lacedae- 
monians here present, I address myself. I was 
a firm friend and confederate to you, when you 
warred with the Athenians. I furnished you 
with money, and at sea I strengthened your 
fleet. But by land I fought on horseback in 
company with you, and drove your enemies in- 
to the sea. And no one person amongst you 
can upbraid me with ever acting a double part 
with you, as Tissaphernes did, either in word 
or deed. Such I have been towards you, and 
such treatment in return I have received from 
you, that in all my dominions at present I 
cannot get one meal's meat, unless like a dog 
I pick up the scraps you have left behind you. 
As to all the fine houses, and the parks well 
stocked with cattle and with timber, that my 
father left me and which formerly rejoiced my 
heart, I see them all destroyed by fire and 
sword. I cannot think these proceedings to 
be either just or pious; but I beg to learn 
from you whether such should be the actions 
of men who know how to be grateful?" 

In this manner Pharnabazus spoke. The 
Thirty Spartans to a man were quite out of 
countenance, and kept a" dead silence. But 
after some pause, Agesilaus replied as follows : 

" I imagine, Pharnabazus, you cannot be ig- 
norant, that in the cities of Greece it is usual 
for men to connect themselves together by the 
ties of hospitality. But yet those very per- 
sons, when the states of which they are mem- 
bers are at war, adnere to their own country, 



j and make war on their hospitable friends ; nay 
sometimes it happens that in the field they 
kill one another. In like manner we are now 
at war with your king, and are obliged to exe- 
cute all hostilities against whatever belongs to 
him. In regard to yourself, there is nothing 
we so much desire as to have you for our 
friend ; but even I myself would scorn to ad- 
vise you to make a bare exchange, and merely 
to take us for your masters instead of the king. 
But you have it in your power, by joining with 
us, to live henceforth in ample enjoyment of 
all that belongs to you, without adoring a fel- 
low-creature, or acknowledging any master at 
all. For my own part, I reckon freedom to be 
of greater value than all the riches in the 
world. And yet I am far from inviting you 
to be free and at the same time poor ; but, by 
accepting our service as confederates, to en- 
large for the future not the dominions of the 
king but your own, and oblige those who are 
now your fellow-slaves to be subjects to your- 
self. And if at one and the same time you 
become both free and rich, what more will you 
need to make you completely happy 1" 

" I shall therefore tell you frankly," said 
Pharnabazus, " what it is I intend to do." 

" Spoken like a man of honour." 

" It is my full resolution," Pharnabazus 
went on, " in case the king sends another per- 
son to take my place and lord it over me, to be 
a friend and ally to you. But then, in case he 
continues me in the command, I shall by the 
laws of honour be bound and am determined, 
I declare it before you all, to make war upon 
you to the utmost of my power." 

Agesilaus, hearing this, caught him by the 
hand, and said, 

" I wish, most generous of men, that you 
were a friend to us. But of one thing you may 
rest assured, I will march out of your country 
as fast as I can ; and for the time to come, so 
long as the war continues, while we have an- 
other person to attack, we will give no moles- 
tation to thee or thine." 

These words being spoken, they ended the 
conference ; and Pharnabazus, mounting on 
horseback, rode away. But his son by Para- 
pite, a handsome youth, lingered behind, and 
running up to him, cried out — " Ο Agesilaus ! 
I take thee for my hospitable friend." " I ac- 
cept you as such," he replied. " Remember 
me, therefore," said the youth, and immediately 
gave the javelin in his hand, a verv fine one it 
3C 



418 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



was, to Agesilaus. He received it, and taking 
off the trappings from the horse of Idaeus the 
painter, he gave them in return. The youth 
now leaping upon his horse, rode after his fa- 
ther. And, afterwards, when, during the ab- 
sence of Pharnabazus, another brother took 
away his provinces from this son by Parapite, 
and drove him into exile, Agesilaus showed 
nim all possible kindness ; and particularly, 
exerted himself so much in the favour of an 
Athenian, the son of Evalces, who was loved 
by this youth, that he got him admittance into 
the Stadium at Olympia, though he was too 
tall for the rest of the lads. 

Agesilaus, however, pursuant to his pro- 
mise, marched immediately out of the territory 
of Pharnabazus, and the spring by this time 
was drawing on. But when he was arrived in 
the plains of Thebe, he encamped near the 
temple of Astyrinian Diana, and there collect- 
ed from all quarters a very large reinforcement 
to his army. He was preparing now to pene- 
trate as far as possible into the country, judg- 
ing that whatever nations he should leave be- 
hind him, would all, without exception, revolt 
from the king. Such at this time were the 
employments of Agesilaus. 

But the Lacedaemonians, when once con- 
vinced that money was come over into Greece, 
and that the greatest states were caballing to- 
gether for war, thought themselves in immi- 
nent danger, and judged it necessary to take 
the field. Accordingly they set about their 
preparations, and without loss of time des- 
patch Epycidides to Agesilaus. He, on his 
arrival, reported to him the present situation of 
Greece, and . that " the state commands him 
with his utmost speed to succour his country." 
Agesilaus, when he heard this, was sadly cha- 
grined, recollecting of what honours and hopes 
he was going to be deprived I 1 Calling how- 
ever the confederates together, he communi- 
cated to them the orders he had received from 



ι According to Plutarch he immediately wrote to the 
ephori as followeth : " Agesilaus to the ephori greet- 
ing. We have subdued a large part of Asia, have 
driven the Barbarians before us, and have taken a great 
quantity of arms in Ionia. But since you order my re- 
turn by a day prefixed, I follow this letter, and shall al- 
most arrive before it. For I am in this command not 
lor myself but for my country and allies: and then a 
commander com mantle tli in the rightful manner, when 
he is submissive to the laws and the ephori, or what- 
ever magistrates are supreme in his country." Plu- 
tarch's Laconic Apophthegms. 



Sparta, and told them, " he was indispensably 
obliged to succour his country. If affairs turn 
out well at home, you may depend upon it, my 
friends and confederates, I will not forget you, 
but will be here again amongst you, to accom- 
plish all your wishes." At hearing him talk 
thus many tears were shed ; and it was unani- 
mously resolved to accompany Agesilaus to the 
aid of Sparta, and if affairs turned out well in 
Greece to reconduct him back into Asia. And 
in fact they were getting all things in readiness 
to bear him company. 

Agesilaus left Euxenus behind to command 
in Asia, and assigned him no less than four 
thousand men for garrisons, that he might be 
enabled to keep the cities fast in their obe- 
dience. But observing that the soldiers were 
much more inclined to stay where they were 
than to march against Grecians, and yet willing 
to take as many as possible and the best of 
them too along with him, he proposed to give 
prizes to the city which sent in the choicest 
body of men, to the commanders of hired 
troops, who attended the expedition with their 
party most completely armed, and the same in 
regard to the heavy-armed and the archers and 
the targeteers. He also declared to the com- 
manders of horse, that he would give prizes to 
such of them as brought in their squadron best 
mounted and best accoutred. He said the de- 
cision should be made in the Chersonesus, so 
soon as they had passed over from Asia into 
Europe, that all of them might be well con- 
vinced, that they who served in this expedition 
must needs undergo a very accurate review. 
The prizes were chiefly arms of the most beau- 
tiful make, as well for heavy-armed as horse- 
men. There were also crowns of gold. The 
value of them upon the whole amounted to not 
less than four talents. 2 By submitting in 
truth to such an expense, arms of the greatest 
value were provided for this expedition : and 
so soon as he had crossed the Hellespont, the 
judges were appointed ; of the Lacedae- 
monians, Menascus and Herippidas and Orsip- 
pus ; of the confederates, one of every city : 
and Agesilaus, after he had finished the distri- 
bution of the prizes, began his march and took 
the same road as Xerxes took formerly when 
he invaded Greece. 

In the mean time the ephori proclaimed a fo- 
reign expedition ; and, as Agesipolis was yet a 



a 775?. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



419 



minor, the state ordered Aristodemus, who 
was a relation and guardian to the young king, 
to command the army. When the Lacedaemo- 
nians had taken the field, the enemy, who were 
now gathered in a body, assembled together in 
consultation how, with the best advantage, to 
bring on a battle. Timolaus of Corinth on this 
occasion said thus : 

" It is my opinion, confederates, that the 
course of the Lacedaemonian affairs very much 
resembles the course of rivers : for rivers near 
their sources are never large, and are easy to 
be passed. But then the farther they run, 
other rivers, by having emptied themselves into 
them, increase the depth and impetuosity of 
the current. It is just so with the Lacedae- 
monians. When they first come out into the 
field, they are alone; but taking in on their 
route the other states, their numbers are en- 
larged, and they are harder to be resisted. I 
see again, that such as have a mind to destroy 
wasps, in case they attempt to hurt them when 
they are come out of their nest, are grievously 
stung for their pains ; but if they fire them 
when they are all within their nest, they suffer 
no harm, and demolish the wasps. It is there- 
fore my judgment, that we should reflect on 
these points, and fight the Lacedaemonians in 
Sparta itself, which would indeed be best ; but 
if that cannot be, as near to Sparta as possible." 

As Timolaus was judged to advise them 
well, they unanimously resolved to follow his 
advice. But whilst they were settling the 
points of command, and agreeing together in 
what depth to draw up the whole of their army, 
lest if the several states drew up their files too 
deep, the enemy might have it in their power 
to surround them — whilst, I say, they were 
settling these points, the Lacedaemonians, who 
had been joined by the Tegeans.and Manti- 
neans, were advancing along the coast. The 
enemy marching about the same time, the 
Corinthians and all on their side were now at 
Nemea, and the Lacedaemonians and confede- 
rates at Sicyon. As the latter had forced 
their way by the pass of Epioecaea, the light- 
armed of the enemy had at first terribly annoy- 
ed them, by darting and shooting at them from 
the eminences ; but when they came down 
again to the sea, they continued their march 
along the plains, putting the country to fire 
and sword. The enemy at length drew near 
and encamped, having a rivulet in their front. 



The Lacedaemonians still advancing were now 
but ' ten stadia distant from the enemy ; halv- 
ing therefore, and encamping, they remained 
quiet ; and I will now reckon up the numbers 
on either side. 

There were now assembled, of the Lacedae- 
monians, to the amount of six thousand heavy- 
armed : of the Eleans and Triphyllians and 
Acrorians and Lasionians, nearly three thou- 
sand ; fifteen hundred of the Sicyonians ; and 
the number of Epidaurians, Trazenians, Her- 
mionians, and Haliensians was not less than 
three thousand. Beside these, there were 
about six hundred horse belonging to the Lace- 
daemonians, accompanied by about three hun- 
dred Cretan archers. The slingers of the 
Marganeans and Ledrinians and Amphidolians 
were not fewer than four hundred. The Phli- 
asians indeed had not joined them ; for they 
excused themselves by alleging a truce. This 
was the force on the side of the Lacedaemo- 
nians. On the side of the enemy were now 
assembled, of the Athenians, six thousand 
heavy -armed ; the Argives were said to amount 
to seven thousand ; the Boeotians, since the 
Orchomenians were not come up, were about 
five thousand : the Corinthians were three 
thousand : and from the whole isle of Eu- 
bcea there were not fewer than three thou- 
sand. Such was the amount of their heavy- 
armed. The horse of the Boeotians, as the 
Orchomenians were not come up, were eight 
hundred ; of the Athenians, six hundred ; of 
the Chalcideans of Euboea, one hundred ; of 
the Locrians of Opus, fifty. The light-armed, 
added to those belonging to the Corinthians, 
were very numerous indeed, for the Locrians 
of Ozolae and the Meliensians and the Arca- 
nians were with them. Such was the force on 
either side. 

The Boeotians, so long as they were on the 
left wing, were in no hurry at all for a battle. 
But so soon as the Athenians were posted 
over-against the Lacedaemonians, and they 
themselves took post on the right where they 
faced the Achaeans, they immediately declared 
that the victims were auspicious, and proclaim- 
ed that all should be ready for a battle. But 
neglecting, in the first place, the rule of draw- 
ing up by sixteens, they formel their battalion 
exceeding deep; and farther, still kept creeping 



Abont a mile. 



420 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



forwards to the right, in order to overstretch I 
the enemy's wing. The Athenians, that they 
might not be separated from the rest of the I 
army, followed their motion, though sensible at 
tlu> same time how great a risk they ran of be- 
ing quite surrounded. 

So far the Lacedaemonians had no percep- 
tion at all of the enemy's approach, for the 
ground was covered over with shrubs. But 
when the pa?an began, they knew what was 
doing. They instantly issued out orders for 
the whole army to prepare for battle. So 
soon as they were formed, the commanders of 
the auxiliary bodies enjoined them to follow 
their leaders in the order they had now placed 
them. The Lacedaemonians kept inclining 
towards the right, and thus they far over- 
stretched the enemy's wing, so that only six 
regiments of Athenians faced the Lacedaemoni- 
ans, whilst four of them were over-against the 
Tegeans. When they were not above a sta- 
dium asunder, the Lacedaemonians, after sacri- 
ficing in obedience to their laws a she-goat to 
the goddess of the chase, led on towards the 
enemy, bending circularly the part of their 
line that overstretched to surround the ene- 
my. But when the battle was joined, all 
the confederates on the Lacedaemonian side 
were defeated by their antagonists, though the 
Pellenians, who faced the Thespians, main- 
tained the fight some time, and some of both 
sides perished on the spot. The Lacedaemo- 
nians themselves beat all the Athenians whom 
they charged, and, surrounding them with 
the part of their line that overstretched, slew 
numbers of them, and still, as they suffered 
nothing from the enemy, kept pushing for- 
wards in their regular array. It was thus that 
they clearly passed the four Athenian regi- 
ments till they returned from the pursuit ; by 
which means those Athenians saved their 
lives, excepting some few who in the charge 
were slain by the Tegeans. The Lacedaemo- 
nians, farther, met the Argives full in their 
retreat ; and the first general officer was going 
to fall in full upon their front; when some- 
body is said to have roared out aloud " to let 
the first of them pass by." This was permit- 
ted ; and then, running upon their flank and 
wounding them on their unarmed sides, they 
slew many of them. They also fell in with 
and attacked the Corinthians in their retreat. 
The Lacedaemonians farther fall in with some 
of the Thebans retreating from their pursuit, 



and slew a great number of them. Thcstf 
things being done, the vanquished fled at first 
to the walls ; but afterwards, the Corinthians 
setting the example, they posted themselves 
again in their former camp. The Lacedaemo- 
nians on the other side, repairing to the spot 
of ground where they first charged the enemy, 
erected the trophy. And this is an exact ac- 
count of the battle. 

III. Agesilaus from Asia was marching for- 
wards with all expedition. He was now at 
Amphipolis, when Dercyllidas meets him with 
the , news, that " the Lacedaemonians have 
gained a victory, with the loss of only eight of 
their own citizens, but a vast slaughter of the 
enemy ;" he added aj the same time that " no 
small number of the confederates were slain." 
Agesilaus put this question to him, " Would 
it not be proper, think you, Dercyllidas, to 
communicate the news of this victory without 
loss of time to the cities which have sent their 
troops hither under my orders'?" Dercyllidas 
answered, that " the hearing of it must in all 
probability raise their spirits." " You then can 
best report it, because you yourself was present 
at the action." He was highly delighted at 
hearing this. All his life long he had been 
very fond of going abroad. He said therefore, 
" Do you order me to go?" " I do," said be, 
" and enjoin you to tell them farther, that if 
affairs turn out well in Greece, we will be with 
them again according to promise." Dercyllidas 
immediately continued his journey for the Hel- 
lespont, whilst Agesilaus, having passed through 
Macedonia, arrived in Thessaly. 

But now the Larisseans, Cranonians, Sco- 
tusians, and Pharsalians confederate with the 
Boeotians and all the Thessalians, such ex- 
cepted as were then under sentence of exile, 
pursued and gave him molestation. At that 
juncture he was leading his army in the long 
march, with half his cavalry in the van and the 
other half in the rear. But because the Thes- 
salians by harassing those in the rear, retarded 
the march, he sends off the cavalry in the van, ex- 
cept his own body-guard, to strengthen the rear. 
When both sides were now drawn up to face 
one another, the Thessalians, thinking it by no 
means advisable to fight on horseback against 
heavy-armed, wheeled about and retreated in a 
leisurely manner, and the heavy-armed too 
eagerly and rashly pursued them. Agesilaus 
perceiving bad conduct on both sides, sends off 
the finest body of horse, that was his own 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



421 



guard, with orders for the others to pursue, 
and themselves to do the same with their ut- 
most speed, and not give the enemy time to 
face about. The Thessalians no sooner saw 
them riding down upon them beyond their ex- 
pectation, than some of them fled outright, 
some faced about, and some in the very endea- 
vour to face, as they had the enemy on their 
flanks were taken prisoners. Polycharmus 
the Pharsalian indeed, a commander in the 
horse, faced about, and fighting at the head of 
his own troop is slain. But so soon as he had 
dropped, a most dreadful flight ensued amongst 
the Thessalians, in which numbers were slain, 
numbers were taken alive, and none stopped 
their flight till they were got on the mountain 
Narthacium. And then Agesilaus set up a 
trophy between Pras and Narthacium. There 
too he halted highly delighted with this day's 
work, in which with cavalry of his own crea- 
tion he had vanquished those who reckoned 
themselves the best horsemen in the world, 
The next day having crossed the Achaic 
mountains of Phthia, he marched through a 
friendly country till he reached the frontiers of 
Boeotia. But just as he was entering Boeotia, 
the sun appeared in the form of the crescent of 
the moon, and news was received, that the La- 
cedaemonians were beaten at sea, and their ad- 
miral Pisander killed. It was also told him, 
in what manner the battle had been fought. 

That near Cnidus the fleets had borne down 
upon one another ; that Pharnabazus, who 
was admiral on the side of the enemy, was in 
the Phoenician fleet, and Conon, who com- 
manded the Grecian squadron, had drawn up 
his ships in the van ; but when Pisander had 
formed his line of battle, his ships appeared 
much inferior in number to the Greeks under 
Conon; upon which the confederates in the 
left wing immediately took to flight, whilst 
Pisander, rushing in amongst the enemy with 
his own vessel, well armed with beaks, was 
driven on shore ; that the other persons of the 
fleet who were driven on shore, abandoned 
their ships and fled safely off to Cnidus, but 
Pisander continuing to fight from his decks, 
was killed. 

Agesilaus at first was exceedingly mortified 
at this piece of news ; but he soon recollected, 
that the disposition of the bulk of his army 
was such that they would readily take a share 
in all joyful occurrences, and there was no ne- 
.••essity to communicate to them such things as 
36 



were opposite to their wishes. Hereupon ho 
assumed another countenance, and gave out 
that " Pisander indeed had lost his life, but 
however had gained a victory at sea." He had 
no sooner published this than he sacrificed 
oxen for the good tidings received, and sent 
round to several persons a share of the victims•. 
A skirmish immediately ensued with the ene- 
my, in which the soldiers of Agesilaus got the 
better upon the strength of the report that the 
Lacedaemonians were victorious at sea. 

There were now in the field against Agesi- 
laus, the Boeotians, Athenians, Argives, Corin- 
thians, -iEnianians, Euboeans, and both the 
Locrians. He had with him one whole brigade 
of Lacedaemonians that joined him from Co- 
rinth, and the half of another brigade from 
Orchomenus. He had, farther, the newly 
enfranchised citizens of Sparta who had been 
with him in Asia ; he had also the auxiliary 
body commanded by Herippidas. The rest 
were the quotas of aid from the Grecian cities 
in Asia, and from the Grecian cities in Eu- 
rope which he had taken up on his march 
back. The heavy armed from Orchomenus 
and Phocis were all the accession he had gained 
from the adjacent parts. The targeteers of 
Agesilaus were much superior in number ; the 
number of the horse was nearly equal on both 
sides. Such was the force of either army. 
And I will now give an exact account of the 
battle, for such another hath not been fought 
in our days. 1 

There were now facing one another in the 
plains of Coronea, the army under Agesilaus 
from the Cephissus, and the army along with 
the Thebans from Helicon. Agesilaus had 
the right of his own army, but the Orchomeni- 
ans were posted in the extremity of his left. 
The Thebans, on the other side, stood on the 
right, but the Argives had the left. During 
the approach, there was a deep silence on both 
sides. When they were about the distance of a 2 
stadium from one another, the Thebans having 
set up a shout, came running to the charge. But 
when there was no more than three 3 plethra of 
ground between them, the auxiliaries under the 
command of Herippidas started out before tho 
main battle of Agesilaus to receive them, and 
were accompanied by the Ionians, JEolians 



» Xenophon himself was at this battle, serving under 
Agesilaus. See the Anabasis, 1. v. 
* About one tenth of a mile. * 300 feci 






XENOPHON ON THE 



D 



and Hellespontines. All these were now run- 
ning together in one body to the charge, and 
coming to the point of the spear, broke the body 
of enemies they encountered. The Argivcsalso 
were not ab'e to stand before the body under 
laus, but fled towards Helicon. And 
:ne of the auxiliaries were already put- 
the garland on the head of Agesilaus. 
13 ut a message is brought him that the The- 
lms. having cut to pieces the Orchomenians, 
were amongst the baggage; upon which he 
immediately put the main body in counter- 
march, and led them towards the Thebans. 
But the Thebans no sooner perceived that 
their confederates were fled to Helicon, than, 
designing to slip away and join them, they were 
briskly marching off in firm and close array. On 
this occasion it may be said beyond all dispute, 
that Agesilaus acted with the utmost bravery ; 
he did not, however, prefer the securest me- 
thod. For when it was in his power to let 
those who were sheering off, pass by, and then 
by a close pursuit to defeat their rear, he did it 
not, but full in their front he dashed against 
the Thebans. Here, thrusting shield against 
shield, they were pushing, were fighting, were 
slaying, were dying. At length some of the 
Thebans slip off to Helicon, and many of them 
retreating back, were slain. When thus the 
victory remained with Agesilaus, and he him- 
self was brought back wounded to the main 
body, some horsemen riding up to him, ac- 
quaint him, that about eighty of the enemy 
with their arms are under the temple, and de- 
manded how they must act. He, though sorely 
wounded in many parts of his body, forgot not, 
however, the duties of religion, but ordered 
that they might be permitted to depart where 
they pleased, and forbade all kind of insult. 
And then, for it was already evening, they 
took their supper and their repose. But early 
next morning he ordered Gylis, a general offi- 
cer, to draw up the army and set up a trophy, 
all of them to be crowned with garlands in 
honour of the god, and all the music of the 
army to play. These things therefore they did. 
The Thebans now sent heralds, desiring a 
truce to fetch off and inter their slain. A truce 
accordingly is granted ; and Agesilaus repair- 
ing to Delphi, offered the tenth of his spoils 
to the god, in value not less than a hundred 
talents.' But Gylis, a general officer, taking 



ι l r M44/. 15s. 



the command of the army marched them off 
into Phocis, and from thence he made an in- 
cursion into Locris. All the next day the 
soldiers were carrying away the moveables and 
corn from the villages ; but when evening was 
come, as the Lacedaemonians marched off in 
the rear, the Locrians were close at their heels, 
pouring in their javelins and darts upon them. 
Yet when the Lacedaemonians, by facing aboo* 
and pursuing them, destroy some of the ene 
my, they gave over following them in the rear, 
but kept galling them from the eminences on 
the right. The Lacedaemonians then endea- 
voured to gain the ascent, but as it grew quite 
dark, they tumbled in their retreat because of 
the unevenness of the ground, some too, be- 
cause they could see nothing before them, and 
some were struck down by the weapons of the 
enemy. Gylis the general officer, and most 
of the soldiers about him, in all eighteen 
Spartans, lose their lives on this occasion, some 
being killed with stones and some with other 
weapons. And had not those from the camp 
marched up after supper to their relief, the 
whole party was in great danger of perishing. 
After this the rest of the army was dismissed 
to their several cities, and Agesilaus went by 
sea to Sparta. 

IV. The war, after this, was carried on by 
the Athenians, Boeotians, Argives, and con- 
federates, who took the field from Corinth, 
against the Lacedaemonians and their confede- 
rates from Sicyon. But the Corinthians per- 
ceiving that the consequence of this was the 
entire devastation of their own lands, and a 
constant destruction of their people from the 
nearness of the enemy, whilst the rest of the 
confederates were enjoying peace at home and 
duly reaping the productions of their soil, — 
the greatest part of them and the best men 
amongst them grew desirous of peace, and 
laboured together to bring others into the same 
persuasion. But the Argives, Boeotians, and 
Athenians, and such of the Corinthians as had 
shared the king's money, and were principal 
authors of the war, saw plainly, that unless 
they could rid themselves of such as were bent 
on peace, the city of Corinth would fall under 
a Lacedaemonian influence, and therefore en- 
deavoured to secure their point by a massacre. 
In the first place they contrived the most im- 
pious scheme that ever men devised. For. 
though it is every where a rule not to put to 
death upon a festival even such as are legally 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



423 



condemned to die, yet these men pitched upon 
the last day of the Euclean solemnity, as pre* 
suming they should then surprise the la 
number upon the forum, to execute the mas• 
saere. When the marks of whom they were to 
despatch had been given to the persons em- 
ployed, they drew their swords, and murdered 
one p.rson standing in the circle, another lit• 
ting leisurely down, another in the theatre, 
and another on the very bench of justice• 
When once the alarm was spread, the very best 
men of Corinth betook themselves immedi- 
ately, some to the statues of the gods in the 
forum, and some to the altars. But this most 
execrable band of assassins, entirely lost to all 
sense of duty, I mean equally those who con- 
trived and those who executed the facts, mur- 
dered them even in the temples ; insomuch 
that some, who received no harm, but retained 
a due sense of humanity, were most grievously 
afflicted at the sight of such impiety. In this 
manner most of the elderly Corinthians, as 
such generally frequented the forum, are put to 
death. The younger sort, as Pasimelus sus- 
pected what was in agitation, kept themselves 
quietly in Craneum. But when they heard the 
noise, and some came flying from the scene to 
take refuge amongst them, they at once ran up 
to the citadel of Corinth, and repulsed the 
Argives and others who were making an as- 
sault upon it. Whilst now they were consult- 
ing what was to be done, a capital falls off 
from a column, without either an earthquake 
or a blast of wind. They sacrificed, and the 
appearance of the victims was such that the 
soothsayers declared it was best for them to 
go down from thence. At first, therefore, 
like so many exiles, they withdrew out of the 
territory of Corinth. But their friends send- 
ing persuasions after them, nay, their mothers 
and their brethren coming to them with en- 
treaties, and even some now invested with 
power, promising with an oath that no harm 
should be done them, they at length came back 
to their former habitations. Yet, now behold- 
ing the tyrants in authority, perceiving the 
actual ruin of the state, since the boundaries 
were demolished, and they were to style their 
country Argos instead of Corinth ; necessi- 
tated, farther, to submit to the polity of 
Argos, so unsuited to their taste, and reduced 
within their own walls to a worse condition 
than that of mere sojourners ; — some of them 
thore were, who thought such a life not worth 



the living, but well worth their while to try if 
they could not make Corinth, as it originally 
had been, their own country again, if they 
could not assert its freedom, clear it of I 
execrable assassins, and restore its excellent 
constitution : if indeed they could accomplish 
these points, they should become the pres» 
of their country ; and in case they miscarried 
they should manifest a desire of obtaining the 
most noble and most solid acquisitions, and 
should be sure to die a most glorious death. 

In this disposition of mind, two of them, 
Pasimelus and Alcimenes, endeavoured by 
creeping in through' the rivulet to confer with 
Praxitas, a general officer of the Lacdaemo• 
nians, who, with his own brigade, was now 
keeping guard in Sicyon, and told him, they 
could open him an entrance within the walld 
that reach down to Lecheum. Praxitas, who 
long since was well assured of their veracity, 
believed all they said ; and having obtained an 
order for his brigade, which was just going 
from Sicyon, to continue there, he settled with 
them the manner of this entrance. And when 
these two persons, either by regular rotation 
or purposed solicitation, were placed on the 
guard of the gates, Praxitas then approacheth 
that spot of ground where stood the trophy, 
with his Lacedaemonian brigade and the Sicyo- 
nians, and as many Corinthian exiles as were 
ready at hand. But when he was come up to 
the gates, and yet was afraid to enter, he de- 
sired he might first send in a person, in whom 
he confided, to take a view of what was within. 
The two projectors led him in, and with so 
much ingenuity showed him every thing, that 
the person introduced reported that all was 
safe exactly to their former description of 
things : now therefore Praxitas enters. The 
distance between the two walls was great; 
when therefore they were drawn up within, 
and their number was judged too small, they 
fortified themselves with a rampart and ditch, 
the best they could make, to secure the post 
till their confederates came up to their support. 
There was also, behind them in the harbour, a 
garrison of Boeotians. 

This they entered by night, and passed the 
next day quietly without molestation. But 
the day after, came marching down against 
them the Argives with all their force, who 
finding the Lacedaemonians drawn ap on the 
right, next to them the Sicyonians, and the 
exiles from Corinth, about a hundred and fifty 



424 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



in number, close to the eastern wall, they range 
themselves also in order of battle. Nearest to 
the western wall were the mercenaries under 
Philoerates, next to them the Argives, the 
Corinthians from the city had the left. Their 
own numbers made them despise the foe, and 
they immediately charged. They beat indeed 
the Sicyonians, and having opened a breach 
in the rampart, pursued them to the sea, and 
there slew many of them. But Pasimachus, 
who commanded the horse, though the num- 
ber he had was very small, when he saw the 
Sicyonians defeated, ordered the horses to 
be fastened to the trees, and snatched away 
the shields from the fliers ; and then, with 
such as were willing to follow him he marched 
up to the Argives. The Argives, who saw 
the letter S upon their shields, took them 
for Sicyonians, and were under no appre- 
hensions at all. Pasimachus is now reported 
to have said, " by the twin gods, ye Argives, 
these S S will be your ruin ;" and immediately 
charged them. Engaging in this manner with 
a handful of men against numbers, he is elain 
with those of his party. 

In the meantime the Corinthian exiles, who 
had defeated their antagonists, were pushing 
upwards» and were now approaching the wall 
that encircled the city. But the Lacedaemon- 
ians, who perceived the defeat of the Sicyonians, 
marched downwards to their succour, keeping 
the rampart on their left. The Argives, hear- 
ing that the Lacedaemonians were in their 
rear, wheeled suddenly about and were throw- 
ing themselves over the rampart. The farthest 
of them in the right, being struck on the unarm- 
ed side by the Lacedaemonians, were dying 
apace. But those nearest the wall, close 
gathered in a body, were retreating in a great 
multitude towards the city. Yet no sooner 
did they fall in with the Corinthian exiles, and 
knew them to be' enemies, than they again fled 
backwards. Here, indeed, some of them run- 
ning up the stairs, jumped down from the wall, 
and were bruised to death ; others, striving to 
get up, but beat off the stairs, were slain ; and 
some, trodden under foot by their companions, 
were trampled to death. The Lacedaemonians 
on this occasion had enow and enow again to 
kill. Full employ was here assigned them by 
God, beyond all they could have prayed for. 
For that a multitude of enemies affrighted, 
astonished, exposing their unarmed sides, should 
thus be delivered up to slaughter, not a soul 



amongst them endeavouring to resist, and all 
contributing in every respect to their own des- 
truction — was not the hand of Heaven discern- 
ible here 1 Accordingly, in a small space of 
time, such numbers were slain, that men who 
had only been used to see heaps of corn, of 
wood, and of stones, saw at that time heaps of 
dead. The garrison of Boeotians also in the 
harbour, some of them having climbed upon the 
walls, and some of them upon the roof of the 
docks, were put to death. 

When all was over, the Corinthians and Ar- 
gives fetched off their dead under truce ; and 
the confederates of the Lacedaemonians came 
up to join them. When they were thus assem- 
bled, the first resolution of Praxitas was, to 
lay open so much of the walls as would yield a 
sufficient passage to an army ; and he then 
marched off, and led them towards Megara. 
He now, in the first place, takes Sidus by as- 
sault, and after that, Crommyon. Having 
fixed a garrison within the walls of these places 
he resumed his march. And having fortified 
Epioecaea, that it might serve as a bulwark to 
cover the territories of the confederates, he 
then dismissed the army, and returned himself 
to Sparta. 

Henceforth neither side took the field with 
their grand armies ; they only marched garri- 
sons into the cities, one side to Corinth and the 
other to Sicyon, to preserve these important 
places. Yet both sides being possessed of a body 
of mercenaries, were continually harassing and 
fighting one another. In this manner Iphic- 
rates breaking into the territory of Phlius, 
placed an ambuscade, and then went about plun- 
dering the country with a handful of men, by 
which means he slew some of the Phliasians, 
who marched out of the city with too little 
circumspection to drive him off. For this rea- 
son the Phliasians, who before this accident 
would not receive the Lacedaemonians within 
their walls, lest they should restore those per- 
sons who said they had been exiled for their at- 
tachment to the Lacedaemonians, became so 
terrified at those who sallied out from Corinth, 
that they sent for the Lacedaemonians, and de- 
livered up their city and citadel to their pro- 
tection. The Lacedaemonians, however, though 
benevolently disposed towards these exiles, yet 
so long as they were masters of the city, never 
made the least mention of their recalment ; and 
so soon• as they saw the city had recovered its 
usual spirit, they evacuated the place, and re- 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



425 



stored them their town and their laws exactly 
as they received them. 

But the party commanded by Iphicrates were 
making frequent incursions into Arcadia, in 
which they took much booty, and even attacked 
the fortified places: for the heavy-armed of 
the Arcadians durst never march into the field 
against them, so highly terrified they were at 
the targeteers: and yet these very targeteers 
were so afraid of the Lacedaemonians, that 
they durst never approach their heavy-armed 
within throw of javelin : nay, some of the 
younger Lacedaemonians had at times ventured 
to attack them even out of that distance, and 
had killed some of them. The Lacedaemoni- 
ans, I say, had a contempt of these targeteers, 
but at the same time had a much greater con- 
tempt of their own confederates : for the Man- 
tineans, when once they came out to join 
them, ran briskly towards the targeteers, but 
being galled with darts from the wall reaching 
down to Lecheum, they wheeled oiF, and some 
of them were killed in open flight ; insomuch 
that the Lacedaemonians ventured to break a 
severe jest upon them, saying, " their confeder- 
ates were as much afraid of the targeteers, as 
children are of bugbears." They marched 
however out of Lecheum, with a brigade of 
their own and the Corinthian exiles, and en- 
camped themselves in a circle round the city 
of Corinth. 

The Athenians now, who dreaded the Lace- 
daemonian strength, lest, as they had broken 
down a passage in the long walls of the Co- 
rinthians, they might march against them, 
fhought it the most advisable expedient to re- 
ouild the walls that were demolished by Praxi- 
tas. Thither accordingly they repaired with the 
whole force of Athens, attended by carpenters 
and masons, and in a few days' time completely 
rebuilt the part towards Sicyon and the west, 
*nd then proceeded in a more leisurely manner 
to repair the eastern wall. 

But the Lacedaemonians, reflecting that the 
Argives, who are in a flourishing condition at 
nome, were delighted at this war, march out to 
invade them. Agesilaus commanded in this 
expedition, and after laying waste all their 
territory, he departed thence by Tegea towards 
Corinth, and demolished the walls just rebuilt 
oy the Athenians. His brother Teleutias also 
came up to him by sea with a squadron of 
about twelve triremes, so that their mother was 
now pronounced happy indeed, since in one and 
36* 



the same day one of her sons commanding by 
land demolished the walls of the enemy, and 
the other commanding at sea destroyed their 
ships and docks. Agesilaus, however, after 
these exploits, disbanded the confederates, and 
marched back the troops of that state to Sparta. 

V. The Lacedaemonians after this received 
intelligence from the exiles, that the Corinthi- 
ans of the city had lodged and secured all their 
cattle in Piraeum, by which means they enjoyed 
a plentiful subsistence ; upon which they march 
out afresh upon Corinth, Agesilaus command- 
ing also on this occasion. In the first place 
he arrived at the Isthmus. It was now the 
month in which the Isthmian games are cele- 
brated. The Argives were this moment there, 
presiding at the sacrifice to Neptune, as if 
Argos was Corinth. But they no sooner per- 
ceived the approach of Agesilaus, than, aban- 
doning their sacrifices and their feasts in the 
highest consternation, they withdrew into the 
city of Corinth by the road of Cenchreae. 
Agesilaus, however, would not pursue, though 
he saw their flight. But taking up his own 
quarters in the temple, he himself sacrificed 
to the god, and continued there till the Co- 
rinthian exiles had performed their sacrifices 
to Neptune, and the games. Yet, when 
Agesilaus was departed, the Argives did all 
over again. This year therefore it happened, 
that in some instances the same person was 
beaten twice over ; and in others, that the very 
same persons were twice proclaimed to be vic- 
tors. 

It was on the fourth day that Agesilaus led 
his army towards Piraeum : but finding it nu- 
merously guarded, after the time of repast he 
encamped before Corinth, as if he was sure of 
its surrender. The Corinthians therefore, 
being sadly alarmed lest the city might actually 
be betrayed to him, sent for Iphicrates with 
the greatest part of his targeteers. And 
Agesilaus, discovering that they had marched 
into Corinth by night, wheeled oif so soon as 
it was day, and led directly towards PiroDum. 
He himself advanced by the hot baths, and 
sent a brigade up to the highest part of the 
mountain. . The night following he encamp- 
ed near the baths, and the brigade spent 
the night on the summit of the mountain. 
And on this occasion Agesilaus gained high 
reputation by a small but seasonable piece 
of management; for though there were per 
sons now employed in carrying up provision-» 
3D 



42G 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



to the brigade, vet nobody brought theui any 
fire. They found it excessively cold, they 
were mounted quite aloft in the air, and hail 
and rain had fallen in the evening. Besides, 
they had got upon the mountain clad only 
in their thin summer garments. They 
were shivering, were quite in the dark, and 
had no appetite at all to their supper. Agesi- 
laus sends them no less than ten persons with 
fire in chaffing-dishes. When these, getting 
up as they could by different paths, had reached 
the summit, many and large fires were soon 
kindled, since there was plenty of fuel at hand, 
and all the Lacedaemonians anointed them- 
selves, and many of them made a hearty sup- 
per. This very night the temple of Neptune 
was seen all in flames ; but by whom it was 
set on fire is still unknown. And now, when 
they in the Piraeum perceived that the emi- 
nence was possessed by the enemy, they no 
longer thought of resisting : they betook them- 
selves therefore for refuge into the temple of 
Juno, both men and women, slaves as well 
as freemen, with the greatest part of their cat- 
tle. Agesilaus marched at the head of the 
army along the sea-coast. But the brigade at 
the same time coming down from the eminence 
takes Oenoe, a fortress walled about, and 
made booty of every thing within it. That day 
every soldier in the army gained abundantly in 
plunder whatever he could stand in need of: 
for those who had refuged themselves in the tem- 
ple of Juno came out, and left to the discretion 
of Agesilaus to determine what should be done 
with them. His sentence was, that " all such 
as had been concerned in the massacre should 
be delivered up to the exiles, and. all their ef- 
fects in general should be sold." In conse- 
quence of this all sorts of living creatures came 
out of the temple to surrender. 

Many embassies from different states were 
attending here. Even the Boeotians were come 
with a demand — " What they must do to ob- 
tain a peace IV But Agesilaus with an air of 
high elevation would not condescend to look to- 
wards them, though Pharax the public host of 
the Boeotians stood at their head ready to intro- 
duce them to him. He was now sitting in the 
Rotundo at the harbour, and taking a view of 
the booty as they brought it out. A party of 
Lacedaemonians, belonging to the heavy-armed, 
with their spears alone, were guarding the pri- 
soners along, and were gazed at with admira- 
tion by the standers-by : for the happy and the 



victorious are generally regarded as fine specta- 
cles indeed. Agesilaus still kept his seat, and 
seemed to be highly delighted with the scene 
before him, when a person on horseback came 
galloping that way with his horse in a foam. 
Many persons called upon him to tell his news, 
to whom he made no answer. But when he 
was come near to Agesilaus, throwing himself 
off, and- running up to him with a very gloomy 
countenance, he told him the sad calamity of 
the brigade at Lecheum. Agesilaus no sooner 
heard it than he jumped from his seat, snatched 
his spear, and ordered the herald to call the 
general-officers, the captains of companies, and 
the commanders of the auxiliary troops. When 
these came running to him, he ordered the rest 
of them, for they had not yet dined, to take a 
little meat with their utmost despatch and fol- 
low him with all speed, whilst himself with 
Damasias and his company set out instantly 
though fasting. His guards too in their heavy 
armour set out eagerly with him : he went off 
at their head, they followed their leader. When 
he had passed by the hot baths and was got 
into the plain of Lecheum, three horsemen ride 
up and tell him, that " the dead bodies are 
recovered." When he heard this, he ordered 
his soldiers to ground their arms : and, after 
halting some time, he led them back again to 
the temple of Juno. 

On the day following every thing they had 
taken was disposed of by sale. And the Boeo- 
tian ambassadors were then called for and asked 
the reason of their coming. But now, they 
made not the least mention of peace, saying 
only « they were desirous, if permission could 
be obtained, to go into the city to speak with 
their countrymen who were serving there." 
" I am well satisfied, Agesilaus replied with 
a smile ; you have not so great a desire to see 
the soldiers, as to gain a view of the late suc- 
cess of your friends, and know how considera- 
ble it is. But have patience ; I will conduct 
you thither myself. And if you go with me, 
you will be much more likely to come to an ex- 
act knowledge of the truth." He was as good 
as his word; for the next day, after a sacrifice, 
he led his army towards the city. He would 
not demolish the trophy ; yet. if a single tree 
was left standing, felling it and breaking it in 
shatters, he convinced them th»t nobody durst 
come out into the field agains* him. After 
doing this, he encamped near I echeum, and 
sent away the Theban ambassador? not indeed 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



427 



lo Corinth, but by the sea to Crusis. Yet such 
a calamity as the late one being an unusual 
thing to Lacedaemonians, a general dejection 
was visible throughout the camp, except in the 
persons, whose sons or fathers or brothers had 
died in their posts. These indeed, as if they 
Had gained a victory, walked up and down with 
a cheerful countenance ; exulting over their own 
private misfortunes. But the great calamity 
of that brigade fell out in the following man- 
ner. 

The Lacedaemonians of Amyclae, though 
they are in the field or abroad on any business 
whatever, always repair home at the Hyacin- 
than festival to join in the paean. At this junc- 
ture therefore Agesilaus had picked the Amy- 
cleans out of all the troops, and left them at 
Lecheum. The officer who commanded that 
garrison ordered a body of the confederates to 
take care and guard the fortress, whilst him- 
self with his brigade of heavy-armed and the 
horse conveyed the Amycleans in safety by 
the city of Corinth. When they were got to 
the distance of about twenty or thirty stadia 1 
from Sicyon, the officer with his heavy-armed, 
who were about six hundred, was returning 
back again to Lecheum, but had left orders 
with the commander of the horse to proceed 
forwards with the Amycleans till they thought 
proper to dismiss them, and then likewise to re- 
turn to Lecheum. They were not ignorant, 
it is true, that many both of the targeteers and 
heavy-armed were now in Corinth. They 
however entertained a contempt of them, as if 
nobody durst presume to attack Lacedaemo- 
nians, after their late success. But they of 
Corinth, and Callias the son of Hipponicus, 
who commanded the heavy-armed Athenians, 
and Iphicrates who commanded the targeteers, 
seeing plainly that they were but few in num- 
ber, and had neither targeteers nor horsemen 
with them, thought they might safely attack 
them with their own targeteers ; for, should 
they proceed in their march, they could make 
havoc of them by throwing darts at their un- 
armed sides ; and if they endeavoured to pur- 
sue, targeteers could easily avoid the nimblest 
men in heavy armour. Having thus consider- 
ed the point, they lead out into the field. 
Callias,- for his part, drew up his heavy-armed 
not far from the city, whilst Iphicrates with 
his targeteers began the attack upon the Lace- 



» Two or three miles. 



daemonian brigade. The Lacedaemonians be- 
ing thus galled with darts, here one of them 
was receiving wounds, and there another was 
dropping, and such as stood next in the ranks 
were ordered to take them up and carry them 
to Lecheum: and those of the brigade who 
were thus employed, were the only persons in 
reality who escaped with life. In the mean- 
time, the commanding officer ordered the La- 
cedaemonians of the first military class to pur- 
sue and drive away the enemy. They pur- 
sued, it is true, but not within javelin's throw 
of any of them, heavy-armed as they were in 
chace of targeteers. And he had farther en- 
joined them to retire from pursuit, before they 
came up to the heavy-armed of the enemy. 
When therefore they were retreating in a strag- 
gling manner, since they had pursued before 
with their utmost speed, the targeteers of Iph- 
icrates faced about again, and kept pouring in 
their darts either directly upon them, or run- 
ning up to their flanks on the unarmed sides. 
And immediately, in this first pursuit, they 
slew nine or ten of the Lacedaemonians. Be- 
ing so far successful, they renewed their at- 
tacks with much greater spirit than before. 
The Lacedaemonians were grievously annoyed ; 
and the commanding officer now ordered the 
two first military classes to pursue. They did 
so, but lost more persons in the retreat than 
they had done before. Their best men being 
thus destroyed, the horsemen are returned and 
join them ; so now accompanied by the horse 
they renew the pursuit. But on this occasion» 
when the targeteers kept flying before them, 
the horse managed the pursuit in a very impro- 
per manner. They rode not after them so a* 
to reach and slaughter the fliers, but keeping 
abreast with their own foot, either advanced 01 
retreated with them. After repeating this 
method again and again, and suffering at every 
repetition, their numbers were continually les- 
sening, their efforts were fainter and fainter, 
whilst the enemy attacked with redoubled spi- 
rit, and came thicker at them than before. 
Thus grievously distressed, they draw close to- 
gether in a body on a little hillock about two 
stadia from the sea, and about sixteen or seven- 
teen from Lecheum. Those at Lecheum, per- 
ceiving what was the matter, leap into their 
boats, rowed amain, and at length came to the 
hillock. But already grievously distressed, 
they were dying apace, they could do nothing 
at all in their own defence ; and, what was 



- 



Χ Ε Ν ΟΡΗ ON ON THE 



[book IV. 



beholding the heavy-armed advancing to 
attack them, they take to flight Some of 
them now rush into the sea, and a small num- 
ber get sate to Lecheura with the horse. But 
in all the skirmishes and the flight, no less than 
two hundred and rift)• of them were destroyed. 
And in this manner was this affair conducted, 
-ilaus now marched off, taking with him 
the suffering brigade, and leaving a fresh one at 
Lecheum. Through the whole of his march 
to Sparta, he entered every city as late as pos- 
sible in the evening, and resumed his march as 
early as possible every morning. Nay, be set 
out so early from Orchomenus, that he passed 
by Mantinea before it was day-light The 
soldiers could not bear to see the Mantineans 
with joy in their faces for the late calamity 
they had suffered. 

After this, Iphicrates continued to act suc- 
cessfully in every thing he undertook. For 
as a garrison had been placed at Sidus and 
Crommyon by Praxitas when he took those 
places, and another at Oenoe by Agesilaus, 
when he took Pirseum, Iphicrates reduced 
them all. The Lacedaemonians however and 
confederates still continued their guard at 
Lecheum ; but the Corinthian exiles durst no 
longer march towards Corinth by land from 
Sieyon, being awed by the late calamity of the 
brigade ; but going by water, and landing fre- 
quently near it. they carried on hostilities, 
vexatious indeed on both sides, with those in 
the city. 

VI. After this, the Achaeans, who were 
possessors of Calydon, anciently belonging to 
.Dtolia, and had declared the Calydonians to 
be members of their own community, were 
obliged to keep a garrison in the place. For 
the Acarnanians made war upon it, assisted by 
some Athenians and Boeotians in pursuance of 
the confederacy between them. The Achaeans 
therefore, being at this time distressed, send 
ambassadors to Lacedaemon. They arrived 
there, and said, — " they were treated wrong- 
fully by the Lacedaemonians. For our own 
parts (said they) and you know it, Lacedae- 
monians, we readily take the field whenever 
you summon us, and march whithersoever you 
lead us. And now, that a city of ours is 
blocked up by the Acarnanians and their con- 
federates the Athenians and Boeotians, you 
take no manner of care of us. Thus deserted 
as we are, we are no longer able to make head 
against them. But we must either entirely, 



giving up the war in Peloponnesus,' employ 
our whole force against the Acarnanians and 
their confederates, or submit to a peace the 
best we can get*' Thus they spoke with a 
kind of threat to the Lacedaemonians to aban- 
don their confederacy, unless they sent them 
succour in their turn. But after this represen- 
tation, it was judged expedient by the ephori 
and council of state, to march with the Achae- 
ans against the Acarnanians. Accordingly 
they send out Agesilaus with two Lacedaemo- 
nian brigades and a body of confederates ; and 
the Achaeans joined in the expedition with the 
whole of their force. But when Agesilaus 
had made his passage, all the Acarnanians fled 
out of the country into the cities, and drove 
away their cattle to a very distant place, that 
they might not be taken by his army. Agesi- 
laus, so soon as he arrived on the enemy's fron- 
tiers, sent to Stratus the capital of Acarnania, 
and declared, that " if they did not relinquish 
their confederacy with the Boeotians and Athe- 
nians and join the Lacedaemonians and their 
confederates, he would lay all their country 
waste, and not spare the least corner in it." 
And, as they gave no heed to this declaration, 
he kept his word. For without any intermis- 
sion carrying on his devastations, he advanced 
in his marches not above ten or twelve stadia a 
day. The Acarnanians therefore, thinking they 
had little to apprehend from the slow marches 
of this army, fetched down their cattle from the 
mountains, and almost every where resumed 
their rural employments. When now they 
were judged by Agesilaus to have given up all 
fear, on the fifteenth or sixteenth day after he 
had entered the country, he sacrificed early in 
the morning, and before evening completed a 
march of 2 one hundred and sixty stadia to the 
lake, about which were almost all the cattle of 
the Acarnanians, and took a vast many herds 
of oxen, and horses, and flocks of cattle of all 
other kinds, and many slaves. Having thus 
gained it, he halted there the next day, and 
sold all the booty ; many targeteers however of 
the Acarnanians came up ; and, as Agesilaus 
had encamped upon a mountain, were shooting 
and slinging without suffering any thing in re- 
turn, and obliged the army to come down into 
the plain from the summit of the mountain, 
though they had just been preparing for sup- 



i Dr. Taylor's reading, n> 
* About sixteen mileE. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



429 



per. The Acarnanians indeed drew off at 
night; and the army having posted guards, 
took their repose in quiet: but the next day 
Agesilaus led them back. The issue from the 
meadow and plain round the lake was narrow, 
because the ground was on all sides surrounded 
by mountains. The Acarnanians had posted 
themselves upon them, and kept pouring down 
from above their darts and javelins. They 
even ventured down to the skirts of the moun- 
tains ; they attacked and annoyed the army, 
so that they could no longer proceed in their 
march. The heavy-armed, it is true, from the 
main-body and the horse pursued them, but did 
no damage to such assailants : for the Acar- 
nanians, whenever they thought proper to re- 
tire, were immediately in their strong holds. 
Agesilaus, esteeming it a difficult piece of 
work for an army thus grievously annoyed to 
get clear through so narrow a pass, determined 
to pursue those who attacked on his left, as 
they were the most numerous body. The 
mountain also on this side was much easier of 
ascent for the heavy-armed and horse. Yet 
during the time that he sacrificed and con- 
sulted the victims, the Acarnanians still con- 
tinued to pour down their darts and javelins, 
and approaching nearer and nearer wounded 
numbers. But at length, upon his giving the 
signal, the heavy-armed of the two first milita- 
ry classes started forwards, the horsemen were 
riding up, and Agesilaus followed with the 
rest. Such of the Acarnanians, therefore, as 
had ventured down the mountain and had been 
skirmishing with them, are soon forced to fly, 
and whilst scrambling up the ascent were put 
to death. The heavy-armed of the Acarnani- 
ans and many of their targeteers were drawn 
up on the summit of the mountain, where they 
stood their ground, and let fly their darts, and 
striking at them with their spears wounded 
the horsemen and slew some horses. But when 
they were very near falling into the hands of 
the Lacedaemonian heavy-armed, they took to 
flight, and this day about three hundred of 
them were slain. 

After so much success, Agesilaus erected a 
trophy. And then marching round the country 
he laid it all waste with fire and sword. He 
even assaulted some of the towns, merely in 
compliance with the entreaties of the Achaeans, 
but he took not one. And now, as autumn 
was coming on apace, he marched out of the 
country. 



The Achaeans, nevertheless, thought that he 
had done nothing at all, since he had not made 
himself master of a singlo town, either by 
force or voluntary surrender. They begged, 
therefore, that if nothing else could be done, 
he would only stay so long in the enemy's 
country as to hinder them from sowing their 
corn. His answer was, that " they are plead- 
ing against their own interest. J shall certainly 
march hither again next summer. The more 
seed they sow, the more desirous of course 
they will be of peace." Having said thus, he 
marched off his army through ^itolia, by such 
roads as neither a large nor small, army could 
have passed without leave from the ^Etolians. 
However, they suffered him to proceed, for 
they hoped he would assist them to recover 
Naupactus. But when he came to the cape 
of Rhium, he crossed the sea and returned to 
Sparta. For the Athenians, who had sta- 
tioned themselves with a squadron at Oenia- 
dae, stopped all passage to Peloponnesus from 
Calydon. 

VII. When the winter was over, Agesilaus, 
in pursuance of his promise to the Achaeans, 
declared an expedition in the very beginning 
of spring against the Acarnanians. The latter 
had notice of it, and reasoned right, that as 
their city lay in the heart of their country, they 
should suffer a siege as much from those who 
destroyed their corn, as if they were invested 
in form. They sent therefore ambassadors to 
Lacedaemon, and made a peace with the Achae- 
ans, and an offensive and defensive alliance 
with the Lacedaemonians. And thus ended 
the war of Acarnania. 

Henceforth the Lacedaemonians judged it by 
no means safe to march their army against the 
Athenians or Boeotians, and leave the great 
and hostile state of Argos, lying on their own 
frontier, behind their backs : they proclaim 
therefore an expedition against Argos. Age- 
sipolis, who knew that he was to command in 
this expedition, and found the victims favour- 
able which he sacrificed for success, went to 
Olympia to consult the oracle. He demand- 
ed of the god, " Whether, in consistence with 
piety, he might reject the truce which the 
Argives would plead 1" For the latter would 
begin to compute its expiration not from the 
day of the declaration, but from the time when 
the Lacedaemonians actually broke into then 
country. The god signified to him, that con- 
sistently with piety he might reject it so wrong- 



430 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



fully pleaded. From thence, without loss of 
time, he repaired to Delphi, and there demand- 
ed of Apollo, •• Whothtc he judged of the truce 
in the same manner with his father]" He an- 
swered positively to the same purpose. Ac- 
cordingly Agesipolis put himself at the head of 
the army, and marched from Phlius, for there 
it had assembled whilst he was on his journey 
to the oracles, and broke in by the pass of 
ZN'emca. But the Argives, when they found 
themselves unable to make head against him, 
sent to him, as usual, two heralds with gar- 
lands on their heads, alleging that " the truce 
was not expired." Agesipolis having answer- 
ed, that " the gods had decided against the jus- 
tice of their plea," refused to observe it, and 
marched forwards into the country, and soon 
caused high perplexity and distress over all 
the country, and in Argos itself. But the first 
day they were in Argia, after Agesipolis had 
supped, and upon finishing supper they were 
making the libation, Neptune shook the earth. 
Upon this the Lacedaemonians, who were but 
just set out from home, joined in chorus and 
sung the paean to the god ; but the rest of the 
troops concluded, that they ought to return 
home immediately, since Agis formerly upon 
the shock of an earthquake had marched them 
out of Elis. Agesipolis alleged, that " if the 
god had shaken the earth when he was only in- 
tending to break in, he should have construed 
it a prohibition ; but now that he actually had 
broken in, he judged it an exhortation ;" and 
so the next day, after sacrificing to Neptune, 
he advanced, though not far, into the country. 
As Agesilaus had lately commanded in an 
expedition against Argos, Agesipolis asked the 
soldiers, how near he had advanced to the walls 
of the city 1 how fctr he had extended his de- 
vastations 1 and then, like the champion in 
public games, who struggles for every prize, 
he endeavoured to outdo him in every respect. 
He was once even within reach of darts from 
the turrets, but then he immediately repassed 
the trenches that surrounded the walls. And 
when most of the Argives were marched into 
Laconia, he approached so near to the very 
gates, that they shut them against some Boeo- 
tian horsemen who had just desired to be let 
in, afraid that the Lacedaemonians might rush 
in along with them ; insomuch that those horse- 
men were compelled to keep clinging under 
the battlements, like so many bats. And had 
not the Cretans at that time been absent on an 



excursion to Nauplia, many men and horses 
too must have been shot to death. But after 
this, when he lay encamped near Eirctse a 
thunderbolt fell in the camp. Some were 
much affrighted, but some were actually killed 
by the lightning. And having afterwards a 
mind to fortify a castle at the entrance of the 
pass over the Colousa, he sacrificed, and the 
victims appeared without lobes. Determined 
by this, he led off the army and dismissed them, 
having done vast damage to the Argives by an 
invasion so little expected. 

VIII. The war was on this manner carried 
on at land. And I shall now relate the con- 
current transactions at sea and the cities on the 
sea-coast ; describing such of them only as are 
worthy of remembrance, and omitting such as 
deserve not a particular mention. 

In the first place, therefore, Pharnabazus 
and Conon, after beating the Lacedaemonians at 
sea, sailing round to the isles and the maritime 
cities, drove out the Lacedaemonian command- 
ants, and gained the hearty good will of the 
people, as they placed no garrisons in their 
citadels, but left them free and independent. 
Nay, such as only heard of this behaviour were 
delighted with and commended it much, and 
sent cheerfully their hospitable presents to 
Pharnabazus. For Conon had convinced him, 
that if he acted thus, " he would be sure of 
the friendship of all the cities : but in case he 
manifested any design to enslave them, then 
(he added) each single city is able to cut you 
out a deal of trouble, and the danger is, that all 
the Greeks, when they see into your schemes, 
will unite together against you." Pharnaba- 
zus therefore was persuaded by him : and go- 
ing on shore at Ephesus, he gave Conon forty 
ships ; and, having told him to meet him at 
Sestus, he went by land to his own dominions. 
Dercyllidas truly, an inveterate enemy to Phar- 
nabazus, happened to be at Abydus at the time 
of the late battle at sea ; yet, instead of aban- 
doning his town, as did the other command- 
ants, he fast secured Abydus, and kept it firm 
to the Lacedaemonians. His first step had been 
to convene the Abydenians, and to harangue 
them thus : 

« It is now, ye men of Abydus, in your pow- 
er, as you long have been steady friends to the 
Lacedaemonian state, to prove yourselves their 
actual benefactors. To continue faithful dur- 
ing a course of prosperity hath nothing wonder- 
ful in it ; but, when any set of men continue 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



431 



steadily attached to friends in adversity, they 
ought on that account to be eternally remem- 
bered. Not that we are in so bad a situation 
as to be nothing at all, because we have been 
beaten at sea. For formerly, when the Athe- 
nians were the sovereigns of the sea, our state 
was very well able to do good to her friends 
and harm to her enemies. But by how much 
the larger is the number of the cities, which, 
veering about with fortune, at present desert 
us, by so much will your fidelity be actually 
the more conspicuous. Some persons it is 
true may apprehend that we are in danger here 
of being besieged both by land and sea : but 
let such reflect, that as yet, no Grecian fleet 
appears at sea, and that Greece will never suf- 
fer a fleet of Barbarians to ride masters of the 
sea. Greece undoubtedly will assist herself, 
and consequently will fight for you." 

The Abydenians, having heard him, were 
readily without any reluctance persuaded. They 
received in a friendly manner the new gover- 
nants, and invited to their posts such as had ab- 
sented. But Dercyllidas, so soon as a large body 
of men well qualified for service were assembled 
in Abydus, passed over to Sestus, which is 
over-against Abydus, distant from it no more 
than eight stadia, and collected together all the 
persons who had been settled by the Lacedae- 
monians on the lands of the Chersonesus, and 
as many of the commandants as had been 
ejected out „pf the cities in Europe. He re- 
ceived them kindly, telling them, " they ought 
not to give way to dejection, but recall to mind, 
that even yet in Asia, which originally belongs 
to the king, there are Temnus, though not a 
large city, and the ^Egians, and other places 
in which they might settle, and disdain sub- 
mission to the king. Nay, where (he went on) 
can you find another place so strong as Sestus 1 
what town more difficult to be reduced by 
siege 1 since it cannot possibly be blocked up 
without both a land and a naval force." And 
by talking to them in this manner, he preserved 
them from total dejection. 

Pharnabazus, when he found that Dercyllidas 
had thus secured Abydus and Sestus, sent word 
to the inhabitants, that ■" if they did not send 
away the Lacedse.monians, he would make war 
upon them ;" and, as they were not to be awed 
by this menace, he sent orders to, Conon not to 
suffer them to stir by sea, and then he ravaged 
in person the territory of the Abydenians. But 
as nothing he did could induce them to sur- 



render, he himself went home, and ordered 
Conon so to manage the cities in Hellespont, 
that as large a fleet as possible might be gather- 
ed together in the spring. Full of resentment 
against the Lacedaemonians for the harm they 
had done him, it was his high ambition to go 
even to Laconia, and revenge himself to the ut- 
most of his power. They spent the winter 
therefore in making preparations ; and early in 
the spring, having manned out a numerous fleet, 
and hired a body of auxiliaries, Pharnabazus 
put to sea and Conon with him, and sailed 
through the islands to Melos, and from thence 
they proceeded towards Lacedaemon. In the 
first place, making a descent at Pherae, he laid 
all the adjacent country waste ; and afterwards 
repeating his descents on the coast, he did them 
all possible damage. Yet, terrified at a coast 
where harbours were so scarce, and at the readi- 
ness of the people to resist him, added to the 
danger of wanting provisions, he soon turned 
back, and, standing off, cast anchor at Phaeni- 
cus of Cythera. But when such of the Cythe- 
rians as guarded the city were afraid of being 
stormed and taken prisoners, they evacuated 
their works ; and these persons, according to 
terms granted them by Pharnabazus, were sent 
over by him into Laconia. He then repaired 
the fortifications of the Cytherians, and left a 
garrison there under the command of Nicophe- 
bus the Athenian. Having done this, he bailed 
up to the isthmus of Corinth ; and after en- 
couraging the confederates to proceed briskly 
in the war, and to manifest their zeal for the 
king, he gave them all the money he had with 
him, and then departing sailed immediately 
home. 

But Conon representing to him, that, " if 
he would put the fleet under his command, he 
would furnish it with all needful supplies from 
the islands, and then sailing back to Athens, 
would rebuild the long walls and the wall round 
the Piraeus, than which (he assured him,) no- 
thing would vex the Lacedaemonians more. 
Hereby too (he added) you yourself, Pharna- 
bazus, will most highly oblige the Athenians, 
and take ample revenge on the Lacedaemo 
nians, for you will undo at once what they have 
long been labouring with their highest applica- 
tion." Pharnabazus hearing this, readily sent 
him away to Athens, and furnished him with 
money to rebuild the walls. Accordingly on 
his arrival, he rebuilt great part of the wall, 
employing his own seamen in the work, advan- 



432 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



cmg wages to carpenters and masons, and de- 
fray ing every needful expense. The remain- 
art of it the Athenians themselves and 
the Boeotians, and other states, rebuilt volunta- 
rily at the same time. 

In the meanwhile the Corinthians, who by 
help of the money Pharnabazus left behind had 
manned out a fleet, and given the command of 
it to Agathinus, were quite masters by sea in 
the bay round Achaia and Lecheum. The 
Lacedaemonians indeed manned out a fleet 
against them, which was commanded by Pole- 
marchus. But as an engagement came on, in 
which Polemarchus was killed, and Polis his 
lieutenant was also carried ashore wounded, 
Herippidas takes upon him the command of the 
ships. However, Proaenus the Corinthian, 
who succeeded Agathinus in the command of 
the fleet, abandoned Rhium, and the Lacedae- 
monians took possession of it. Teleutias after 
this took the fleet from Herippidas, and now 
again he was master of the whole bay. 

But the Lacedaemonians, having heard that 
Conon, at the king's 1 expense, was rebuilding 
the walls of Athens, and by the same means 
subsisting his fleet, and settling the islands and 
maritime cities on the continent in a manner 
most agreeable to the Athenian interest, they 
imagined that could they give Teribazus, who 
was one of the king's generals, an information 
of these points, they should either bring him 
over to their own side, or at least put a stop to 
the subsistence of Conon's fleet. And thus 
resolved, they send Antalcidas to Teribazus, 
instructing him to inform Teribazus of all 
these points, and endeavour to make peace be- 
tween the state of Lacedaemon and the king. 
The Athenians, aware of the design, send 
away an embassy along with Conon, consisting 
of Hermogenes, Dion, Callisthenes, and Calli- 
medon. They also invited their confederates 
to despatch their embassies in company with 
them; accordingly they were sent by the Boeo- 
tians,• and from Corinth, and from Argos. 
When all were arrived, Antalcidas told Teri- 
bazus that " he came to solicit a peace between 
his own constituents and the king, and such a 
peace as the king himself must be glad of. 
For the Lacedaemonians would have no dispute 
with the king about the Greek cities in Asia ; 
they would rest contented if the islands and 
other cities were left free and independent. 
And why," says he, " when we are thus com- 
pliant, should either the Greeks or the king 



carry on a war against us 1 or why should the 
king incur so vast an expense 1 For when we 
no longer lead, it will be impossible either for 
the Athenians to make war upon the king, or 
for us to do so ourselves, when the cities are 
free and independent." These words of An- 
talcidas were heard by Teribazus with high 
satisfaction ; but to the opposite party they 
were to continue to be merely words ; for the 
Athenians, in case it was agreed to leave the 
cities and islands free and independent, were 
afraid of losing Lemnos and Imbrus and Sciros ; 
the Thebans were also afraid they should be 
obliged to set the cities of Boeotia at liberty ; and 
the Argives were apprehensive of disappoint- 
ment in their desire to keep as fast hold of 
Corinth as Argos, if such a treaty and such a 
peace was made. By this means no terms of 
peace could be agreed on, and every embassy 
again went home. 

As to Teribazus, he thought it not consis- 
tent with his own personal security to make a 
separate peace with the Lacedaemonians with- 
out consulting the king. However, he gave 
Antalcidas a supply of money to enable the 
Lacedaemonians to keep a fleet at sea, in order 
to render a peace quite necessary to the Athe- 
nians and their confederates ; and he shut up 
Conon in prison, as one who had injured the 
king, and was justly accused by the Lacedae- 
monians. After this, he made a journey to 
the king, to tell him what the Lacedaemonians 
had proposed, and that he had apprehended 
Conon for his ill behaviour, and to receive 
orders about his future conduct. The king, 
indeed, so soon as Teribazus arrives at court, 
sends Struthes down as governor of the mari- 
time provinces on the coast. And Struthes 
exerted himself in warm attachment to the 
Athenians, remembering what damage the do- 
minions of his master had suffered from Age- 
silaus. 

The Lacedaemonians, when they saw that 
Struthes had turned out an enemy to them, 
but a friend to the Athenians, send Thimbro 
to make war against him : and Thimbro when 
he had crossed the sea, and taken his march 
from Ephesus and the cities in the plains of 
Maeander, Priene, and Leucophrys, and Ar- 
chilleum, put the dominions of the king to fire 
and sword. But in process of time, Struthes 
having received intelligence that Thimbro ran 
over the country in that negligent manner 
which showed a contempt of his enemies, he 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



433 



sent his cavalry into the plains of Maeandcr, 
whom he ordered to ride quite round, and drive 
oft* every thing they could find. It happened 
that Thimbro was now passing the time after 
dinner in the tent of Thersander the musician : 
for Thersander was not only a good musician, 
but a good soldier too, since he had been train- 
ed at Sparta. Struthes, who perceived the 
enemy were marching about in a negligent 
manner, and to be few in number when he 
first discovered them, rushes at once upon them 
with a numerous and firmly compacted body 
of horse. Both Thimbro and Thersander were 
among the first whom they slew; and after 
killing them, they soon put the rest to flight, 
and pursuing, made a vast slaughter of them. 
There were some, indeed, who completed their 
escape to friendly cities ; but there were more 
who saved themselves by being left behind, 
and not knowing in time of the engagement : 
for very often, and on this occasion too, Thim- 
bro had advanced against the enemy, without 
giving any signal for the troops to follow. 
And these things were done in this manner. 

But when those who had been exiled from 
Rhodes by the people, were arrived at Lacedae- 
mon, they represented there how impolitic it 
would be to continue inactive, whilst the 
Athenians were reducing Rhodes, and gaining 
so great an accession of strength. The Lace- 
daemonians, therefore, well apprized that if the 
people were masters, all Rhodes would be in 
the power of the Athenians, but if the rich 
prevail it would be in their own, manned out 
eight ships for their assistance, and appointed 
Ecdicus to command them. On board these 
ships they also sent away Diphridas. The 
latter they ordered to go over into Asia, and 
there to secure the cities which had adhered to 
Thimbro, and to take upon him the command 
of the troops yet remaining, and,' reinforcing 
them with all possible additions, to make war 
upon Struthes. Diphridas obeyed all his or- 
ders ; and, amongst other parts of his success- 
ful conduct, takes prisoner Tigranes and his 
wife, who was the daughter of Struthes, as 
they were travelling to Sardis, and for a vast 
sum of money set them again at liberty. By 
this money he was immediately enabled to pay 
his 1 troops : for Diphridas gave in every re- 
spect as great satisfaction as Thimbro had 
given ; but, as a general, outdid him far in 
discipline and vigilant activity. No bodily in- 
dulgence ever gained the ascendant over him, 
37 



but on the contrary, he gave all his attention 
to the business in hand. But Ecdicus, after 
sailing to Cnidus, heard there that the people 
had the entire possession of Rhodes, and were 
masters both by land and sea. Nay, they were 
then out at sea with a number of triremes 
double to his own. He therefore continued 
quietly at Cnidus. But the Lacedaemonians, 
when they found his squadron was too small 
to give any effectual aid to their friends, or- 
dered Teleutias, with the twelve ships he 
commanded in the bay along Achaia and 
Lecheum, to sail round to Ecdicus; and as 
to Ecdicus, to send him home, whilst himself 
took all the care he could of such as desired 
his protection, and did all possible damage to 
the enemy. Teleutias, when he arrived at 
Samos, enlarged his fleet with the ships from 
thence, and proceeded to Cnidus, but Ecdicus 
returned home. 

Teleutias, having now twenty-seven ships, 
put to sea against Rhodes. But in his course 
he falls in with Philocrates the son of Ephial- 
tus, who with thirteen ships was bound from 
Athens to Cyprus, to assist Evagoras ; and he 
takes them all. Both parties on this occasion 
were acting in direct contrariety to their own 
interest. For the Athenians, who enjoyed the 
friendship of the king, were sending this aid to 
Evagoras, who was at war with the king ; and 
Teleutias, whilst the Lacedaemonians were 
likewise at war with him, demolished those 
who were going to war against him. But 
Teleutias, having steered back again to Cni- 
dus, and disposed of his captures, proceeded 
afterwards to Rhodes to succour the friends of 
Sparta. 

The Athenians growing now apprehensive 
.that the Lacedaemonians might re-establish 
their power at sea, send out for their annoy- 
ance Thrasybulus the Styrensian, with forty 
ships. He was now at sea, but pursued not 
the auxiliary squadron for Rhodes; judging, 
that he could not easily hurt the friends of the 
Lacedaemonians, who were possessed of a for- 
tified place, and had Teleutias ready with his 
fleet to protect them ; and that neither were 
the Athenians in danger of being reduced by 
their enemies, as they had possession of cities 
far superior in number, and had beat them In 
field of battle. He sailed therefore to the 
Hellespont, and no enemy appearing, he was 
intent on performing some notable service for 
the state. In the first place, therefore, having 
3E 



434 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book IV. 



received intelligence, that a rupture had hap- 
pened between Amadocus king of the Odry- 
sians, and Seuthes who possessed the sea-coast 
of Thrace, he reconciled them to one another, 
and made both of them friends and confede- 
rates to the Athenians; concluding, that when 
these princes were in friendship, the Greek 
cities in Thrace would, even though against 
their inclinations, pay higher regard to the 
Athenians. All being now right in those 
cities, as well as in the cities of Asia, because 
the king was in friendship with the Athenians, 
he proceeded to Byzantium, and put to sale 
the tenths of the ships from Pontus. He also 
obliged the Byzantines to change their oligar- 
chical government into a democracy, so that 
the people of Byzantium now beheld with- 
out chagrin the great number of Athenians 
at present in the city. Having done these 
things, and also made friends of the Chalce- 
donians, he sailed out of the Hellespont. But 
though he found in Lesbos that all the cities, 
except Mitylene, were in the Lacedsemonian 
interest, he let them alone till he had been at 
Mitylene, where he settled four hundred per- 
sons from on board his fleet, and all such exiles 
from the other cities as had taken refuge there. 
Then taking such of the Mitylenians as were 
best qualified for the service, and inspiring 
proper hopes into all, into the Mitylenians, 
that if he reduced the cities, they should be 
masters of the whole isle of Lesbos; — into the 
exiles, that if they would go with him to each 
city, they would all of them be of course ena- 
bled to recover their former state; and into 
those who went on board his fleet, that, would 
they make all Lesbos friends to Mitylene, they 
must necessarily acquire abundance of wealth. 
With these exhortations and their united, 
strength he led them against Methymne. 
Therimachus, who commanded there for the 
Lacedaemonians, no sooner knew of the ap- 
proach of Thrasybulus than he ordered all the 
manners on shore, with whom and the Me- 
thymneans, and the exiles from Mitylene now 
at Methymne, he marched out and met him on 
the frontier. A battle ensued, in which The- 
rimachus is slain : and the rest flying, a great 
slaughter is made of them. After this he 
brbught over some of the cities, and he plun- 
dered the territories of such as did not come in, 
and supplied his soldiers with pay. He was 
now in a hurry to get to Rhodes ; but in order 
to put the troops into higher spirits, he collect- 



ed contributions from other cities; and pro- 
ceeding to Aspendus, he anchored in the river 
Eurymedon. He had received their contribu- 
tion from the Aspendians when his soldiers did 
some damage on their lands. The Aspendians 
growing angry at it, and falling upon him in 
the night, kill him in his tent. In this manner 
Thrasybulus, a man of so great accomplish- 
ments, ended his days. The Athenians, how- 
ever, having chosen Argyrius for his succes- 
sor, sent him to the fleet. 

The Lacedaemonians hearing now, that the 
tenth of the ships from Pontus had been sold 
by the Athenians at Byzantium, that they are 
masters of Chalcedon, and that the other Hel- 
lespontine cities having the friendship of Phar- 
nabazus were in a safe situation, saw plainly 
that all their care was needful. They had no 
reason however to blame Dercyllidas ; and yet 
Anaxibius, who was favoured by the ephori, 
solicited successfully for himself, and was sent 
out to be the commandant of Abydus. Nay, 
would they give him money and shipping, he 
promised to carry on the war against the Athe- 
nians, and stop their career of prosperity in the 
Hellespont. Having assigned him therefore 
three triremes and pay for a thousand foreign- 
ers, they sent Anaxibius to sea. He was no 
sooner arrived than he drew together by land 
his number of foreign troops ; he forced over 
some cities from Pharnabazu», and as the lat- 
ter with the aid of the other cities had invaded 
the territories of Abydus, he returned the in- 
vasion, marched against them, and laid waste 
their country. Then doubling the number of 
ships he brought by manning out three more at 
Abydus, he fetched into that harbour what- 
ever vessel belonging to the Athenians or their 
confederates he could catch at sea. 

The Athenians informed of this, and afraid 
lest all the fine dispositions Thrasybulus had 
made in Hellespont should be quite ruined, 
send out Iphicrates with eight ships and about 
twelve hundred targeteers. The greatest num- 
ber of the latter were the same whom he com- 
manded at Corinth : for when the Argives had 
made Corinth Argos, they said they had no 
farther need of them. Iphicrates, in fact, had 
killed some persons who had been in the Ar- 
give interest, and on that account withdrew to 
Athens, and lived retired. Bqt when he was 
arrived at the Chersonesus, Iphicrates and 
Anaxibius at first carried on a piratical wai 
against one another : but in process of time, 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



435 



Iphicrates perceiving that Anaxibius was 
«arched against Antandros with his foreign 
troops and what Lacedaemonians he had, and 
two hundred heavy-armed Abydenians ; and 
hearing farther, that he had gained Antandros 
by composition, he suspected that after settling 
a garrison there, he would return the same way, 
and bring back the Abydenians to their own 
city. He therefore passed over by night into 
the least frequented part of the territory of 
Abydus, and marching up into the mountains 
he placed an ambuscade. He ordered the tri- 
remes that brought him over to keep cruising 
at day-light along the Chersonesus, that it 
might be judged he was then upon his usual 
employ of fetching in contributions. Having 
made these dispositions, every thing fell out 
just as he expected : for Anaxibius was now 
on his return, even though the victims at his 
morning sacrifice were inauspicious. But 
this he disregarded, since he was to march 
through a friendly country, and was going to a 
friendly city. And when he heard besides 
from persons he met that Iphicrates was sailed 
towards Proconnesus, he marched with more 
negligence than before. So long, however, as 
the troops of Anaxibius were upon the same 
level ground with himself, Iphicrates rose not 
from his ambuscade. But so soon as the Aby- 



denians, who had the van, were got down into 
the plain near Cremastes, where are the mines 
of gold, and the rest of the troops were de- 
scending the mountain, and Anaxibius with 
his Lacedaemonians was just at the descent, 
that moment Iphicrates starts up from his place 
of ambush, and runs full speed towards him. 
Anaxibius, knowing there was no possibility 
of escape, as he saw his troops were in a nar- 
row road, and extended in a long line forwards, 
as he judged that those who were gone on could 
not readily remount the ascent to his aid, and 
saw plainly that they were all in a panic on the 
appearance of the ambuscade, he said to those 
who were near him, " It is my duty, sirs, to die 
on this very spot ; but do you make the best 
of your way to a place of safety, before the ene- 
my can charge you." He said these words, and 
then snatching his shield from the person that 
carried it, he fights and is slain on the spot. 
A favourite boy stood by nim to the last, and 
about twelve of the Lacedaemonian comman- 
dants of cities, who were in company, fought 
and died with him. All the rest fled, and were 
slaughtered in their flight. They pursued them 
to Abydus. Of the other troops, about two 
hundred were slain, and about fifty of the Aby- 
denian heavy-armed. But after this exploit, 
Iphicrates returned again to the Chersonesus. 



THE 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



BOOK V, 



f 437] 



37* 



CONTENTS OF BOOK V. 



Fine conduct of Teleutias.— The peace of Antalcidas.— The Mantinean War.— The Olynthian War, and sur- 
prisal of the citadel of Thebes bv Phaebidas.— Phlius besieged and reduced by Agesilaus.— The famous an J 
successful plot for recovering Thebes.— War between the Thebans and Lacedsemoniane. 



C 433 ] 



THE 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE 



BOOK V, 



I. This was the state of the war between the 
Athenians and Lacedaemonians in the Helles- 
pont. 

The people of ./Egina had for a long time 
kept up intercourse with the Athenians. But 
now, as war was again openly renewed at sea, 
Eteonicus, who was again in ^Egina, empower- 
ed them, with the joint consent of the Ephori, 
to plunder Attica at pleasure. The Athenians, 
blocked up by them, sent over a body of heavy- 
armed commanded by Pamphilus, into -iEgina, 
to invest them with a work of circumvallation, 
blocking them thus up at land, and with ten 
ships at sea. Teleutias however, who hap- 
pened about this time to be going round the 
.islands to collect money, having received intelli- 
gence of the throwing up this circumvallation, 
came away to assist the ^Eginetse. He indeed 
drove off the ships, but Pamphilus kept fast 
possession of the work on shore. 

But now Hierax arriveth from Lacedaemon 
to be admiral of the fleet, and accordingly re- 
ceiveth the command. Teleutias departed 
from Sparta, and in as happy a mannei as his 
own heart could wish ; for when, upon the 
point of departure, he went down to the water 
side, the whole soldiery crowded about him to 
shake him by the hand. One was crowning 
him with a garland, another adorning him with 
fillets ; and such as came too late, and foiind 
him already under sail, threw their garlands 
into the sea after him, and prayed Heaven to 
bless him in all his undertakings. I am sensi- 
ble, indeed, that in relating such incidents, I 
give no shining proof of munificence, bravery. 
or fine conduct. But by Heaven I think it 
worth any man's while to reflect, by what me- 
thods Teleutias had thus gained the hearts of 
those whom he commanded : for such behavi- 



our better deserveth our admiration than any 
acquisition of wealth or conquest. 

Hierax, with the rest of the fleet, sailed again 
to Rhodes : but he left twelve ships at iEgina, 
under the command of his lieutenant Gorgopas. 
The consequence was, that the Athenian troops 
were more closely blocked up in their own cir- 
cumvallation than their countrymen were in 
Athens : insomuch that, five months after, the 
Athenians, having by express decree manned out 
a large number of ships, fetched off the people 
on this service, and carried them back to Athens. 
And yet after this they were sadly infested a 
second «time by the plunderers from ^Egina and 
by Gorgopas too. They therefore man out 
against the latter thirteen ships, and elect Eu- 
nomus to take upon him the command of them. 

Hierax being still at Rhodes, the Lacedae- 
monians send out Antalcidas to be admiral in 
chief; judging that by giving this commission 
to Antalcidas, they should most sensibly oblige 
Teribazus. Antalcidas, when he came to 
./Egina, took away with him the ships under 
Gorgopas, and proceeded to Ephesus. But from 
thence he sends back Gorgopas with the twelve 
ships to his former station at JEgina, and gave 
the command of the rest to his own lieutenant 
Nicolochus. Nicolochus set sail from Ephesus 
to go and assist the citizens of Abydus. But 
in his passage landing upon Tenedos, he laid 
the country waste, and after getting a sum of 
money, he stood away from thence to• Abydus. 
The Athenian commanders, collecting what 
strength they could from Samothracia and 
Thasus and the adjacent places, repaired to 
the assistance of the Tenedians. But when 
they found that Nicolochus was already gone 
away to Abydus, they put to sea from the 
Chersonesus, and with two and thirty sail of 

439 



440 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[ι 



their own blocked him up in Abydus, as he 
had but twenty-five. Gorgopas, in the mean- 
time, repassing from Ephesus, falls in with 
Eunomus ; and sheering off at first reached the 
island of vEgina a little before sun-set. He 
immediately landed his men, and ordered them 
to eat their suppers: but Eunomus, after a lit- 
tle stay, sheered ofT. It was now dark night ; 
he therefore led the way with his own ship, 
which carried a light, as is the practice at sea, 
that the squadron might not disperse. But 
Gorgopas, having again got his men on board, 
followed after him by direction of the light, 
keeping at a proper distance, that he might 
not be perceived, and, to prevent all alarm, 
ordering the masters not to shout aloud, but 
to drop stones for their signals, and all oars to 
be gently moved : but so soon as the ships of 
Eunomus had made land near Zoster in Atti- 
ca, he ordered the trumpets to sound, and to 
fall in amongst them. The crews belonging 
to the ships of Eunomus were some of them 
already on shore, some of them were this mo- 
ment landing, and some were still drawing to 
land. A battle was fought by moonlight ; and 
in it Gorgopas taketh four of the enemy's ships, 
which he fastened to his own, and returned 
with them in tow to ^Egina; but the other 
Athenian ships of this squadron fled fop shelter 
into the Piraeus. 

Chabrias after this was sailing out to Cy- 
prus to the aid of Evagoras, having with him 
eight hundred targeteers and ten ships. But 
taking out at the same time from Athens other 
ships and some heavy-armed, he landed by night 
on the isle of iEgina, and with his targeteers 
sat down in ambuscade in a hollow, a good way 
beyond the temple of Hercules. So soon as 
it was day, as had been previously agreed, the 
heavy-armed from Athens came ashore under 
the command of Dimaenetus, and marched 
likewise about sixteen stadia beyond the tem- 
ple to the place called Tripyrgia. Gorgopas, 
having heard it, ran down with the JSginetae, 
with the soldiers of his own squadron, and the 
eight Spartans who happened to be with him. 
He left orders for all persons belonging to the 
squadron who were free men to follow, so that 
numbers of them were approaching, each pro- 
vided with such a weapon as he could get. 
When the first party had passed by the ambus- 
cade, Chabrias starts up with his targeteers, 
who immediately attacked and galled them 
with javelins. The heavy-armed, who had 



last landed, charged them at the same time. 
And thus this first party, as they were few in 
number, were immediately slain, amongst whom 
was Gorgopas and the Lacedaemonians. When 
these were killed, all the rest turned about and 
fled. Of the ^Eginetae there perished about 
a hundred and fifty, and not less than two 
hundred of the strangers, and sojourners, and 
mariners, who had run together for aid. 

The Athenians after this ranged the sea as 
quietly as in the midst of peace : for the sea- 
men paid no regard to Eteonicus, though he 
would have compelled them to go on board, 
since he had no money to pay them. But now 
again the Lacedaemonians send Teleutias to 
command as admiral in chief. The soldiers, 
when they saw him arrive, were rejoiced above 
measure. He immediately called them to- 
gether, and harangued them thus : 

" Here I am again, my fellow-soldiers, but 
bring no money with me. And yet, with the 
blessing of heaven and your hearty concur- 
rence r I will endeavour to provide abundantly 
every article that you can need. Be assured 
within yourselves, that so long as I am in com- 
mand, I pray for your comfortable subsistence 
no less than for my own. And perhaps it may 
surprise you to hear me say, that I had rather 
want bread myself than see you want it. 
But by the gods I would rather choose to be 
without food two days together, than you 
should be without it one. My door in the for- 
mer parts of my command was constantly 
open to any one that wanted me, and shall be 
open now. Insomuch that, when you are en- 
joying plenty and abundance, you shall then 
see my table, too, more plentifully provided. 
But again, when you behold me enduring cold 
and heat and want of sleep, remember that you 
are bound in duty to endure them with me. I 
would not subject you to any hardships of this 
nature merely to give you pain, but in order to 
put it in your power to reap ' a higher good. 
The community of which we are members, my 
fellow-soldiers, and a happy community it is, 
hath attained, you well know, the large share of 
happiness with which it is blessed, not by ha- 
bitual sloth, but by an alacrity to endure every 
toil and every danger for the public welfare. 
You, I know it by long experience, were for- 
merly good men : and now it behoves you to 
approve yourselves better men than ever, that 
we may unite with pleasure in every toil, and 
unite with pleasure too in the enjoyment of 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



441 



every success. What thing on earth can be so 
sweet, as to cajole no man, neither Greek nor 
Barbarian, for a precarious pay, but to be able 
to earn our own subsistence, and that too by 
the most glorious methods 1 For in time of 
war, affluence at the cost of our foes, be ye 
well assured, is the finest provision men can 
make for themselves, as it is the admiration of 
all mankind." 

. In this manner Teleutias spoke. The whole 
assembly shouted aloud upon him to issue his 
orders, since they were ready to obey. He 
next performed the solemn sacrifice, and then 
said to them — « Depart now, my honest souls, 
and eat your suppers as usual ; then prepare 
for yourselves one day's provision. This done, 
repair hither immediately, that we may go 
whither heaven invites us, and arrive in time." 
When they were all returned, he ordered them 
on board, and set sail by night for the harbour 
of Athens. Sometimes he slackened his course, 
and ordered them *,o take a little rest, then he 
advanced farther by plying the oars. But in 
case any one blames him on this occasion, for 
going out imprudently with only twelve ships 
against a people possessed of such numerous 
shipping, let such a one reflect on the judicious 
motives on which he acted. He concluded, 
that as Gorgopas was killed, he should find the 
Athenians keeping little or no guard at all 
in the harbour ; and though the ships of war 
should be lying there at anchor, he thought it 
safer to attack twenty of them in harbour than 
ten of them out at sea. When they were on a 
cruise, he knew that the seamen lay constantly 
on board the vessels ; but at Athens, he was 
assured that the captains of the ships always 
went home to bed, and the seamen too had 
lodgings on shore. It was on these considera- 
tions that he engaged in this attempt. 

When he was advanced within five or six 
stadia of the harbour, he made all stop quietly, 
and rest themselves for a time. But at break 
of day he led the way into the harbour, and the 
rest followed. He would not suffer any of his 
own ships to sink or to damage the trading ves- 
sels ; but if they saw a ship of war any where at 
anchor, he ordered them to disable her for sea, 
and to fasten all the trading vessels and such 
as had cargoes on board, and tow them out to 
sea ; to search also the larger ships, and make 
all persons prisoners whom they found on board. 
Nay, some of his people even leaped on shore 
on the quay, and laying hold on some mer- 



chants and masters of vessels, carried them on 
board their own ships. 

In this manner Teleutias successfully con- 
ducted the business. Such of the Athenians 
as were within the houses ran out to learn the 
meaning of the noise ; such of them as were 
out of doors ran home for their arms, whilst 
some were posting up to the city with the news. 
All Athenians, as well the heavy- armed as the 
horsemen, were now marching down in arms, 
as if the Pirseus was taken. But Teleutias sent 
away his prizes to JEgina, and ordered three 
or four of his ships to accompany them thither. 
With the remainder he proceeded along the 
Attic coast, and in standing out of the harbour 
he took a great number of fishing-boats, and 
the ferries full of passengers coming in from 
the islands. When he was got up to the cape 
of Sunium, he also took some vessels laden 
with corn, and some with merchandise. Af- 
ter these captures he sailed back to iEgina; 
and disposing of his spoils by public sale, he 
advanced a month's subsistence to his men. 
Nay, he afterwards continued his cruises, and 
made prize of every thing he could. By acting 
in this manner he kept his ships full manned, 
and preserved the cheerful and prompt obedi- 
ence of all his people. 

It was at this time that Antalcidas in the 
company of Teribazus returned from the king. 
He had so conducted his negotiations, as to be 
assured of the king's future concurrence with 
the Lacedaemonians, if the Athenians and con- 
federates did not acquiesce in the peace which 
he himself had proposed. But when he heard 
that Nicolochus with his squadron was block- 
ed up in Abydus by Iphicrates and Diotimus, 
he went by land to Abydus. Resuming there 
the command of the fleet, he went out to sea by 
night, having scattered a report that he was sent 
for by the Chalcedonians. But he went only 
into the harbour of Percope, where quietly he 
stationed his ships. His departure was perceiv- 
ed by Dimsenetus, Dionysius, Leontichus, and 
Phanias, who immediately went in pursuit after 
him towards Proconesus. And when they had 
clearly passed beyond him, Antalcidas return- 
ed and came again to Abydus. For he heard 
that Polyxenus was coming thither with twenty 
sail from Syracuse and Italy ; and his design 
was now to join them to his own. 

After this Thrasybulus of Colyttus set sail 
from Thrace with eight ships to join the rest 
of the Athenian fleet. But Antalcidas, when 
3F 



- 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



the sentinel made a signal that eight ships were 
in sight, sending the seamen on board twelve 
o{ his prime sailers, and ordering their crews 
to be completed out of the rest of the ships, 
lay on the watch as much out of view as possi- 
ble. \Vhen they had sailed by, he began a 
pursuit ; they saw him and fled. He soon 
reached their slowest vessels with the swiftest 
of his own ; but he had ordered such as came 
first up with them, not to meddle with the hin- 
dermost vessels of the enemy, but to pursue 
the foremost in flight. And so soon as he had 
taken these, the hindermost seeing their leaders 
taken, were so dispirited that they became easy 
captures to the slower vessels of the enemy, 
and every ship was taken. 

Antalcidas, farther, when the twenty ships 
from Syracuse came up to him, and all the 
ships of which Teribazus was master had also 
joined him from Ionia ; — the latter were man- 
ned out of the dominions of Ariobarzanes ; for 
Teribazus, by the ties of hospitality, had long 
been connected with Ariobarzanes, and Phar- 
nabazus was now by invitation gone up to the 
royal court, where he married the king's daugh- 
ter; — Antalcidas, I say, by the junction of 
these ships, which were more than eighty in 
number, rode master of the sea ; insomuch that 
he stopped the navigation of all vessels from 
Pontus to Athens, and carried them off to the 
confederates of the Lacedaemonians. 

The Athenians now, who saw the enemy's 
ships so numerous, were highly alarmed, lest 
they should be warred down as they were be- 
fore, now that the king was become a confede- 
rate with the Lacedemonians, and they were 
blocked up at home by the plunderers from 
^Egina. For these reasons they were sincere- 
ly desirous of a peace. 

On the other side the Lacedaemonians, who 
kept a brigade in garrison at Lecheum, and 
another brigade at Orchomenus ; who besides 
were keeping a constant guard over the cities 
firmly attached to them lest they should be 
taken, and even such as they were dilfident of 
lest they should revolt ; who farther were ha- 
rassed and harassing with successive hostilities 
about Corinth, were sadly tired of the war. 

The Argives, farther, who found that an 
expedition was proclaimed against them, and 
were sensible that their insisting on the com- 
putation of the months would avail them no- 
thing, began also heartily to wish for a peace. 

Hence it was, that when Teribazus issued 



out the notification, that all states, who were 
desirous of a peace on the terms which the 
king prescribes, should assemble together, they 
were all soon assembled. And now in the 
presence of them all, Teribazus, having first 
showed the king's signet, read aloud to them 
the contents of his mandate, as followeth : 

" Artaxerxes the king thinks it just, that the 
cities in Asia and the two isles of Clazomenae 
and Cyprus should be his own ; but, that all. 
the rest of the Grecian cities, both small and 
great, should be left free and independent, ex- 
cept Lemnos, Imbros, and Sciros ; these, as for- 
merly, to continue in subjection to the Atheni- 
ans. And whatever people refuseth this peace, 
I myself, with such as receive it, shall make 
war against that people, both by land and sea, 
both with ships and with money." 

The ambassadors from the several states hav- 
ing heard this mandate, sent their report of it 
to their constituents. All the rest swore abso- 
lutely to the observance of it, but the Thebans 
insisted upon taking the oath in the name of all 
the Boeotians. Agesilaus positively refused to 
admit their oath, unless they swore according 
to the letter of the king's mandate, that " every 
city email and great shall be left free and inde- 
pendent." The Theban ambassadors urged in 
return, they were not empowered to do it. " Go 
then," said Agesilaus, " and consult your prin- 
cipals. But tell them at the same time from 
me, that if they do not comply they shall be 
excluded the peace." Accordingly the ambas- 
sadors departed. 

Agesilaus, because of his long inveteracy 
against the Thebans, lost no time, but with 
the approbation of the ephori sacrificed imme- 
diately. And so soon as the victims had a fa- 
vourable appearance, he passed the frontiers to 
Tegea. He sent his horsemen to summon in 
the neighbouring troops , he sent commanders 
round to the several states. But before he 
could march from Tegea the Thebans were 
with him, professing that they would leave the 
cities free and independent. And thus the 
Lacedaemonians returned home, and the The- 
bans were obliged to accept the peace and to 
leave the cities of Boeotia in freedom and inde- 
pendence. 

On another side the Corinthians would not 
dismiss the garrison of Argives. But Agesi- 
laus sent a notification to the Corinthians, 
« that if they did not send aWay the Argives," 
and to the Argives " that if they did not eva 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



443 



cuate Corinth, he would make war upon 
them." This menace affrighted them both, 
and the Argives accordingly marched out, and 
Corinth became again the city of the Corinthi- 
ans. The authors of the massacre, indeed, and 
their accomplices, of their own accord with- 
drew from the city ; but the other citizens 
readily gave a re-establishment to the former 
exiles. 

When these points , were settled, and the 
states had sworn to the peace which the king 
prescribed, all the land armies were disbanded, 
and all the naval forces were disbanded too. 
And thus at length the first peace was ratified 
in form between the Lacedaemonians, Atheni- 
ans, and confederates after the war between 
them subsequent to the demolition of the walls 
of Athens. But though through the whole 
course of the war the scale had generally turn- 
ed in favour of the Lacedaemonians, yet they 
made a greater figure than ever through this 
peace, which took its name from Antalcidas. 
For now, assuming the execution of the peace 
prescribed by the king, and insisting that the 
cities should be free, they recovered the alli- 
ance of Corinth ; they set the cities of Boeotia 
at liberty from the Thebans, a point which 
they had long desired ; they had put an end to 
that appropriation which the Argives had made 
of Corinth, by declaring war against them un- 
less they evacuated that city. All these points 
being accomplished to their wish, they now 
came to a determination to chastise such of 
their confederates as had been untractable dur- 
ing the war, and manifested any good-will to 
their enemies ; and to order them so now, that 
they should not dare to be refractory in time 
to come. 

II. In the first place, therefore, they sent to 
the Mantineans, commanding them " to demo- 
lish their walls ;" affirming that " nothing less 
could convince them they would not take side 
with their enemies." They added, that " they 
well knew how they had supplied the Argives 
with corn during the late war ; and sometimes, 
on pretext of truces, had refused to march with 
them against the enemy ; and, even when they 
did march, were intent on doing them more 
hurt than good." They told them farther, 
" they were well convinced, how much they 
envied them upon every incident of success, 
and how heartily they rejoiced if any calamity 
befell them." A declaration was also made, 
that " the truce with the Mantineans for thirty 



years, agreed upon after the battle of Manti- 
nea, expired this present year." But as the 
Mantineans refused to demolish their walls, 
the Lacedaemonians proclaim an expedition 
against them. 

Agesilaus on this occasion petitioned the 
state to excuse his commanding the army ; al- 
leging that " the Mantinean community had 
done many good services to his father in the 
war against Messene." Agesipolis• therefore 
led out the army, notwithstanding that his fa- 
ther Pausanias too had always been in high 
friendship with the most popular men of Man- 
tinea. So soon as he had entered the country, 
in the first place he laid it waste. But as even 
yet they refused to demolish their walls, he 
dug a trench in circle quite round the city, one 
moiety of the army sitting down before the 
city with the arms of those who were digging, 
whilst the other moiety carried on the work. 
When the trench was finished, he also erected 
without molestation a circular wall quite round 
the city. But finding there was abundance of 
corn within the place, as the last year had been 
a season of great plenty ; and thinking it would 
be judged a hardship to harass both the Lace- 
daemonians and the confederate troops with a 
tedious siege, he dammed up the river, and a 
very large one it is, that runs through the city. 
The channel being thus dammed up, the water 
swelled above the foundation of the houses 
and the city walls. The lower brick-work was 
soon rotted by the wet, and shrunk under the 
upper buildings, by which means the city 
walls cracked, and afterwards were ready to 
tumble. For some time they under-propped 
them with timber, and made use of all their 
art to keep them from falling. But when they 
found they must be overpowered by the water, 
and were afraid lest a breach being >made by 
the tumbling of any part of the wall, they 
should be taken sword in hand, they at length 
offered to demolish their walls. The Lacedee- 
monians refused to accept this condition now, 
unless they would also settle in villages. The 
Mantineans, judging there was no avoiding it, 
agreed to comply. But to such of them, as 
from their long connection with the Argives 
and their great influence over the people, fear- 
ed they should be put to death, Agesipolis, at 
the earnest request of his father, granted their 
lives (and they were sixty in number,) in case 
they withdrew themselves from Mantinea. On 
both sides of the road, beginning from the very 



444 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



of Mantinea, the 1 acedsemonians ranged 
themselves with their spears in their hands, to 
take a view of such as were withdrawing; and 
though they hated them, yet refrained them- 
selves from any abuse much easier than did the 
oligarchical party at Mantinea. But be this 
only mentioned as a single proof of their habi- 
tual obedience to their commanders. 

After this the walls were demolished, and 
the Mantinean country was now settled in four 
villages, in the same manner as it had been 
formerly inhabited. At first, it is true, the 
Mantineans were highly dissatisfied, when 
thus obliged to pull down the houses they had 
built for their own convenience, and to erect 
new ones. But when the wealthier of them 
were settled on their estates which lay round 
the villages, when they were ruled by an aris- 
tocracy, and rid of their turbulent demagogues, 
they grew delighted with the change. And the 
Lacedaemonians sent them, not indeed one 
person to command the troops of the four, but 
a separate commander to every village. They 
afterwards marched upon summons from the 
villages with more cheerfulness than they had 
ever done when under a democratical govern- 
ment. And in this manner were things brought 
about in regard to Mantinea ; mankind having 
learned one piece of wisdom by it, never to let 
a river run through their walls. 

The exiles from Phlius, perceiving the La- 
cedaemonians were now examining into the be- 
haviour of their several confederates during the 
war, thought it the proper season to apply fqr 
themselves. They went to Lacedaemon, and 
represented there, that so long as they were in 
Phlius, the citizens received the Lacedaemonians 
within their walls, and marched in their com- 
pany wherever they led them. But no sooner 
had the people of Phlius ejected them, than 
they absolutely denied to march at the sum- 
mons, and refused to the Lacedaemons alone, 
of all men living, admittance into their city. 
When the ephori had heard this representation, 
they judged it deserving of their attention. 
They sent therefore to the state of Phlius, 
remonstrating that " the exiles were friends to 
the Lacedaemonian community, and for no of- 
fence at all had been exiled their country." 
They insisted upon it therefore " as a point of 
justice, that without compulsion and by mere 
voluntary act they should grant the restoration 
of these exiles." The Phliasians having heard 
all this, conceived a suspicion, that some of 



their own citizens might open the gates, should 
the Lacedaemonians march against them. For 
many relations of these exiles were now in the 
city, who, besides their natural good-will to- 
ward them, were desirous (as is generally the 
case in most communities) to work some 
change in the society, and were very eager for 
the recall of the exiles. Moved therefore by 
such apprehensions, they passed a decree for 
the re-admission of the exiles — " all their real 
estates to be immediately restored, and the 
value of such as had been sold to be returned 
to the purchasers out of the public treasure : 
and, in case any dispute arose, the point to be 
determined by due course of law." These 
resolutions were carried at this time in favour 
of the exiles from Phlius. 

Ambassadors were now arrived at Lacedse- 
mon from Acanthus and Apollonia, which are 
the largest cities in the neighbourhood of Olyn- 
thus. The ephori, having been informed of 
the reason of their coming, introduced them 
into a grand assembly of themselves and the 
confederates, where Cligenes the Acanthian 
spoke as followeth : 

" Lacedaemonians and ye their confederates, 
an event of vast importance hath lately taken 
place in Greece, of which we suppose you are 
quite unapprized. There can, however, be 
very few amongst you, who know* not that 
Olynthus is the greatest city on the coast of 
Thrace. These Olynthians therefore have pre- 
vailed with some other cities to unite with them 
in point of laws and political administration : 
and then they took into their union some larger 
cities. After this they endeavoured to free the 
cities of Macedonia from their subjection to 
Amyntas king of the Macedonians. Having 
succeeded with the nearest of these cities, they 
proceeded with rapidity to do the same by the 
more distant and the larger. And when we 
came away, they were masters of a great num- 
ber of them, aud even of Pella the capital of 
Macedonia. We have moreover intelligence, 
that Amyntas hath been forced successively to 
quit his cities, and is only not driven out from 
the whole of Macedonia. 

" To us Acanthians also and to the Apol- 
lonians these Olynthians have likewise notified 
their pleasure, that unless we engage to act 
in confederacy with them, they will make war 
upon us. But for our parts, Lacedaemonians, 
we desire still to live under our own estab- 
lished laws, and to persevere as free as we 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



445 



have hitherto been. And yet, unless somebody 
condescends to assist us, we must of necessity 
submit to their will and pleasure. They are 
possessed at this very time of a body of heavy- 
armed not less than eight hundred, and of a 
body of targeteers in a much larger number ; 
and their cavalry, if we should be obliged to 
join them, will amount to more than a thou- 
sand. 

" We, farther, left behind us at Olynthus 
ambassadors from the Athenians and Boeotians : 
and we hear that the Olynthians are come to a 
resolution to send back with them ambassadors 
to these several states, to perfect an alliance of- 
fensive and defensive. If therefore so great 
an accession be made to the present strength 
of the Athenians and the Thebans, consider, 
Lacedaemonians, whether you will find them 
for the future so tractable as they ought to be. 

** Since, farther, they are already masters of 
Potidsea on the isthmus of Pallene, you must 
take it for granted, that all the cities within 
that isthmus must of course submit to the 
Olynthians. But one particular and unques- 
tionable proof may be given you, that these 
cities already are most grievously alarmed : for 
though they bear an irreconcileable hatred to 
the Olynthians, yet they durst not send ambas- 
sadors along with us to join in representing 
these things to you. 

" Consider again of how much inconsistence 
you must be guilty, if you, whose chief study it 
is to prevent the union of Boeotia, should slight 
the conjunction of so great a power : a power 
that will show itself considerable indeed not 
only at land, but even at sea : for what can 
hinder the men from becoming so, who have 
timber of their own growth for the building of 
ships, who receive tribute from abundance of 
sea-ports and from abundance of trading towns, 
and who, from the fertility of their country, 
abound in people 1 And more than this, the 
Thracians who have no king are their nearest 
neighbours, and have already begun to pay 
great court to these Olynthians : and should 
they submit to receive their law, the latter will 
acquire a vast accession of power by it. And 
by necessary consequence it must follow, that 
they then will seize for their own the gold 
mines in the mountains of Pangseus. 

" We tell you nothing here but what hath 

been talked of a thousand times by the people 

of Olynthus. And what need is there to add 

how highly they are elevated upon it Ί The 

38 



author of our nature hath perhaps so framed 
mankind, that their ambition must keep increas- 
ing with their power. 

" We are only, Lacedaemonians and confede- 
rates, to make you a just report of the present 
state of affairs. It behoveth you to consider 
whether or no they deserve your attention. We 
are bound, however, to assure you of one impor- 
tant truth, that the power of the Olynthians, be 
it, actually as great as we have represented, is 
not yet too mighty for resistance : for even the 
cities, which, against their inclinations, are 
at present with them, will revolt the very mo- 
ment an army taketh the field against them. 
But if they enter into closer connections with 
them by intermarriages and reciprocal acqui- 
sitions, which are at present the points in agita- 
tion ; and then grow convinced that it is most 
for their interest to adhere to the strongest party 
(as for instance the Arcadians, when they 
march with you, preserve what is their own, and 
plunder every body else,) then perhaps it may 
be impossible to reduce 'within due bounds this 
growing power." 

These things being said, the Lacedaemonians 
referred the consideration of them to the con- 
federates, and ordered them to consult and re- 
port what they thought most conducive to the 
interest of Peloponnesus and the whole con- 
federacy. And now a majority of them voted 
for the march of an army, those especially 
who had a mind to ingratiate themselves with 
the Lacedaemonians. It was at length decreed 
" to demand their quotas from the several states 
to form a body of ten thousand men." Clauses 
were inserted in the decree, that, " instead of 
men, any state might be at liberty to advance a 
sum of money, three oboles ' of ^gina instead of 
a man ; and if any furnished horse, the expense 
of every horseman should be deemed equivalent 
to the pay of four of the heavy-armed. But 
if any refused to concur in the service, the 
Lacedaemonians are empowered to lay a fine of 
a stater 2 a-day upon them for every man." 
After these points, were decreed, the Acan- 
thians rose up again and declared, that " these 
indeed were very fine decrees, but could not 
soon be carried into execution." They said, 
therefore, " it would be highly expedient, whilst 
this force was assembling, to send away imme- 
diately some proper person to command, at 
the head of what troops could march at once 



» About sixpence English. » £1 9d. sterling, 



446 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



iron Laceihrmon and any of the other states. 
For if this wore done, the cities not yet 
gO&« over would stand their ground, and 
those already under compulsion would readi- 
ly revolt." This proposal being also ap- 
proved, the Lacedaemonians send away Euda- 
midas. and with him the Spartans newly en- 
franchised, the troops of the neighbourhood and 
the Sciritae, about two thousand in all. Euda- 
midas, however, at his departure begged of the 
ephori, that Phoebidas his brother might as- 
semble the rest of the army destined for this 
service, and bring them up after him. As to 
himself, so soon as he arrived in Thrace, he 
sent garrisons round to such of the cities as 
petitioned for them, and by a voluntary sur- 
render recovered Potidsea, which had been for 
a time confederate with the Olynthians. He 
afterwards marched from Potidaea to commence 
hostilities, w r hich he conducted in the manner 
suitable to a commander who had the inferior 
force. 

So soon as the troops destined to follow 
Eudamidas were assembled in a body, Phoe- 
bidas put himself at their head, and began the 
march. On their arrival at Thebes, they en- 
camped without the city near the Gymnasium. 
The Thebans were now in sedition, and Is- 
menias and. Leontiades were generals of the 
state. These two were enemies to one another, 
and each was at the head of his own faction. 
Ismenias, who hated the Lacedaemonians, never 
once came near Phoebidas. But Leontiades 
abundantly caressed him: and, when he had 
got his heart, addressed him thus : 

" You have it, Phoebidas, this very day in 
your power to do the highest service to your 
country. If you will only follow me with. your 
heavy-armed, I will introduce you into the cita- 
del of Thebes : and the citadel once secured, 
assure yourself that Thebes will be entirely 
in the power of the Lacedaemonians and of us 
your friends. A proclamation is already gone 
out, you know it well, that no Theban shall 
march with you against the Olynthians. But 
do you only execute what I advise, and we will 
immediately send away with you a numerous 
body of heavy-armed and a numerous body of 
cavalry too. And thus with a formidable army 
you will march up to reinforce your brother ; 
and before he can reduce Olynthus, you yourself 
shall have reduced Thebes, a city of far more 
importance than Olynthus." 

Phoebidas, having listened to him, was quite 



in a rapture. He was fonder of distinguishing 
himself by some grand exploit than of life it- 
self. But then he was not a man that could 
reason far, nor remarkable for any depth of 
thought. He soon assented to the proposal, 
and Leontiades bade him have his troops in 
motion, as if he had decamped and was for 
continuing his march. " I will be with you 
again," said Leontiades, " at the proper time, 
and will conduct you myself." Whilst there- 
fore the senate was sitting in consultation in 
the portico of the forum, because the women 
were celebrating in the Cadmea the rites of 
Ceres, and scarce a creature could be seen in 
the streets ; since it was about noon in the 
heat of summer, Leontiades returneth on horse- 
back, makes Phoebidas file off secretly, and 
introduceth him into the citadel. Having thus 
put Phoebidas and his party in possession of 
the place, given him the key of the gates, and 
enjoined him to give no person admittance 
without a pass from him, he went his way di- 
rectly to the senate. He entered it and said — 

" The Lacedaemonians, gentlemen, are in 
possession of the citadel, but let not that alarm 
you. They profess themselves enemies to no 
man who is not fond of War. But as general 
of the state, and by virtue of the power lodged 
in me by the laws to apprehend all traitors, I 
now apprehend this Ismenias, as a public ene- 
my. And you, who are officers in the army, 
and all of you whose duty it is, I order to se- 
cure him and convey him you know whither." 

The conspirators were ready at hand, and 
obeyed it, and took Ismenias into their cu? 
tody. But such as knew nothing of the plot, 
and were of the opposite party to Leontiades, 
fled some of them immediately out of the city, 
being afraid for their lives ; whilst others with- 
drew at first to their own homes ; but hearing 
afterwards that Ismenias was made prisoner in 
the Cadmea, all those who were of the same 
party with Androclides and Ismenias, to the 
number of four hundred persons, made the 
best of their way to Athens. 

When these things were done, they chose 
another general in the room of Ismenias. But 
Leontiades set out immediately for Lacedaemon. 
He found there the ephori and every citizen 
of Sparta in high indignation against Phoebidas 
for having presumed to act in this manner with- 
out consulting the state. Agesilaus, it is true, 
represented that ".if he had acted to the public 
detriment, he ought to be punished ; but if he 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



447 



had served the public, it was an old established 
law, that bis own good intentions sufficiently 
authorised him. We should therefore consi- 
der first,'' said be, « whether what hath been 
done hath been serviceable to the state or not." 
Leontiades, however, being introduced, on his 
arrival, to the council of state, spoke thus : 

" Your ownselvcs, Lacedaemonians, have for 
ever been declaring that ihe Thebans were 
your constant enemies, even before the last 
transactions. You have for ever seen them 
exerting their friendship towards your foes, 
and exerting their enmity against your friends. 
Did they not refuse to march with you against 
the Athenian people, your implacable enemy, 
when they had seized the Pineus 1 and did they 
not make war against the Pbocians, merely 
because the latter were benevolently inclined 
to you ? Nay, no sooner had they learned that 
you were going to make war upon the Olyn- 
thians, than they struck up a confederacy with 
them. Time was, you were attentive to all 
their motions, and alarmed at hearing they 
were extending their power in Bceotia. But 
all alarms are now at an end ; you no longer 
have any reason to fear the Thebans. Hence- 
forth a small scytale will suffice to keep every 
.thing there in all regular and needful obedience 
to yourselves, provided you show the same 
zeal for us as we have manifested for you." 

After hearing him, the Lacedaemonians de- 
creed " to keep fast possession of the citadel, now 
that it was seized, and to proceed to the trial 
of Ismenias." Their next step was, to send 
judges to try him, three from Lacedaemon, and 
one from every state, as well small as great, in 
the Lacedaemonian league. When these judges 
were assembled, and had taken their seats in 
court, an accusation was preferred against Is- 
menias, that « he was in the interest of Bar- 
barians, and had entered into the hospitable 
ties with the Persian with no good design in 
regard to Greece ; that he had received a share 
of the money from the king ; and that he and 
Androclides were principal authors of all the 
confusion in Greece." He made his defence 
against every part of the accusation, but could 
not convince his judges, that he had not been 
a very intriguing and mischievous man. He 
was accordingly condemned to die, and suffered 
death. The faction of Leontiades continued 
now to be masters of Thebes, and outstripped 
command in the oificiousness of their zeal to 
eerve *be Lacedemonians. 



After these things were brought about, the 
Lacedaemonians, with much more alacrity than 
ever, sent away the army against Olynthus. 
They give the command of this army to Tc- 
leutias, and all the states furnished their quotas 
towards ten thousand men to march away with 
him, and scytales were circulated to the con- 
federate cities, ordering them to obey Teleu- 
tias according to the decree of the confederates. 
Each separate people in the league with cheer- 
fulness accompanied Teleutias. They were 
sure Teleutias would never be ungrateful to 
those who did him any service. And the • 
Theban state, as he was the brother of Agesi- 
laus, sent away with him heavy-armed and 
horsemen. Though in a hurry to reach his 
post, yet he marched but slowly, always care- 
ful not to hurt any friends in his march and to 
enlarge his numbers as much as possible. He 
sent messengers before him to Amyntas, and 
desired him to hire a body of mercenaries, and 
to lay out his money among the neighbouring 
kings to purchase their aid, if he really had a 
mind to recover his dominions. He sent also 
to Derdas, king of Elyma, admonishing him 
that the Olynthians had demolished the greater 
power of Macedonia, and will not refrain from 
doing the same by a lesser power, unless a stop 
be put to their insolence. Acting in this man- 
ner, he arrived at length with a very numerous 
army on the lands of the confederacy. And 
when he had made his entry into Potidaea, he 
there marshalled his troops, and then took the 
field. But, during his approach to Olynthus, 
he set nothing on fire, he committed no ravage ; 
judging, that if he did such things, he should 
embarrass both his own approach and retreat. 
When he should be marching back, he judged 
it would be the proper time to cut down the 
trees and block up the roads against the enemy 
that might follow his rear. When he was 
advanced within ' ten stadia of Olynthus, he 
made the army halt. He was himself on the 
left ; and thus it happened that he appeared 
before the gates through which the enemy 
sallied. The rest of the confederate troops 
were drawn up on the right. He also posted 
on the right the Lacedaemonian and Theban 
horse, and what Macedonian cavalry was at 
hand. He kept Derdas and his four hundred 
horse on his own flank, because be admired 
this body of horse, and had a mind to compli 



» About a milu. 



448 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



mrnt Derdas for joining him with so much 
alacrity. When the enemy was come out of 
Olynthus, and had formed into order of battle 
under the wall, their cavalry closed firm to- 
gether, and rode down on the Lacedsmonian 
and Boeotian horse. They dismounted Poly- 
iharmus, the Lacedaemonian officer, gave him 
several wounds as he lay on the ground, and 
«.knv others ; and at length compel the horse 
x-n the right wing to fly. The horse being thus 
tlrst in flight, the foot also, drawn up nearest 
to them, began to give way. The whole army 
was now in great danger of defeat, had not 
Derdas, with his own cavalry, rode up directly 
to the gates of Olynthus ; and Teleutias with 
the left wing marched after him in excellent 
order. The Olynthian horse had no sooner 
perceived these motions, than they were afraid 
of being shut out of the town. They wheeled 
about, therefore, with all speed, and came on a 
gallop towards the gates. And now Derdas 
slew a vast number of these horsemen as they 
were galloping by him. The infantry of the 
Olynthians retired into the city ; and very few 
of them were killed, since they were so near 
the walls. But after a trophy was erected, and 
the victory remained with Teleutias, he re- 
treated and cut down the trees. 

III. When the campaign was over for the 
summer, he dismissed the troops of Macedonia 
and those of Derdas. The Olynthians, how- 
ever, were making frequent excursions against 
the cities confederate with the Lacedaemonians, 
carrying off much plunder and slaughtering the 
people. And very early in the succeeding spring, 
the Olynthian horse, to the number of six hun- 
dred, had made an excursion against Apollonia 
about noon, and were dispersed plundering about 
the country. That very morning Derdas, with his 
own horse, had marched into Apollonia, where 
he stopped to refresh himself and his men. 
When he beheld the enemy's incursion, he 
made no bustle at all. His horses were ready ; 
the riders were armed and mounted: and so 
soon as the Olynthians, in a contemptuous 
manner, entered the suburb, and rode up to the 
very gates of the town, he then sallied out in 
excellent order. The Olynthians no sooner 
saw him than they fled. And Derdas, when 
once at their backs, continued the pursuit and 
slaughter of them for ' ninety stadia, till he 
had chased them to the very walls of Olynthus. 



About nine miles. 



Derdas was said this day to have slain eighty 
of their horsemen. From this time the enemy 
were obliged to keep more within their walls, 
and employ themselves entirely in cultivating 
the small tract of country that was yet in their 
power. 

Some time after, when Teleutias was again 
in the field against the Olynthians, in order to 
demolish any tree yet standing, and to complete 
the ruin of their country, the Olynthian horse, 
who had sallied out and came man hing quietly 
forwards, passed the river that runs near the 
city, and then again kept quietly advancing to- 
wards the enemy's army. When• Teleutias 
saw them, he was vexed at their assurance, and 
ordered Tlemonides, who commanded the tar- 
geteers, to march full speed against them. But 
the Olynthians, when they saw the targeteers 
running forwards, wheeled about, retreated 
quietly, and repassed the river. The targeteers 
kept following in a very courageous manner, 
and, like men who were driving fugitives be- 
fore them, passed the river too in pursuit. 
But here the Olynthian horse, who judged 
they had now got them fast, face about and 
attack them, and slew TJemonides himself, 
and more than a hundred of his men. Teleu- 
tias no sooner saw this, than, quite mad with 
anger, he caught up his arms, and led the 
heavy-armed towards them, ordering the tar- 
geteers and horsemen to continue the pursuit 
and lose no ground. By this means many of 
the army, having unadvisedly continued the 
pursuit too near the walls, found a great diffi- 
culty in retreating again. They were galled 
with darts from the turrets ; they were obliged 
to move off in the most disorderly manner, 
guarding themselves from the darts that came 
pouring upon them. And now the Olynthians 
ride down upon their horse, and their targe- 
teers made what haste they could to assist 
them. At length the heavy-armed sallied out, 
and charge the main body of the enemy, who 
were all in confusion. And here Teleutias is 
killed fighting. He was no sooner dead, than 
all about him gave way. No man any longer 
stood his ground. The whole army fled : 
some towards Spartolus ; some towards Acan- 
thus ; some to Apollonia ; but most of them 
to Potidaea. As thus they were fleeing dif- 
ferent ways, the pursuit by as many different 
ways was continued after them, in which a vast 
number of men, and indeed the very flower of 
this mighty army, perished. Such dreadful 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



449 



calamities as these should, in my judgment, be 
a lesson to mankind to guard against anger, 
nay, even when they are only to chastise their 
own domestics. For it frequently, happens, 
that when masters are too angry, they do more 
hurt to themselves than to them they want to 
punish. But to attack an enemy in the heat of 
anger, and not with judgment, is the saddest 
fault of which we can be guilty : for anger 
foreseeth no consequences at all ; whereas, 
judgment considereth as much its own preser- 
vation as doing harm to an enemy. 

When the news of this defeat was brought 
to the Lacedaemonians, they determined, after 
mature consultation, to march up a considerable 
force, in order to damp the great exultation of 
the enemy, and lest all hitherto done should 
have been done in vain. Having thus deter- 
mined, they send away Agesipolis the king, to 
take upon him the command, attended, as Age- 
silaus was in Asia, by thirty Spartans. Many 
of the bravest soldiers in the neighbourhood of 
Sparta went out with him volunteers, as did 
those strangers distinguished by the title of 
Trophimi, and the bastards of the Spartans; 
Volunteers farther from the confederates joined 
in the expedition, and the horsemen of Thes- 
saly, who had a mind to recommend themselves 
u» the notice of Agesipolis. Amyntas also 
and Derdas came in with more alacrity than 
ever : and Agesipolis, thus executing his com- 
mission, was marching against Olynthus. 

The citizens of Phlius, who had been highly 
tommended by Agesipolis for their handsome 
and prompt contribution towards his expedi- 
tion, began now to imagine, that as Agesipolis 
was gone abroad, Agesilaus would not take the 
field against them, since it was not probable 
that both kings could, at the same time, be 
absent from Sparta ; and therefore in a very 
haughty manner they refused justice to the 
exiles lately restored. In vain did these exiles 
insist that all disputes should be determined 
before impartial judges, for they compelled 
them to submit to the determinations of their 
own judges at Phlius. And when the return- 
ing exiles demanded, " what justice could be 
expected when the very persons who had in- 
jured them presided in the courts'?" they gave 
not the least attention to them. The persons 
therefore thus aggrieved, go afterwards to La- 
cedaemon with accusations against trie city of 
Phlius. Some other Phliasians also came with 
them, representing that many of the citizens 
38* 



acknowledged the injustice of such behaviour. 
The Phliaeians were nettled at these proceed- 
ings, and laid a fine upon all those who went 
to Lacedaemon without public authority. The 
persons on whom these fines were laid were 
afraid to return home. They continued at 
Sparta, representing that « the authors of all 
this violence were the same persons who had 
driven them from their homes, and excluded 
the Lacedaemonians too. The very same per- 
sons, who had bought their effects, and by 
violence refused to restore them, had now ex- 
erted their influence to have a fine laid upon 
them for repairing to Lacedsemon, that no one 
for the future might presume to go thither and 
report what was doing at Phlius.' ? As this 
behaviour of the Phliasians was not to be 
justified, the ephori proclaim an expedition 
against them: and Agesilaus was not at all 
displeased with this resolution of the state, 
since Podanemus, who, with his family, had 
been the hospitable friend of his father Archi- 
damus, was in the number of the exiles who 
had returned, and Procles the son of Hipponi- 
cus had likewise been his own. So soon 
therefore as the sacrifices were auspicious, he 
dallied not, but began his march. Many em- 
bassies met him, and offered him money to 
stop. His answer was, " he was now in the 
command, not to commit injustice himself, but 
to vindicate the oppressed." The last embassy 
of all declared * they would submit to any 
conditions, provided he would not enter their 
country." He replied, that " he could put no 
confidence in mere speeches ; they had already 
broken their words : he could trust to nothing 
but a positive act." Being now asked what 
act he meant 1 he answered, " the very same 
you did once before, and received no damage at 
all from us by doing it." This was, to deliver 
up their citadel. But as they refused to com- 
ply, he marched into their territory, and throw- 
ing up a circumvallation, laid siege to their 
city. 

It was now frequently said by the Lacedae- 
monians, that « for the sake of a few of his 
favourites, Agesilaus was going to ruin a city 
that contained more than five thousand men :" 
for to make them believe that this was so, the 
Phliasians were ever declaiming it to them 
from the walls. Agesilaus, however, contrived 
a scheme to convince them it was false: for 
whenever any of the Phliasians that were either 
friends or relations to the exiles, escaped out 
3G 



,50 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



of the city to the camp, he ordered the Lacedae- 
monians to invite them to their tents, and to 
furnish each of them as had a mind to go 
through the exercises with them with all pro- 
per accommodations. He enjoined them far- 
ther to provide them with arms, and without hes- 
itation to procure such arms upon credit. They 
did all this, and furnished out above a thousand 
Phliasians, whose bodies were in fine exercise, 
who were perfectly well disciplined, and most 
expert in the use of arms. At length the La- 
cedaemonians were obliged to confess, that " it 
was well worth their while to gain such brave 
fellow-soldiers as these." And Agesilaus was 
thus employed. 

In the meantime Agesipolis, having with all 
expedition crossed Macedonia, showed himself 
in battle-array before the walls of Olynthus. 
And when nobody sallied out against him, he 
laid waste all that territory which had hitherto 
escaped devastation, and marching towards the 
cities confederate with Olynthus, destroyed 
their corn. He made also an assault upon 
* Torone, and took it by storm. Thus busied 
as he was in the heat of summer, he is attacked 
by a burning fever. And as he had lately 
visited the temple of Bacchus at Aphyte, he 
conceived a violent longing after the shady 
bowers and the clear and cooling streams. He 
was therefore conveyed thither yet alive : but 
on the seventh day after he was seized he ex- 
pired without the verge of the temple. His 
body was preserved in honey and brought home 
to Sparta, where it was interred with regal 
pomp. Agesilaus, when he heard of his death, 
was not, as some would imagine, secretly glad 
at the death of a competitor, but he shed tears 
abundantly, and sadly regretted the loss of his 
companion. For, when they are at Sparta, 
both kings are lodged in the same apartment. 
And Agesipolis was qualified in all respects to 
entertain Agesilaus with his discourses about 
youthful exercises, about hunting and riding, 
or the more gay and lively topics. And what 
is more, when they were thus lodged together 
he constantly paid high respect to Agesilaus, 
as his senior, in the manner that became him. 
The Lacedaemonians send away Polybiades to 
command in his stead against Olynthus. 

Agesilaus had been a longer time before 
Phlius than it was said their provisions could 
have lasted. But of such excellent use it is to 
refrain from indulging the belly, that the Phli- 
asians, who had made a decree that only half 



the usual allowance should be daily issued out, 
and had observed this decree, were enabled to 
hold out twice as long as had been expect- 
ed. And a resolute spirit sometimes gains an 
entire ascendent over despondency, insomuch 
that one Delphio, a person who had made a 
great figure at Phlius, being supported by a 
party of three hundred Phliasians, was aMe at 
any time to stop the mouths of such as cried 
out for peace, was able farther to apprehend 
and secure in safe custody such as were not to 
be trusted. He could also force the multitude 
to mount regularly upon guard, and by con- 
stantly going the rounds kept them steady in 
their posts. Nay, he frequently sallied out 
with his select party, and drove such of the 
enemy as were guarding the circumvallation 
from their posts. But when at last this select 
party, after the strictest inquiry, found all the 
corn in the city to be spent, they then sent to 
Agesilaus desiring a truce for an embassy to 
go to Lacedaemon : adding, « they had come to 
a resolution to surrender the city on whatever 
conditions the magistrates at Lacedaemon should 
prescribe." Agesilaus was angry that they 
should slight him in this manner. He there- 
fore sent to his friends at Lacedaemon, and by 
them solicited so effectually, that the terms of 
surrender for Phlius were left to his own de- 
termination ; he, however, granted a truce for 
the embassy. He now kept a stricter guard 
than ever upon the besieged, that none of them 
might make their escape. But notwithstand- 
ing all his vigilance, Delphio, accompanied by 
a scoundrel fellow, a servant of his own, who 
had frequently plundered the besiegers of their 
arms, got away by night. When the messen- 
gers arrived from Lacedaemon, with a permis- 
sion from the state to Agesilaus to settle the 
terms as he thought most advisable, he declared 
them thus ; that " fifty persons of the late ex- 
iles and fifty Phliasians who had not been ex- 
iled, should first agree upon a report, what 
persons deserved to be saved and what persons 
ought to be put to death ; and then should draw 
up a body of laws for their future observation." 
And whilst these things were settling he left a 
garrison in Phlius, and had six months' pay 
secured to them. Having done this, he dis- 
missed the confederates, and marched back 
himself with the domestic troops to Sparta. 
The whole time of these transactions about 
Phlius was one year and eight months. 

Polybiades now compelled the Olynthian?, 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



451 



who were grievously afflicted with famine, 
since they could neither fetch in provisions by 
land nor import them by sea, to send an em- 
bassy to Lacedsemon to sue for peace. The 
ambassadors arrived there with full powers, 
and agreed " to have the same friend and the 
same foe with the Lacedaemonians, to follow 
them as their leaders, and be their confede- 
rates." And having sworn to observe these ar- 
ticles, they returned to Olynthus. 

When every thing had thus succeeded with 
the Lacedaemonians, so that now the Thebans 
and the rest of the Boeotians were entirely sub- 
missive, the Corinthians adhered most faith- 
fully to them, and the Argives were humbled, 
as their plea about computing the months could 
no longer avail them ; as the Athenians farther 
were left quite by themselves, and they had 
sufficiently chastised their own disaffected con- 
federates, their empire over Greece seemed at 
present to be established with lustre and se- 
curity. 

IV. Many instances however might be 
brought from the histories both of Greeks and 
Barbarians, that the gods neglect not the pun- 
ishment of men who behave irreligiously, or 
commit unrighteous acts: but at present I 
shall stick close to my subject. For even 
those Lacedaemonians, who had sworn to leave 
the cities in freedom and independence, and 
yet had seized the citadel of Thebes, were 
chastised for their crime by the very people 
they had injured, though hitherto superior to 
all their enemies. And as to those very The- 
bans, who had led them into the citadel and 
taken it into their heads to betray the city to 
the Lacedaemonians, that under their protec- 
tion they might play the tyrant, no more per- 
sons than seven exiles were sufficient to wreak 
ample vengeance upon them. I shall relate in 
what manner it was done. 

There was one Phyllidas, who served as se- 
cretary to the generals of the state, in the in- 
terest of Archias, and was highly esteemed for 
'the faithful execution of his office. This man 
was by business carried to Athens, where 
Mello, one of the Thebans who had refuged 
himself at Athens, and was his old acquain- 
tance, gets a conference with him. He asked 
him abundance of questions, how Archias exe- 
cuted his office ? and Philip continued to play 
the tyrant ? and discovering that Phyllidas ab- 
horred all the management at Thebes even 
worse than himself, after proper pledges of 



fidelity to one another, they agreed about the 
exact method of executing the plot. In con- 
sequence of this, Mello, taking with him six ' 
of the properest persons amongst the exiles, 
armed with daggers and no other weapon, go- 
eth in the first place by night into the territory 
of Thebes. In the next place, having passed 
the day in some unfrequented spot, at evening 
they came to the gates, as if returning amongst 
the latest of those who had been working in 
the fields. When they had thus got into the 
city they passed that night in the house of one 
Charon, with whom also they continued the 
following day. Phyllidas was now very busy 
in making preparations for his masters the ge- 
nerals of the state, that they might celebrate 
the feast of Venus at the expiration of their 
office. He had long before made them a pro- 
mise to bring them some of the noblest and 
most beautiful ladies in the city, and fixed this 
night for the performance of it. The generals, 
libertines as they were, reckoned they should 
have a most joyous night. When supper was 
over, and they had drunk largely, for Phyllidas 
took care they should have plenty of wine, 
they called upon him again and again to fetch 
in the ladies. He went indeed, but fetched in 
Mello and his companions. He had fine- 
ly dressed up three of them as women of 
quality, and the rest as their maids. He led 
them first into the pantry of the public man- 
sion ; and then, going himself into the room 
where they were feasting, told them " the la- 
dies positively refused to come in till all the 
servants were withdrawn." Upon this they 
immediately ordered all servants to leave the 
room. Phyllidas gave the servants wine, and 
sent them out to drink it in the house of one 
of the public officers. When this was done, 
he introduced the ladies, and seated them each 
to a man. The signal was, that so soon as 
they were seated, they should immediately dis- 
cover themselves, and stab. It is thus that 
some say they were put to death. But others 
will have it, that Mello and his companions 
came as a party of masquers, and so killed the 
generals of the state. 

Phyllidas, however, taking with him three 
of them, proceeded to the house of Leontiades ; 
and after knocking at the door, said he had 
some orders to deliver from the generals. 
Leontiades had just thrown himself upon a 



Pelopidas was one of the number. 



452 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



couch after supper, and his wife was sitting by 
him employed at her wheel. He looked upon 
Phyllidas as a trusty person, and therefore or- 
dered him to come in. They were no sooner 
in the room, than after killing him ! and sadly 
affrighting his wife, they enjoined her to be si- 
lent. And now departing, they left an order, 
•• to keep the door fast. If they found it had 
been opened," they threatened " to put all the 
people in the house to death." Phyllidas, ac- 
companied by two of the men, went away to 
the public prison, and told the keeper, " he had 
a prisoner to deliver from a general of the 
state, whom he must take care to secure." So 
soon as he opened the door, they immediately 
killed him, and set all the prisoners at liberty. 
They now ran and took arms out of the por- 
tico, with which they armed the prisoners ; 
and then marching to the Amphieum, posted 
them there on guard. And no sooner was this 
done, than they proclaimed aloud, that " all the 
horsemen and heavy-armed of Thebes should 
come out since the tyrants were slain." The 
citizens, who in the night-time knew not what 
to believe, kept quiet in their houses. But so 
soon as it was day, and it was clearly seen what 
had been done, the heavy-armed and horsemen 
soon joined them in arms. 2 The exiles also, 
who had now returned to Thebes, despatched 
horsemen away to the rest of their associates, 
who were waiting on the frontiers of Athens, 
and two Athenian generals with them. These, 
knowing well why they were sent for, put 
themselves in march. 

The Lacedaemonian, who commanded in the 
citadel, had no sooner heard of the proclama- 
tion that was made in the night, than he sent 
:iway to Plataea and Thespiae for aid. But the 
Theban horsemen, who were aware of the ap- 
proach of the Plataeans, met them on the road, 
and slew more than twenty of them. Coming 
back into Thebes after this exploit, and the 
parly from the frontier of Athens was now 
also arrived, they made an assault upon the 
citadel. When those within the citadel, whose 
number was but small, found what they were 
about, and saw with how much spirit each as- 
sailant behaved, and heard large rewards offer- 
ed by proclamation to such as should first scale 
the wall, they were greatly intimidated, and 
offered to evacuate the place, ν would they 



ι It wae Pelopidae who killed him. 
* With Epamiuondas at their head. 



give them leave to depart unmolested with 
their arms." They readily agreed to this de- 
mand ; and then granting a truce and swearing 
to an observance of the articles, they ordered 
them to evacuate the citadel. However, as 
they were marching out, they seized and mas- 
sacred all such amongst them as they knew 
were their enemies. And yet some persons 
there were, as were secreted by such of the 
Athenians who had marched up with the aid 
from the frontier, and conveyed safely off. But 
the Thebans apprehended and butchered even 
the children of those persons whom they had 
massacred on this occasion. 

When the Lacedaemonians were informed of 
these affairs, they put to death their command- 
ant, for evacuating the citadel and not remain- 
ing in it till aid came up. They also proclaim 
an expedition against Thebes. But Agesilaus 
alleged, that " he had been in constant service 
now forty years from his youth, and as the law 
exempted all persons of that standing from 
serving abroad in the army," he averred that 
" the king also was included in that exemp- 
tion;" and having thus alleged a reasonable 
excuse, he did not command in this expedition. 
Yet this was a mere pretext to evade the ser- 
vice, as he well knew, in case he took the com- 
mand himself, that his countrymen would 
murmur at him for giving them so much trou- 
ble that he might succour tyrants. He suffer- 
ed them therefore to determine every point re- 
lating to it without interfering at all. The 
ephori at length, at the desire of those who had 
escaped from Thebes after the massacre, send 
out Cleombrotus for the first time to command 
the army, and in the very depth of winter. 
Chabrias, at the head of the Athenian targe- 
teers, was guarding the pass of Eleutherae ; Cle- 
ombrotus therefore marched up by the road that 
leadeth to Plataea. His targeteers, who led the 
van, fell in upon the mountain with a guard of 
about one hundred and fifty persons, the very 
same men who had been set at liberty out of 
the prison. And all these, unless perhaps one 
or two who might escape, the targeteers imme- 
diately slew. He then marched down to Pla- 
taea, which was yet in friendship with them. 
But after he had been at Thespiae, he marched 
from thence to Cynoscephale, which belonged 
to the Thebans, and encamped his army. He 
continued there about sixteen days, and . then 
retired again to Thespiae. He left Sphodrias 
to command in that place with a third part of 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



453 



the confederate troops. He also gave him 
what money he had brought from Sparta, and 
ordered him to hire a body of auxiliaries. And 
Sphodrias set about obeying his orders. 

Clcombrotus led the rest of the army back by 
the road of Crusis, his soldiers being yet very 
1.1 neh in doubt, whether there was a war or not 
with the Thebans. He had entered with his 
army, it is true, upon the dominions of Thebes, 
but he was again withdrawing after doing 
them as little damage as possible. Yet during 
his retreat there happened a most violent tem- 
pest of wind, which some interpreted as an 
omen of what was soon to come to pass. 
Amongst other prodigious effects of this tem- 
pest, as Cleombrotus was crossing the moun- 
tain in the road from Crusis to the sea, it 
blew several asses loaded with baggage down 
the precipices, and carried abundance of wea- 
pons whirled out of the soldiers' hands into the 
sea. In short, many of them,unable to go on with 
their arms, left them behind here and there up- 
on the top of the mountain, laying down their 
shields with the wrong side uppermost and fill- 
ing them with stones. That night they refreshed 
themselves as well as they could at iEgosthenes 
m the district of Megara, but next day they re- 
turned and fetched off their arms. And from 
hence each party made the best of their way to 
their several homes, for Cleombrotus disbanded 
the army. 

The Athenians, who now saw what the 
strength of the Lacedaemonians was, that there 
was war no longer at Corinth, and that the Lace- 
daemonians had even marched along by Attica 
against Thebes, were so highly intimidated, 
that they called down to a trial the two gene- 
rals, who had been concerned in the conspiracy 
of Mello against the faction of Leontiades, and 
put one of them to death, and outlawed the 
other who fled before his trial. 

The Thebans farther, who were under full 
as great apprehensions in case they, should be 
compelled singly to war with the Lacedaemo- 
nians, have recourse to the following artifice. 1 
They persuade Sphodrias, who was left com- 
mandant at Thespiae, and it was suspected by 
a handsome bribe, to make an incursion into 
Attica, in rrder to force the Athenians to a 
rupture with the Lacedaemonians. Sphodrias 
undertook the business, and pretended he would 



» According to Plutarch, Pelopidas was chief agent in 
ind promoter of this affair. 



seize the Piraeus, as it was not yet secured by 
gates. He put his troops on the march soon 
after supper, saying that before day he would 
be at the Piraeus. But day-light overtook him 
at Thria, and he had not even the caution to 
conceal his design. For when he was forced 
to retreat, he drove off the cattle and gutted 
the houses. Some persons, too, who had fallen 
in with him on his march, flying with all speed 
into the city, alarmed the Athenians with the 
news that a very numerous army was approach- 
ing. Their horsemen and heavy-armed were 
soon accoutred, and posted themselves on the 
guard of the city. Ety modes, and Aristolo- 
chus, and Ocellus, the Lacedaemonian ambas- 
sadors, were now in residence at Athens, lodged 
with Callias the public host of their state : and 
no sooner was this news arrived, than the 
Athenians arrested and secured these ambas- 
sadors as privy to the scheme. They were 
strangely surprised at this incident, and pleaded 
in their own behalf that " they were not such 
fools as to have staid in the city in the power 
of the Athenians, had they known of any de- 
sign to seize the Piraeus, and least of all in their 
public lodgings, where they were sure to be met 
with." They said farthe^, « it should be cleared 
up to the satisfaction of the Athenians, that the 
state of Lacedaemon was not privy to the de- 
sign ;" adding, " they were well assured of 
hearing soon that Sphodrias was put to death 
by his country for it." And thus, being clearly 
adjudged to have known nothing at all of the 
matter, they were set at liberty. 

The ephori recalled Sphodrias, and prefer- 
red a capital indictment against him. He 
truly was affrighted, and would not undergo 
a trial. But after all, though he refused to 
stand his trial, he got himself acquitted. 
This was thought by many the most iniqui- 
tous sentence that ever was given by the 
Lacedaemonians. But the true history of it 
was this : 

Sphodrias had a son, by name Cleonymus, 
of an age just beyond the class of boys, but 
the handsomest and most accomplished youth 
in Sparta; and Archidamus the son of Age- 
silaus had a fondness for him. The friends 
therefore of Cleombrotus, who were great inti- 
mates with Sphodrias, were bent on getting 
him acquitted, but yet were afraid of Age- 
silaus and his friends, and indeed of all impar- 
tial persons, since beyond all doubt his offence 
was enormous. But Sphodrias at length spokt 



454 



XENOPHON ON THE 



l_BOOK V. 



thus to Cleoin inus : « It is in your power, my 
eon, to ttTfl ν our father's life, would you 
prevail with Archidamus to get Agesilaus 
to favour me in court." After hearing this, he 
had the courage to go to Archidamus and beg 
hiru to save his father. Archidamus truly, 
seeing Cloonymus, in tears, stood all in sus- 
pense, and wept along with him. And when 
he had heard his request, he answered thus : 
" But you must know, Cleonymus, that I never 
am able to look my father in the face; and 
whatever public point I want to carry, I solicit 
all the world much sooner than my father. 
However, since you request it, be assured I 
will do all in my power to serve you." And 
then, leaving the public room of entertainment 
where they were, he went home to bed. Next 
morning he was up betimes, and took care his 
father should not go out before he had seen 
him. But when he saw him appear, in the 
first place if any of the citizens came in, he 
let them talk over their business with him ; 
and then if there came any stranger ; and after- 
wards, he gave way to such of the domestics 
as had any thing to say. In short, when Agesi- 
laus was returned home again from the Euro- 
tas, he retired without daring to approach him. 
And the next day he behaved again exactly in 
the same manner. Agesilaus however sus- 
pected the true reason of his son's behaviour, 
but he asked no questions, and let him go on. 
Archidamus, as is now likely, was longing for 
a sight of Cleonymus, but durst not presume 
to face him, as he had not opened his lips to 
his father about his petition. And the friends 
of Sphodrias, finding that Archidamus, who 
used to be assiduous, came not near Cleonymus, 
were persuaded he had been chidden by his 
father. But, in short, Archidamus had at last 
the courage to go up to him and say, " I am, 
sir, desired by Cleonymus, to beg of you to 
save his father ; I earnestly entreat you there- 
fore to do it if you can." He answered, « I 
forgive you, my son, for asking it ; but I do 
not see how I can be forgiven by my country, 
if I do not condemn the man, who hath taken 
a bribe to hurt my country." Archidamus had 
nothing to reply, but overpowered by a sense of 
justice went his way. Yet afterwards, whether 
of his own thought or the suggestion of some- 
Dody else, he came again and said, " But I am 
assured, my father, if Sphodrias had done no 
wrong, you would readily acquit him ; and 
therefore, though he hath done wrong, forgive 



him this once to gratify your son." Agesilaus 
replied, " Be it so, provided it can be done with 
honour." At this answer Archidamus went 
his way quite despairing of success. 

One of the friends of Sphodrias being after- 
wards in discourse with Etymocles said to 
him, " All you, I suppose, who are the friends 
of Agesilaus, are for putting Sphodrias to 
death." « Far from it," replied Etymocles ; 
should we not act in concert with him? And 
Agesilaus, I assure you, says to all with whom 
he talketh about him, that beyond all doubt 
Sphodrias hath been to blame ; but then it 
would be a hardship indeed to put a man to 
death, who in every stage of life had behaved 
in the most honourable manner, for Sparta 
standeth in need of such gallant men." Hear- 
ing this, he went and told it to Cleonymus. 
Cleonymus, quite overjoyed, sought out Archi- 
damus and said, " Now we are convinced you 
have a sincere regard for us ; and rest assured, 
Archidamus, we shall always endeavour to 
show so high a regard for you, that you shall 
never blush you have been our friend." He 
made his words good, since quite through life 
he nobly discharged all the duties of a Spartan, 
and at Leuctra, fighting before the king in com- 
pany with Dinon, a general-officer, he was the 
first of the Spartans who dropped and died in 
the midst of the enemy. His death gave the 
heartiest concern to Archidamus, though ac- 
cording to promise he never shamed, but on 
the contrary gloriously adorned his benefactor. 
And in this manner truly was Sphodrias ac- 
quitted. 

At Athens, hewever, such persons as were 
in the Boeotian interest were representing to 
the people, that " the Lacedaemonians, far from 
punishing, had even commended Sphodrias for 
his treachery to them." The consequence was, 
that the Athenians made all fast about the 
Piraeus, set ships on the stocks, and aided the 
Boeotians with high alacrity. On the other 
side, the Lacedaemonians declared an expedition 
against Thebes; and judging that Agesilaus 
would command the army with more prudence 
than Cleombrotus, they begged of him to un- 
dertake the service. He replied that « he 
could refuse no service for which the state 
judged him to be qualified," and began the pre- 
parations to take the field. But sensible that 
unless Cithaeron was secured in time, it would 
not be easy to get into the territory of Thebes; 
and having learned that the Cletorians were at 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



455 



war with the Orchomenians, and subsisted a 
body of foreign troops, he treated with them 
for the aid of those troops in case he should 
want them. After the sacrifices for a success- 
ful campaign were over, before he had reached 
Tegea with his Lacedaemonians, he despatched 
a messenger to the commander of the troops in 
the service of the Cletorians, with a month's pay 
advance for those troops, and an order to pos- 
sess themselves immediately of Cithaeron. He 
sent also a notification to the Orchomenians 
Μ to suspend their war during his present ex- 
pedition. But if any state, whilst he was in 
the field, presumed to make war upon auy other 
state, he threatened to make war upon the 
state so offending, in pursuance of the stand- 
ing decree of the confederates." And now, 
after passing Cithaeron and arriving at Thes- 
piae, he resumed his march from thence, and 
entered the dominions of Thebes. But find- 
ing the plains and the richest parts of the coun- 
try secured by ditches and ramparts, he shifted 
his encampments from one spot to another, and 
leading out his army in the afternoon, laid all 
the country waste that he found not covered 
by ditches and ramparts. For the enemy, 
whenever Agesilaus appeared in sight, formed 
into order of battle behind their rampart as 
ready to defend it. And once, when he was 
returning to his camp, the Theban horse, who 
had kept themselves concealed, ride out sud- 
denly through the sally-ports contrived on pur- 
pose in the rampart, and at the time the tar- 
geteers were dispersed to their supper, and were 
actually getting it ready, whilst the horsemen 
were either dismounting or mounting again 
upon their horses, gallop in amongst them. 
They made a slaughter of the targeteers, and of 
the horse slew Cleon and Epilytidas, both of 
Sparta, and Eudicus who belonged to a city 
in the neighbourhood of Sparta, and some ex- 
iles from Athens, who had not been able to 
remount their horses. But when Agesilaus 
had faced about with the heavy-armed, and 
was marching towards them, and the horse on 
each side began to ride at one another, and the 
first military class of Spartans ran out from the 
heavy-armed to support the horse, then indeed 
the horsemen of the Thebans resembled la- 
bourers exhausted by the noon-day heat. They 
kept their ground, it is true, against assailants, 
and threw their spears, but then they never 
threw them home. And at last, being obliged 
to wheel about, twelve of them were slain. 



When Agesilaus was thus convinced that the 
enemy were always in motion after dinner, he 
sacrificed at early day ; and then marching out 
his army with all expedition, he entered their 
lines by a quarter, on which there was no guard 
at all. And after this he put every thing within 
their lines to fire and sword, quite up to the 
walls of Thebes. But having done this, and 
retreated again to Thespiae, he fortified that 
city : and leaving Phoebidas behind to be com- 
mandant in Thespiae, he repassed to Megara, 
dismissed the confederates, and led back the do- 
mestic troops to Sparta. 

But after his departure, Phoebidas, by send- 
ing out his parties, was continually fetching 
in plunder from the Thebans, and by the in- 
cursions he made gave sad annoyance to the 
country. The Thebans on the other side, be- 
ing eager for revenge, march with their whole 
united force into the territory of the Thespians. 
But though they had thus entered it, Phoebidas 
lay so close upon them with his targeteers, that 
none of the enemy durst on any occasion strag- 
gle from the main body. In short the Thebans 
were grievously disappointed in this fruitless 
incursion, and were retreating with much pre- 
cipitation. And even their muleteers, throw- 
ing away what corn they had got, rode home- 
wards as fast as possible : so great a panic had 
seized the army. But Phoebidas with high 
ardour kept plying in pursuit. He followed it 
close with the targeteers, having left orders for 
the heavy-armed to follow after in their regular 
order. He was full of hope to make it end 
in a general rout. He himself pressed with 
great bravery on their rear ; he encouraged 
every person to keep up close at the enemy ; 
and he ordered the heavy-armed of Thespiae 
to follow him. But the Theban horse were 
now come in their retreat to a wood that was 
impassable, at which they first drew close to- 
gether, and in the next place they faced about, 
since they were quite at a loss how to get any 
farther. The targeteers, and the number of 
them was but small, that first approached, were 
terrified and took to flight. When the horsemen 
saw this, the very fright of their own people 
instructed them to fall on ; and here Phoebidas 
with two or three more were slain fighting. 
Perceiving Phoebidas was killed, all the mer 
cenaries to a man took to flight. When ir. 
their flight they were come back to the heavy- 
armed of Thespiae, these also, in spite of theii 
former boasts that they would never give way 



456 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book v. 



before Thebans. fled too for company. They 
ssved themselves indeed from any warm pur- 
suit, since it was now late in the day. Hence 
it was that few of these Thespians lost their 
They fled, however, without once look- 
ing behind them, till they were got within their 
own walls. 

The affairs of the Thebans took fresh life 
again after this success, and they marched 
against Thespise and the adjacent cities. The 
jartv, it is true, for the Thebans, in each of 
these cities had retired to Thebes, since their 
governments had been lodged in the hands of a 
few great men in the same manner as had been 
done in Thebans. The friends therefore of 
the Lacedaemonians in all these cities were 
petitioning for succour. And after the death 
of Phoebidas the Lacedaemonians sent by sea a 
general officer and one brigade to lie in garri- 
son at Thespiae. 

But so soon as the spring came on, the La- 
cedaemonians again declared an expedition 
against Thebes, and begged Agesilaus, as the 
year before, to take upon him the command. He 
was still in the same sentiments about the man- 
ner of breaking into the country, so that before 
the solemn sacrifices were performed, he des- 
patched away a messenger to the commanding 
officer at Thespise, with an order to him to 
possess himself immediately of the eminence 
that commands the pass of Cithaeron, and 
maintain it till he came up with the army. 
"When he himself had passed it and was got to 
Plataea, he again pretended to march to Thes- 
piss. He sent his couriers thither to order a 
market to be ready, and for all ambassadors to 
wait for him there, insomuch that the Thebans 
gathered all their strength together to stop his 
march to Thespiae. But the day after, having 
sacrificed at early dawn, he began his march 
along the road of Erythra: and having made a 
double march that day, he passed the lines of 
the enemy at Scolus, before the Thebans could 
arrive from the place where he had passed last 
year, which they were intent on guarding. 
Having thus passed the lines, he laid all the 
country waste eastward of Thebes quite up to 
Tanagra (for Tanagra was still in the possession 
of Hypotadorus, who was a friend to the La- 
cedaemonians,) and afterwards marched back 
again, keeping the walls of Thebes on his left. 
The Thebans took the field, and were posted 
in order of battle at Graos-stethos, having in 
their rear the ditch and rampart, and judging 



themselves excellently well posted for hazard- 
ing a battle : for the ground here was sufficient- 
ly narrow and very rugged. But Agesilaus, 
seeing how they were posted, would not ad- 
vance towards them ; but making a sudden 
turn to the left, he marched directly for the 
city of Thebes. And now the Thebans, 
trembling for the city, empty as it was of all 
its people, started away from the post where 
they were formed in order of battle, and ad- 
vanced full speed towards the city along the 
road of Potnia ; for this was in reality the se- 
curest way. And yet it was undoubtedly a 
noble piece of conduct in Agesilaus, to retreat 
to a great distance from the enemy, and oblige 
them in the greatest hurry to quit their ground. 
Some however of the general officers with their 
own brigades ran at the Thebans, as they were 
rushing along full speed. But the Thebans 
poured their darts and javelins upon them from 
the eminences, and Halypetus, one of these 
officers, lost his life by a wound received from 
a javelin thrown at him. The Thebans, how 
ever, were obliged to dislodge from that emi- 
nence ; and the Sciritae and the horsemen rode 
up it, and kept striking at the rear of the ene- 
my, whilst they were running towards the city 
But so soon as they were got near the walls, 
the Thebans face about. The Sciritae, seeing 
this, retreated back faster than a foot pace, and 
not one of them lost his life on this occasion. 
The Thebans however erected a trophy, since 
their assailants had thus retreated. 

Agesilaus, as it was now high time, wheeled 
off, and encamped his army on the very ground 
where he had before seen the enemy posted in 
order of battle, and on the next day led them 
back to Thespiae. The targeteers in the pay 
of Thebes kept following close in his rear, and 
were calling out on Chabrias for not keeping 
up with them, when the Olynthian horse (for 
now pursuant to oath they were in the army) 
wheeled about, forced them up an ascent by 
the closeness of their pursuit, and put very 
many of them to the sword : for foot-men, 
when labouring up a smooth ascent, are quickly 
overtaken by horse. 

At his return to Thespiae, Agesilaus found 
the citizens of that place embroiled in sedition ; 
and, as the party attached to the Lacedaemoni- 
ans were for putting their adversaries to death, 
amongst whom was Meno, he would not suffer 
it. On the contrary, he reconciled them ; and 
having obliged them to swear not to hurt one 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



457 



another, he then repassed Cithaeron and got 
back to Megara. At Megara he disbanded the 
confederates, and led away himself the domes- 
tic troops to Sparta. 

The Thebans, who now were highly dis- 
tressed by a scarcity of corn, since for the last 
two years they had not reaped the produce of 
their eoil, send out proper persons on board 
two triremes to purchase corn at Pagasae, giv- 
ing them ten l talents for the purpose. But 
Alcetas the Lacedaemonian, who *was now in 
garrison at Oreus, whilst they were purchasing 
and taking in their corn, manned out three tri- 
remes, taking all possible care they should have 
no intelligence of what he was about. And 
when the corn was carrying off, Alcetas seizeth 
it in all the triremes, and took prisoners all the 
persons on board, who were not fewer than 
three hundred. And these his prisoners he 
conveyed for security into the citadel where he 
was lodged himself. It was reported that a 
youth of Oreus, remarkably handsome, follow- 
ed after the crowd on this occasion, and Alce- 
tas walked down from the citadel to have some 
conversation with him. The prisoners there- 
fore, observing this negligence of his, seize the 
citadel, and the town revolts ; and now, with- 
out obstruction, the Thebans fetched away all 
the corn. 

When the ensuing spring approached, Age- 
silaus was confined to his bed : for at Megara, 
when he led the army back from Thebes, as 
he was going up from the temple of Venus to 
the hall of the magistrates, he burst a vein 
somewhere in the inside of his body, and the 
blood flowed down from it into his sound leg. 
His ancle became excessively swelled, and the 
pain was not to be borne. A physician there- 
fore from Syracuse lays open the vein upon the 
ancle-bone. The blood, having thus got a 
vent, continued to issue for a whole day and 
night, and in spite of all their arts, the flux 
could not be stopped till he fainted away ; then 
indeed it ceased entirely. And being after- 
wards conveyed to Lacedaemon, he was very 
ill all the rest of that summer, and all the next 
winter too. 

However, so soon as it was spring, the La- 
cedaemonians again declared an expedition 
against the Thebans, and ordered Cleombrotus 
to command the army. When in his march 



ι One thousand nine hundred and thirty-seven pounds 
ten shillings. 

39 



he was near Cithaeron, the targeteers advanced 
before him to secure the eminence above the 
pass. Some of the Thebans and Athenians 
Irad already possessed themselves of the sum- 
mit of the mountain, and suffered them quietly 
to mount the ascent. But so soon as they 
were come within reach, they started up, pur- 
sued, and slew about forty of them. And after 
this repulse, Cleombrotus, judging it impossi- 
ble to get over Into the dominions of Thebes, 
led back and disbanded the army. 

An assembly of the confederates was held 
afterwards at Lacedaemon, where they remon- 
strated at large, that • they should be ruined by 
such a sluggish conduct of the war. The La- 
cedaemonians, if they pleased, might man out 
a much larger number of ships than the Athe- 
nians, and might starve their city into a sur- 
render. With the same ships they might, also 
transport the land-army against Thebes : or, if 
they had rather, might march through Phocis ; 
or, if they chose it, by the pass of Crusis." In 
pursuance of these remonstrances, they man- 
ned out sixty triremes, and Pollis was ap- 
pointed to be admiral. And indeed such as 
recommended this conduct were not disap- 
pointed, for by it the Athenians were blocked 
up at sea. Their corn ships were come up as 
far as Gerastus, but not a vessel durst stir from 
thence, as the fleet of the Lacedaemonians was 
on the stations of JSgina, and Ceos, and An- 
dros. The Athenians, thus convinced they 
must run all hazards, went on board their 
ships ; and, coming to an engagement with 
Pollis, they gain a victory at sea under the 
command of Chabrias ϊ arid then the corn was 
brought in safety to Athens. 

The Lacedaemonians preparing now to trans- 
port the land-army against the Boeotians, the 
Thebans requested the Athenians to appear 
with their naval force on the coasts of Pelo- 
ponnesus ; judging that, would the Athenians 
comply, it would be impossible for the Lace- 
daemonians at one and the same time to guard 
their own coast with all the confederate cities 
that lie round their dominions, and to send 
abroad an army large enough to make head 
against them. The Athenians, still full of re- 
sentment against the Lacedaemonians for the 
affair of Sphodrias, having manned out sixty 
ships, and chosen Timotheus for commander, 
despatched them with alacrity against Pelopon- 
nesus. And now, as their enemy had made 
no irruption into the territory of Thebes, 
3H 



4δ8 



XENOPHON. 



[book v. 



cither during tne command of Cleombrotus, or 
whilst Timotheus was hovering round their 
coasts, the Thebans boldly took the field against 
their neighbouring cities, and retook them all. 
Timotheus, also, after coasting round, reduced 
Corcyra without loss of time. However he 
reduced none to slavery, he drove none into 
exile, he made no change in their laws ; and by 
such moderation he procured the good-will of 
all the neighbouring states. And now the 
Lacedaemonians manned out their ships to 
check Timotheus, and sent them to sea under 
the command of Nicolochus, a man of re. 
markable bravery. He was no sooner within 
sight of the ships of Timotheus, than, though 
six ships from Ambracia had not yet joined 
him, and he had under hie command but fifty- 



five against sixty under Timotheus, he engaged 
without any hesitation. He was indeed de- 
feated in the battle, and Timotheus erected 
a trophy at ^Elyzia. But whilst the ships of 
Timotheus were drawn ashore in order to be 
repaired, and the six fresh ships from Am- 
bracia had joined Nicolochus, he sailed 
up to ^Elyzia where Timotheus was. But 
as the latter refused to come out and fight, 
Nicolochus also erected a trophy on the 
nearest islsjnd. Yet, when Timotheus had 
refitted his own ships, and manned out several 
more from Corcyra, his total number amount- 
ing now to more than seventy, he became 
far superior in strength at sea. He sent 
away to Athens for money ; and much money 
he wanted, for he had many ships. 



THE 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE 



BOOK VI. 



[459] 



CONTENTS OF BOOK VI. 



Account of Jason.— The war at Corcvra.— A congress held at Sparta for a general peace. The exclusion of 
the Thebans, and in consequence ot η ttie battle of Leuctra.— History ot Jason continued.— The Lacedaemo- 
nians sue at Athens for aid against the Thebans 

I 46U j 



THE 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE 



BOOK VI. 



Γ. The Athenians and the Lacedaemonians 
were thus employed. But the Thebans, after 
they had reduced the cities of Bceotia, marched 
into Phocis. The Phocians sent away am- 
bassadors to Lacedaemon, and represented 
there, that without a speedy aid they could not 
avoid submitting to the Thebans. The con- 
sequence was, that the Lacedaemonians trans- 
ported by sea to aid them their king Cleom- 
brotus, having under him four brigades and. a 
part of their confederates. 

About the same time Polydamas the Phar- 
salian also arriyeth at Lacedaemon on business 
to the state. Polydamas was in high esteem 
all over Thessaly ; and in his own city of Phar- 
salus was judged so honest and worthy a man, 
that his fellow-citizens, who had been embroiled 
in a sedition, had unanimously agreed as the 
safest expedient to entrust their citadel to his 
custody. They empowered him farther to re- 
ceive all the public revenue, and make such 
disbursements for sacrifices and other points of 
the public administration as were according to 
law. Thus provided with money, he procured 
an effectual guard for the citadel, and at every 
year's end passed fair accounts of his adminis- 
tration. Nay, whenever the public money fell 
short, he advanced his own for the necessary 
payments, and reimbursed himself again when 
the public money came in. And more than 
all this, he lived in a course of great hospitality 
and magnificence too, according to the modes 
of Thessaly. When Polydamas therefore was 
arrived at Lacedaemon, he spoke as followeth : 

" Not only my progenitors from time imme- 
morial, but I myself too, Lacedaemonians, have 
been your public host and constant benefactor. 
I have therefore a right, when I want assist- 
ance, to apply to you for it, and to give you 



notice in time of any difficulty that starts up 
and may prove prejudicial to you in Thessaly. 

" You are no strangers, I am well assured, 
to the name of Jason ; for he is a man of great 
power, and in high reputation. This Jason, 
having demanded a truce, hath had a confer- 
ence with me, in which he discoursed me thus : 

" You may judge, Polydamas, from the rea* 
sons I am going to lay before you, whether I 
am not able to reduce Pharsalus your city to 
my obedience in spite of all opposition. I 
have (said he) now ready to act with me the 
largest number of the most powerful cities in 
Thessaly. I have reduced them into obedi- 
ence to myself, though you united with them 
in carrying on a war against me. You know, 
further, that I have now a body of six thou- 
sand foreigners in my pay ; and, in my judg- 
ment, no city in this part of the world can in 
battle be a match for them. I can bring (said 
he) full as many more into the field from other 
places in my own subjection. The troops 
that occasionally take the field from Thessalian 
cities, have several persons amongst them ad- 
vanced in years, and several not yet of age for 
service ; and small is the number of those be- 
longing to any city whatever, who keep them- 
selves in proper exercise for war. But not a 
man receiveth my pay, who is not able to un- 
dergo any toil as well as myself." 

" And Jason himself (for I must not sup- 
press the truth) is very strong by natural con- 
stitution, and is beside habitually hardy. And 
hence it is, that not a day passeth, in which he 
doth not put the hardiness of his men to trial. 
He is daily in armour, and daily at their head. 
either when they go out to exercise, or go out 
on actual service. Such of his mercena- 
ries as he findeth unable to bear hardships, he 
3β• 461 



462 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



throweth aside ; but such as he findeth are 
eager to toil, and eager to face the dangers of 
war, he distinguisheth by an assignment of pay 
twice, thrice, nay four times as large as the 
common, besides the additional presents he 
maketh them, his great care to cure them when 
they are sick, and the handsome funerals he 
honoureth them with if they die. Thus it is, 
that all the foreigners in Jason's service are 
perfectly assured, that military valour affordeth 
all the honour and affluence of life. 

" He then repeated to me what I well knew 
before, that the Maracians, Dolopians, and 
Alcetas, who govern in Epirus, were already 
subject to his orders. — What reason therefore 
(said he) have I to be frightened, or to think 
I am not able to reduce you Pharsalians too 1 
Yet some that know me not may here demand, 
Why therefore do you dally 1 why do you not 
march at once against the Pharsalians ? My 
answer is plain and honest truth, because I had 
rather gain you by a willing than a compelled 
submission. For should you act with me upon 
compulsion, you will for ever be contriving to 
do me mischief, and I shall for ever be con- 
triving to weaken you as much as possibly I 
can. But if you join me upon the motives of 
persuasion, it is plain we shall be ready on 
both sides to do all the good we can for one 
another. I am very sensible, Polydamas, that 
Pharsalus, your own native city, placeth all 
confidence in you. If therefore you can bring 
it into friendship with me, I give you my 
honour (said he) I will make you next after 
myself the greatest man in Greece. And hear 
of how much good I offer you the second share ; 
and believe nothing of what I am going to say, 
unless your own reason, upon reflection, con- 
vinceth you it is true. This therefore is cer- 
tainly clear, that if Pharsalus and the cities 
that depend upon you, will act in union with 
me, I may easily get myself declared supreme 
governor of all the Thessalians. It is equally 
certain, that when Thessaly shall be united 
under one head, the number of horsemen riseth 
at once to six thousand, and the number of 
their heavy-armed to more than ten thousand 
men. And when I consider, how able-bodied 
and how brave they are by nature, I am per- 
suaded that, wnen they are properly disci- 
plined, there is not a nation to whom the Thes- 
salians would not disdain the thoughts of sub- 
mitting. And as Thessaly itself is a country 
of vast extent, no sooner are they united under 



one head, than all the nations around must in- 
stantly submit. These people are expert in 
the use of missive weapons ; and hence it may 
be judged, that our armies will exceed all 
others in the number of our targeteers. Be- 
sides this, the Boeotians, and all other people 
of Greece who are enemies to the Lacedaemo- 
nians, are confederates wilh me. They ever 
profess themselves ready to act under my gui- 
dance, provided I free them from the Lacedae- 
monians. The Athenians, farther, I am well 
persuaded, would do any thing in the world to 
be taken into our alliance. But I think it will 
not be my choice to be at friendship with them ; 
since I judge it much easier at present to esta- 
blish an empire by sea than by land. Whether 
I judge solidly or not, consider what I am 
going to add — When we are masters of Mace- 
donia, from whence the Athenians fetch their 
timber, we shall be able to build a much larger 
number of ships than they. And shall we not 
be able to man these ships with much more 
expedition than the Athenians, as we have so 
many vassals amongst us capable of being made 
good seamen 1 And again, shall we not be better 
able to victual our fleets, we, who make large 
exportations of our corn from the great plenty 
we enjoy, than the Athenians can be, who have 
not enough for their home consumption with- 
out buying it at foreign markets 1 In money, 
toe, we must certainly outdo them, since we 
are not to squeeze it from a parcel of paltry 
islands, but can collect it in most ample mea- 
sure from whole nations on the continent; 
and all the circumjacent nations are subject to 
a tribute, when the government of Thessaly is 
lodged in the hands of a supreme governor. 
You yourself know, that the Persian monarch, 
who collects his tributes not from islands but 
the continent, is the richest man upon earth. 
And this very monarch, I think, I could reduce 
to my own subjection with more ease than 
even Greece. For I am sensible, that in all 
his dominions there is but one single person 
who takes not more pains to be a slave than to 
be free. And I am farther sensible, how that 
monarch was reduced to the last extremity by 
so small a force as marched up against him 
under Cyrus, and by that afterwards under 
Agesilaus. 

" When Jason had run over all these points, 
my answer was — There is weight assuredly in 
all you have said. But for us, who are con- 
federates with the Lacedemonians and without 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



463 



having any thing to lay to their charge, to re- 
volt to their enemies, seems to me (said I) a 
point that I shall not easily comply with. He 
praised my ingenuity, and said I was so honest 
a man that he would do all in his power to 
gain my friendship. He hath therefore given 
me leave to repair hither, and represent the 
truth to you, that unless we readily join him, 
he is fully determined to make war upon the 
Pharsalians. He enjoined me, farther, to de- 
mand assistance from you. If (said he) they 
grant you an aid, and such as you can judge 
sufficient to enable you to make head against 
me, bring them into the field (said he) and let 
us decide by battle what our future conduct 
must be : but, in case they give you not a 
sufficient aid, your country, which honoureth 
you, and which you nobly serve, may possi- 
bly have ample reason to censure your beha- 
viour. 

" It is for these reasons, that I am come now 
to Lacedaemon, and have given an exact recital 
of what I know myself, and what I have heard 
Jason say. And, in my own opinion, Lacedae- 
monians, the point rests here ; — If actually you 
can send an army thither, in aid not only of me 
but of the rest of the Thessalians, sufficient to 
maintain a war against Jason, the cities will 
revolt from him. For they are all in great 
fear, how the mighty power of this man will 
end. But, if you judge that a body of new 
enfranchised citizens and a private Spartan to 
command will suffice, I then advise you not to 
meddle at all. For rest thoroughly convinced, 
it is a mighty strength you are to struggle 
against. That strength will be under the con- 
duct of an able commander ; who, when the 
point is either to conceal, or prevent, or to 
push» will be generally successful. He know- 
eth how to act as well by night as by day. 
On an emergency he will take either dinner or 
supper without abating his activity. He never 
thinketh it time to take his repose, till he is 
arrived at the place whither he resolved to go, 
or hath completed the point he was determined 
to complete. He hath made such practices 
habitual to all his troops. He is skilful at 
gratifying his soldiers, when by hardy perseve- 
rance they have accomplished any point of 
importance ; so that all who serve under Jason 
have learned this lesson, that pleasure is the 
effect of toil ; though as to sensual pleasures, 
I know no person in the world more temperate 
than Jason. They never break in upon his 



time ; they always leave him leisure to do what 
must be done. 

« Consider therefore these things ; and tell 
me, in the manner that becometh you, what 
you shall be able to do, and what you will do in 
this affair." 

Polydamas spoke thus, and the Lacedaemo- 
nians excused themselves from giving an im- 
mediate answer. Next day and the day after, 
they employed themselves in calculating how 
many brigades they had already abroad in dif- 
ferent quarters, and how many "ships they must 
keep at sea to make head against the fleet of 
Athens, and what was requisite for the war 
against their neighbouring enemies. And then 
they made this answer to Polydamas, that " at 
present they could not send him a competent 
aid ; it was therefore their advice, that he 
should return, and accommodate both the pub- 
lic and his own private affairs with Jason in 
the best manner he was able." And Polyda- 
mas, after highly commending the ingenuity of 
the state, returned to Pharsalus. 

He now made it his request to Jason, not tc 
compel him to surrender the citadel of the Phar- 
salians, which he would fain preserve faithfully 
for those who had made him the depositary of 
it. But then he gave his own sons for hos- 
tages, promising he would persuade his fellow- 
citizens to act in hearty concert with him, and 
would himself co-operate to get him declared 
supreme governor of Thessaly. When there- 
fore they had exchanged securities to one 
another, the Pharsalians had a peace imme- 
diately granted them, and Jason was soon with- 
out opposition appointed supreme governor of 
all Thessaly. When thus invested with au- 
thority, he fixed the number of horsemen and 
number of heavy-armed, that every city in pro- 
portion to their ability should be obliged to 
maintain. And the number of his horsemen 
now, including his confederates, was more than 
eight thousand, his heavy-armed were compu- 
ted to be twenty thousand at least. His tar- 
geteers were numerous enough to fight all other 
targeteers in the world : it would be a toil to 
reckon up the names of the cities to which they 
belonged. He also ordered the people that lay 
round Thessaly to send in their tribute, in the 
same manner it was paid during the supremacy 
of Scopas. And in this manner were these 
things brought about. I now return again 
from whence I digressed to give this account 
of Jason. 



4t>4 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



II. The troops of the Lacedaemonians and 
confederate* were now assembled in Phocis ; 
but the Thebans, after withdrawing into their 
own territory, guarded all the passes. In the 
meantime the Athenians, seeing how much j 
they had contributed towards the power of the 
Τ Ik -bans, who notwithstanding paid nothing in 
return for the support of their fleet, and finding 
themselves exhausted by the vast taxes they paid 
and by the piratical cruizes from ^Egina, and 
the guard of their lands, became highly desi- 
rous of bringing the war to an end. Accord- 
ingly they sent ambassadors to Lacedsemon, 
and made a peace. Two of these ambassadors 
set sail immediately from Lacedeemon in pur- 
suance of an order from Athens, and command- 
ed Timotheus to return home with the fleet, 
since now there was a peace. But in his home- 
ward passage he landed all the exiles from Za- 
cynthus on their own isle. But no sooner had 
the other Zacynthians sent notice to Lacedse- 
mon of this action of Timotheus, than the Lace- 
daemonians resolved that « the Athenians had 
committed injustice," prepared again to send 
out a fleet, and ordered the equipment of sixty 
ships from Lacedsemcn itself, Corinth, Leucas, 
Ambracia, Elis, Zacynthus, Achsea, Epidau- 
rus, Trcezen, Hermione, and Halise. Having 
next declared Mnasippus admiral of this fleet, 
they ordered him to take due care of every thing 
within that sea, and to make an attempt upon 
Corcyra. They sent also to Dionysius, repre- 
senting to him, that it was by no means for his 
interest, that Corcyra should remain in the 
power of the Athenians. 

And now when the whole fleet was got to- 
gether, Mnasippus sailed for Corcyra. He had 
with him, besides the troops from Lacedsemon, 
a body of mercenaries in number not less than 
fifteen hundred. When he had landed in Cor- 
cyra, he was master of all the country. He ruin- 
ed their estates, so beautifully cultivated and so 
finely -planted. He demolished the magnificent 
houses built upon them, in the cellars of which 
their wines were lodged. His soldiers are report- 
ed on this occasion to have grown so nice in pa- 
late, that they would not drink any wine that 
had not an odoriferous flavour. Slaves also and 
cattle in vast abundance were taken in the ad- 
jacent country. At length he had encamped 
with his land-forces on a hill, which had the 
country behind it, about l five stadia from the 



» About half a mile. 



city, in order to intercept any aid from the 
country that might endeavour to enter the city ; 
and had further stationed his fleet on either 
side of the city, as he judged would best enable 
them to discover and stop in time whatever ap- 
proached by sea ; and, beside all this, he kept 
a guard at sea before the harbour, when the 
weather was not too tempestuous. In this 
manner he kept the city close blocked up. 

And now the Corcyreans, who could receive 
none of the produce of their lands, since they 
were all in the enemy's possession, who could 
have nothing imported by sea, as their enemies 
were also masters there, were in great distress. 
They sent to the Athenians, apd requested a 
speedy aid. They remonstrated to them, * How 
vastly they needs must suffer, if they were thus 
deprived of Corcyra, or resigned so great a 
strength to their enemies ! No state in Greece, 
excepting Athens, had so much shipping, or so 
much wealth. The city of Corcyra was finely 
situated in respect to the bay of Corinth, and 
the cities which stood upon that bay ; finely 
situated too for annoying the coast of Laconia ; 
and most finely indeed in respect to the conti- 
nent beyond it, and the passage from Sicily to 
Peloponnesus." 

The Athenians, after listening to these re- 
monstrances, agreed it was a point deserving 
all their care, and despatch away Stesicles with 
six hundred targeteers to take upon him the 
command, and begged Alcetas to transport and 
land them in Corcyra. Accordingly they were 
landed by night somewhere upon that island, 
and get into the city. They decreed far- 
ther, to man out sixty ships ; and, by a majo- 
rity of hands, elected Timotheus to cummand 
them. But, not being able to man them at 
home, Timotheus sailed to the islands, and en- 
deavoured there to complete his crews ; judging 
it no trifling matter to stand away hastily against 
a fleet so well prepared as was that of the enemy. 
But the Athenians, who now thought he was 
wasting the precious time, and ought at once to 
have made his passage, grew out of all patience 
with him, and suspending his command, chose 
Iphicrates in his room. Iphicrates, so soon as 
he was appointed to command, completed his 
crews with high expedition, obliging all cap- 
tains of ships to exert themselves. He press- 
ed into the service, by public permission, what- 
ever ships were found upon the Attic coasts, 
nay even the Salaminian and the Paralus, say- 
ing " if things succeeded «veil at Corcyra, he 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



465 



would send them back plenty of ships." And 
the number of his ships amounted at last to 
: 1 1 y . 
In the mean time the Corey reans wen.• η 
sorely pressed with famine that vast numbers 
of them deserted to the enemy, insomueh that 
Mnasippus at length made public proclamation, 
that " all deserters should be sold at public 
sale." But as this put no stop to their deser- 
tion, he at last scourged them, and then, drove 
them back. Yet the besieged would not again 
receive any slaves into the town, so that many 
of them perished without the walls. Mnasip- 
pus, therefore, seeing these things, imagined he 
was already only not in possession of the city. 
He therefore made new regulations in regard to 
his mercenaries, and forced some of them to 
leave the service without their pay. And to 
those whom he still kept with him, he was al- 
ready two months in arrear, though, as was 
said, he was in no want of money ; for several 
of the cities sent money over to him instead of 
troops, as the expedition was across the sea. 
But now the besieged saw plainly from the 
turrets, that the guards did their duty with 
more negligence than before, and that the men 
straggled in a careless manner about the coun- 
try. They therefore sallied out upon them sud- 
denly, and took some prisoners, and some they 
slew. Mnasippus, perceiving this, caught up 
his arms in an instant, and marched with all 
the heavy-armed he had to their succour, and 
gave orders to the superior and inferior officers 
of the mercenaries to lead out their troops. 
But some of these inferior officers haying an- 
swered, that " it would not be easy to bring 
soldiers out in proper discipline who could get 
no pay," he struck one of them with his staff 
and another with his spear. And thus at length 
they all come out into the field, though without 
any spirit at all, and with a hearty detestation 
of Mnasippus, the worst temper in the world 
for men going to fight. When he had drawn 
them up in order of battle, he put the enemy 
to flight that were drawn up between him and 
the gates, and followed briskly in pursuit. But 
the pursued, when they were near the wall, 
made a wheel, and kept galling him from the 
tombs with their darts and javelins. And an- 
other party, sallying out at another gate, pour 
down in great numbers on the extremity of his 
line. The men posted there, as they were 
drawn up but eight in file, judged the point of 
their line to be quite too weak, and endeavour- 
31 



ed to make a wheel. But they had no soonei 
beg!U to (ill back, than the enemy broke in 
upon them as if they were flying, and they 
made no attempt to recover their ranks. Such 
too as were posted nearest to them took in- 
stantly to flight. Mnasippus in the mean 
time was not able to assist the routed part of his 
line, as the enemy was lying hard upon him in 
front ; he was every moment left with fewer and 
fewor men. And at last the enemy, gathering 
into a body, made a general attack upon those 
remaining with Mnasippus, who were very few. 
The heavy-armed of the enemy seeing how the 
case stood, now made a sally ; and after killing 
Mnasippus, the whole force of the enemy con- 
tinued the pursuit. The whole camp and the 
entrenchment were in great danger of being 
taken, had not the pursuers judged it advisable 
to retreat, when they saw the great crowd of 
people got together within the camp, whom, 
though servants and slaves, they judged might 
be serviceable in its defence. And then the 
Corey reans erected a trophy, and restored the 
dead under truce. 

The besieged, after this, were in the highest 
spirits, whilst the besiegers were in total de- 
jection. For now it was reported, that Iphi- 
crates was only not at hand, and the Corey - 
reans actually manned out their 'ships. But 
Hypermenes, who was at present in the com- 
mand, since he had been lieutenant to Mnasip- 
pus, ordered every ship to be immediately man- 
ned, and standing round with them to the en- 
trenchment of the camp, shipped all the slaves 
and treasure on board, and sent them off. He 
staid on shore, with the marines and such of the 
soldiers as yet remained, to guard the entrench- 
ments. And at last even these, though with the 
utmost disorder, got on board the ships and put 
out to sea, leaving a great quantity of corn, and 
a great quantity of wine, and many slaves and 
sick persons behind them. They were in a 
terrible fright, lest they should be caught upon 
the island by the Athenians. And in fact they 
all got safe over to Leucas. 

But Iphicrat'es, when once he had begun the 
passage, kept at the same time advancing in his 
course, and preparing his whole fleet for engagf- 
ment. He had left behind him the great masts 
at setting out, as standing away for battle. He 
also made very little use of his sails even when 
the wind was favourable. He made the pa 
by the oar; and so kept the bodies of his men 
in excellent order, and his ships in an en 



466 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI, 



lion. Whenever the forces were to land for 
their dinner or supper, he led the fleet in a line 
■ hind over-against the place ; then making a 
tack, and bringing the heads of his vessels in 
a direct line with the shore, he gave a signal 
for all to make the best of their way to land. 
A great advantage thence accrued to such as 
could first take in their water or what else they 
wanted, and first finish their meal. A great 
punishment likewise fell upon such us were 
last on these occasions, because they got a less 
quantity of whatever they wanted, since they 
were obliged to put out to sea again when 
the signal was given. For it followed of 
course, that such as landed first had leisure 
enough for all their occasions, whilst the last 
were grievously hurried.' And whenever he 
landed at meal-time on the shore of the ene- 
my, he posted advanced guards, as was proper, 
at land : and raising the masts in Jiis ships, 
placed sentinels on their tops. These latter 
therefore had generally a much more extensive 
view by being thus mounted aloft than men 
who stand upon level ground. And wherever 
he supped or refreshed his men, he suffered no 
fire to be kindled in the night-time within his 
encampment, but fixed his lights in the front 
of his station, that nobody might approach 
without being discovered. Oftentimes, too, 
when the weather was calm, he put out again 
to sea so soon as supper was over ; and if a 
gale sprung up, the men took some repose 
whilst the vessels kept going before the wind. 
But if they were obliged to row, he made 
them take rest by turns. In the day-time, di- 
recting the course by signals, he one while ad- 
vanced in the line a-head, and another while 
in the line a-breast. By this means, and du- 
ring the passage, having acquired all needful 
skill for engaging, they arrived in the sea of 
which they imagined the enemy were masters. 
They frequently dined and supped upon the 
enemy's land ; but as Iphicrates was solely 
intent upon doing what must needs be done, 
he prevented all attacks by the suddenness with 
which he again put to sea, and proceeded in 
his passage. About the time that Mnasippus 
was killed he was got to Sphageae of Laconia. 
Advancing from thence to the coast of Elis, 
and passing by the mouth of the Alpheus, he 
came to an anchor near the place called Icthys. 
The next day he proceeded from thence to 
Cephallene, with his fleet so ranged and pro- 
ceeding in their course, that every thing need- 



ful was ready for an engagement, if it should 
be necessary to engage. 'He heard indeed of 
the death of Mnasippus, yet from none that 
could attest its truth ; he suspected it was 
given out on purpose to deceive him, and kept 
upon his guard. However, when arrived at 
Cephallene, he was there convinced of the 
truth, and stopped to refresh his fleet. — I am 
sensible, indeed, that whenever men expect an 
engagement, exercise and discipline are con- 
stantly enforced. But I commend Iphicrates 
for this, that as he was to advance with the 
highest expedition to find his enemy and en- 
gage them, he contrived so well, that the expe- 
ditiousness of the voyage should not hinder 
his men from acquiring skill for battle, nor the 
methods of acquiring such skill should retard 
the expeditiousness of the voyage. 

When therefore he had reduced the cities of 
Cephallene, he sailed to Corcyra. After his 
arrival there, the first thing he heard was, that 
ten ships were coming over from Dionysius as 
a succour to the Lacedaemonians. He^went 
therefore himself in person to look for proper 
places on the coast, from whence the approach 
of these ships might be descried, and the sig- 
nals made to notify it might be seen in the 
city ; and there he posted sentinels, instructed 
by him in what manner to make their signals, 
when the enemy approached or came to anchor. 
He then ordered twenty captains of his own 
fleet to be ready to follow him at the call of 
the herald ; and gave out that such as were not 
ready at the call must not complain at being 
punished for their neglect. So soon as the 
signal was made that these ships were ap- 
proaching, and the herald had made the call, 
such diligence ensued as caused a fine spectacle 
indeed ; for not a man of those who were to 
act upon this occasion, but ran full speed on 
board his ship. Having now stood away to 
the spot where the ships of the enemy were ar- 
rived, he findeth that from the rest of the 
squadron the men were already got ori shore, 
whilst Melanippus the Rhodian was calling 
out upon them by no means to linger there, 
and himself with all his crew on board was 
getting out to sea. Melanippus by this means 
escaped, though he met with the ships of Iphi 
crates : but all the Syracusan ships were takei 
with their crews. And Iphicrates, after cut 
ting off the beaks of these ships, brought then, 
into the harbour of Corcyra. He then fixed η 
certain sum which each of the prisoners musi 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



4C7 



pay for his ransom, except Anippus their com- 
mander. Him he confined under a close guard, 
as if he expected a vast sum for him, or other- 
wise would sell him. Anippus was so highly 
chagrined at this usage, that he chose to die by 
his own hand. And Iphicrates, taking secu- 
rity from the Corcyreans for the payment of 
their ransom, gave their liberty to the rest. 

He after this subsisted his mariners by em- 
ploying them in works of tillage for the Corcy- 
reans, but with the targeteers and heavy-armed 
of the fleet he passed over himself to Acarnania. 
He there gave aid to all such of the cities in 
friendship as needed it, and made war upon 
the Thurians, a very warlike people, and pos- 
sessed of a place strongly fortified. Then 
fetching away the fleet from Corcyra, now 
consisting of about ninety ships, he went first 
to Cephallcne to raise contributions, and ex- 
acted them from all persons, whether willing 
or unwilling. He then prepared to lay waste 
the territory of the Lacedaemonians, and to re- 
duce the other cities of the enemy in those 
parts, if they desired it, by an accommodation ; 
but if they stood out, by war. For my own 
part, I have a deal of commendation to bestow 
on Iphicrates for his conduct during this com- 
mand, but above all for getting Callistratus the 
popular haranguer, a man riot easy to be ma- 
naged, and Chabrias, who was reckoned an ex- 
cellent general, associated with him in it. For 
if he judged them men of sense, and therefore 
desired to be assisted with their counsel, in my 
opinion he acted the prudent part : or, in case 
he regarded them as enemies, why then he 
showed his noble spirit, in being thus confident 
that they should discern no bad management 
and no negligence in him. And these were 
the acts of Iphicrates. 

III. But the Athenians, who now saw their 
friends the Platseans driven out of Bceotia, 
and forced to take refuge at Athens, and the 
inhabitants of Thespise offering their petitions, 
that « they (the Athenians) would not stand 
quiet and let them be stripped of their city," 
could no longer approve the conduct of the 
Thebans. They were restrained by shame 
from an open rupture, and by the reflection too 
that it would be prejudicial to their own in- 
terest. Yet they positively refused to act any 
more in participation with them, when they 
saw them invade the Phocians who had long 
been in friendship with the state of Athens, 
and utterly destroying cities that had been 



faithful in the war with tke Barbarians, and 
steadily attached to themselves. The people 
of Athens were now persuaded to pass a de- 
cree for negotiating a peace, and accordingly 
sent in the first place ambassadors to Thebes, 
with an invitation to go with them to Laceda> 
mon, if it suited their own inelinations, about 
a peace. And then they despatched away their 
own ambassadors. The persons chosen for 
this employ were Callias the son of Hipponi- 
cus, Autoclcs the son of Strombichides, Dc- 
mostratus the son of Aristophon, Aristocles, 
Cephisodotus, Melanopus, Lycanthus. "Whco 
they were admitted to audience before tho 
council of state at Lacedsemon and the con- 
federates, Callistratus the popular haranguei 
was with them. He had promised Iphicrates, 
if he would give him his dismission, either to 
procure him money for his fleet, or to make a 
peace ; he accordingly had been at Athens, and 
solicited a peace. But when they were intro- 
duced to the council of state at Lacedssmon 
and the confederates, Callias, whose office it 
was to bear the torch in the Eleusinian mys- 
teries, was the first that spoke. He was a man 
that took as much delight in praising himself 
as in being praised by others. He began on 
this occasion, and spoke to this effect : 

" I am not, Lacedaemonians, the only person 
of my family, who hath been the public host 
of your community. My father and his father 
too were so before me, and delivered the ho- 
nour down to me as the privilege of my birth. 
I am desirous too to persuade you all, that 
Athens hath continually persisted in showing 
favour to us. For, whenever there is war, our 
Athens, our own community, chooseth us to 
command their armies; and when peace is 
again desired, sendeth us to negotiate a peace. 
Nay, twice already have I been at Lacedsemon 
to negotiate accommodations ; both times so 
successfully, that I made peace between us and 
you. I am now a third time employed, and 
think I have more abundant reason than ever 
to depend on a mutual reconciliation. For 
now I see clearly, that you are not intent upon 
one system and we upon another; but both of 
us are united in indignation for the ruin of 
Platcea and Thespise. What therefore can 
hinder men, whose sentiments are exactly the 
same, from choosing to be friends rather than 
enemies to one another 1 

" It is indeed the part of wise men, not 
hastily to have recourse to arms, even though 



468 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



considerable dissensions arise. But when their 
sentiments of things exactly coincide, will it not 
be wonderful indeed, if such persons cannot 
lgl<M about a peace? Common justice, it is 
true, hath always laid it as a duty upon us, 
never to make war upon one another. For it 
is acknowledged by all the world, that our 
progenitor Triptolemus communicated the in- 
effable mysteries of Ceres and Proserpine to 
Hercules your founder, and to the Dioscuri l 
your countrymen, the first time he did it to 
foreigners ; and Peloponnesus was the first 
foreign land on which he generally bestowed the 
fruits of Ceres. How, therefore, could it be just, 
that you should ever in a hostile manner enter 
upon the lands and ravage the fruits of those 
from whom you first received your seed 1 or, 
that we ever should wish, that the very people 
on whom we bestowed it, should not enjoy in 
highest plenty the needful sustenance of life 1 
But if the fates decree that war must take place 
amongst mankind, it is our part to begin it on 
all occasions with the utmost reluctance ; and, 
when once begun, to bring it to an end with 
our utmost expedition." 

After him Autocles, who was looked upon 
as an orator of great art and address, harangued 
them thus : 

" I am going to say some things, Lacedaemo- 
nians, which I am very sensible you will not 
hear with pleasure. But I am well persuaded, 
that men who are desirous of peace, and to set- 
tle that peace in such a manner that it may be 
of lasting continuance, should not be shy in 
putting one another in remembrance of the rea- 
sons of the previous wars. You, Lacedaemoni- 
ans, are ever giving out, that the cities of Greece 
ought to be free and independent ; whilst after 
all, yourselves are the greatest hinderers of that 
freedom and independence. The very first 
condition you make with all the cities that en- 
ter into your confederacy is, that they shall 
march along with you wheresoever you lead 
them. And can this in any shape be consis- 
tent with freedom and independence 1 You 
declare enemies what people you please, with- 
out any previous consultation of your confede- 
rates ; and then lead on the latter to make war 
upon them ; insomuch that these free and inde- 
pendent people, as they are called, are often 
obliged to take the field against men to whom 
they bear the most benevolent affection. 



• Castor and PoIIuj 



" Again, and what of all things is most re- 
pugnant to a state of freedom and independence, 
you establish in some cities the government of 
ten, and in others of thirty persons. You take 
no care at all that these governors should rule 
according to laws, but merely that by oppres- 
sive methods they keep the cities in fast sub- 
jection to yourselves. In a word, you have con- 
vinced mankind, that not a polity but a tyranny 
is most agreeable to your own inclinations. 

" When, farther, the Persian monarch signi- 
fied his pleasure that the cities should be free 
and independent, ) T ou then made frank and 
open declarations that the Thebans could in 
no wise be judged to conform to the king's in- 
tention, unless they permitted each single city 
to be master of itself, and to make use of laws 
of their own proper choice. And yet, when 
you had seized the citadel of Thebes, you 
would not suffer even these Thebans to be free 
and independent. 

" Men, let me add, who sincerely desire 
peace, ought not to expect from others a 
thorough compliance with their own .demands, 
whilst they manifest an ambition to engross all 
power to themselves." 

When Autocles had spoken thus, the conse- 
quence was, not only a general silence in the 
assembly, but an inward pleasure in the hearts 
of those who were displeased at the Lacedae- 
monian conduct. 

But after him Callistratus spoke : 

"Far be it from me, Lacedaemonians, to 
think that I could truly aver, that nothing 
wrong hath been done either by you or by us. 
And I am as far from thinking, on the other 
hand, that all intercourse must for ever be 
stopped with men who once do wrong ; because 
I cannot see any mortal alive who goeth through 
life without committing some offence. It is 
rather my opinion, that sometimes men who 
have offended become afterwards more tract- 
able and better tempered, especially if they 
have been chastised for those offences, as we 
Athenians have been. I see, Lacedaemonians, in 
your behaviour, too, some offences incurred for 
want of temper and reflection, for which you 
have since been abundantly crossed. But I 
shall produce no other instance of this at pre- 
sent than your seizure of the citadel of Thebes. 
And hence it is, since this flagrant injury you 
did the Thebans, that all the cities, in whose 
favour you once so earnestly exerted yourselves 
to restore them to freedom and independence. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



469 



have tmited with the Thebans against you. 
I hope you are now convinced, how prejudi- 
cial it is to grasp at too much power, and are 
resolved for the future to use moderation, 
and to be steady in reciprocal friendship with 
others. 

« There are people, I know, who, intending 
to dissuade you from a yeace with lis, mis- 
chievously insinuate, that we ask it not from 
sincerity of heart, but are brought hither by 
the fears we are under, lest Antalcidas may 
ret'urn with a fresh supply of money from the 
king of Persia. But consider, and be con- 
vinced, that such people are arrant triflers. 
The king, it is well known, hath told us in 
writing, that all the cities in Greece should be 
•left free and independent. For our own parts, 
we conform both in word and deed to the in- 
tention of the king. What reason have we 
therefore to apprehend any thing from him 1 
Is there a person so weak as to imagine, that 
the king had rather subject himself to a vast 
expense, and only to make other people great, 
than to accomplish what he thinketh is best 
for himself, without making any expense at 
all ? Be it so. For what reason then are we 
come hither? Not because we are totally 
distressed ; yourselves may perceive the con- 
trary, if you will survey the present situation 
of our affairs at sea, and if you will survey the 
situation of them too at land. But what then 
is our meaning 1 It is plain to be discerned, 
since there are several of the confederates who 
behave in such a manner as can be pleasing 
neither to us nor to you. Perhaps, after all, 
our chief motive may be, to communicate our 
own sentiments of things to you, in requital 
for the kindness you did us in preserving 
Athens. 

« But at present I shall only insist on the 
point of reciprocal interest. 4t is true of all 
the cities of Greece, that some by principle are 
more attached to us, and some to you : it is 
the case in every city, one party declares for 
the Lacedaemonian and another for the Athe- 
nian interest. If we therefore unite in friend- 
ship with one another, from what quarter can 
we with reason expect any effectual opposition 1 
For who in good truth is the person who, 
when you are our friends, can presume at do- 
ing us Athenians any harm by land 1 And 
who will dare to annoy you Lacedaemonians by 
pea, when we are cheerful and warm in your 
service 1 Wars, it must be granted, are for 
40 



ever breaking out between us; and accommo- 
dations, as we well know, are soon again 
brought on. And, though it be not our case 
at present, yet the case will happen again and 
again, that we shall be desirous of a peace with 
you. But what reason can there be to put off 
our reconciliation to that distant day, when, 
through the weight of distress, we may be 
grown quite desperate, rather than to settle all 
things by. an immediate peace, before any irre- 
mediable disaster hath taken place 1 For my 
part, I ingenuously own it, I nqver could com- 
mend those champions in the public games, 
who, after a series of victory, and a large ac- 
quisition of glory, are so litigiously ambitious 
of more, that they can never stop, till they are 
shamefully beaten, and compelled to forego the 
lists for ever after. Nor can I commend those 
gamesters who, after having gained the stake, 
will suffer it to be doubled, and throw again. 
Most of those who play with so much avidity, 
I have seen reduced to utter beggary. We 
ought therefore to catch instruction from such 
examples, and not reduce our contest to that 
state of desperation, that we must either win 
all or lose all. But whilst we yet are vigorous, 
whilst we yet are happy, let us become friends 
to one another : for then we through you, and 
you through us, may yet make a greater figure 
than hitherto we have ever made in Greece." 

This speech met with general approbation, 
and the Lacedaemonians passed a decree to 
sign a peace on the following terms: — « To 
withdraw their commanders out of the cities ; 
to disband all forces both by land and sea ; and 
to leave the cities in a state of freedom and 
independence. And in case any of these com- 
manders refuse to withdraw, any city that was 
willing might assist the injured cities ; but 
such as were not willing might refuse to act in 
defence of the injured, without being guilty of 
a breach of faith." On these conditions the 
Lacedaemonians swore to a peace for them- 
selves and their confederates ; the Athenians 
and their confederates swore severally in the 
name of their principals. Even the Thebans 
were entered down by name in the list of the 
states that swore ; but their ambassadors ' made 
a fresh application the day -after, and desired 
that " the name of Boeotiane might be inserted 
instead of Thebans." Agesilaus answered, 



ι Epaminondas was one of them, and spoke with m» 
much spirit on this occasion, that he sadly nettlcrt 
Agesilaus. 



170 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



that '• he would not alter a letter of what they 
had already sworn to, and to which they had 
sot their name. If indeed they had no mind 
to be comprehended in the peace (he said) he 
would readily, at their own desire, expunge 
their name." And now, all others having 
signed the peace, and the Thebans being singly 
excluded, the Athenians were persuaded in 
their own minds that the Thebans could no 
longer save themselves, even, as is commonly 
said, by a decimation. The Thebans also, 
judging themselves in a desperate situation, 
went their way. 

IV. After this the Athenians withdrew 
their garrisons out of the cities. They also 
recalled Iphicrates and the fleet, whom they 
obliged to restore all captures they had made 
since the peace was sworn to at Lacedaemon. 
In like manner, the Lacedaemonians brought 
away their commandants and garrisons from 
the cities within their own dependence. Cle- 
ombrotus was excepted, who being now at the 
head of the troops in Phocis, sent to the ma- 
gistracy of Lacedaemon for orders how to act. 
Prothous had already declared that in his sen- 
timents, " they ought according to oath to dis- 
band their troops, and circulate an order to the 
cities to make the present of a sum of money, 
but at their own discretion, to the temple of 
Apollo ; and then, if any restraint was laid on 
the freedom and independence of those cities, 
they ought to call their confederates together, 
so many as should be willing to assert this 
independence, and lead them out against the 
authors of such restraint. For by such be- 
haviour (he said) it was his opinion the gods 
would become more propitious to them, and 
the cities have the least ground for discontent." 
But the whole council of Lacedaemon, hearing 
him talk in this manner, looked upon him as a 
very trifler, (for already it should seem as if 
the wrath of heaven was driving them on,) and 
despatched an order to Cleombrotus, not to 
disband his troops, but to march immediately 
against the Thebans, unless they set the cities 
at liberty. Cleombrotus, I say, so soon as he 
heard the peace was made, sent to the ephori 
for instructions how to act, who ordered him 
to march against the Thebans, unless they set 
the cities of Boeotia at liberty. When there- 
fore he was become assured, that so far from 
setting those cities at liberty, they had not so 
much as disbanded their army, but kept them 
in readiness to make head against him, he 



marcheth his army into Boeotia. He took not 
the route which the Boeotians imagined he 
would have taken out of Phocis, and had 
posted themselves in a narrow pass to stop 
him ; but on a sudden crossing the mountains 
by the pass of Thisbe he arriveth at Crusis, 
taketh the fortress there, and seizeth twelve 
triremes belonging to the Thebans. Having 
done this, and marched upwards from the sea, 
he encamped at Leuctra in the district of Thes- 
piae. The Thebans 1 encamped their own 
troops on an opposite hill at no great distance 
from the enemy, having none of their con- 
federates with them but those of Boeotia. 

The friends of Cleombrotus went to him 
here and discoursed him thus ; — " If, Cleom- 
brotus, you now suffer these Thebans to de- 
part without a battle, you will be in danger of 
the severest punishment from the state. They 
will then remember against you, how formerly 
when you reach 3d Cynoscephale you committed 
no manner of devastation on the lands of the 
Thebans ; and that in the next campaign you 
were not able so much as to enter their coun- 
try, though Agesilaus always broke in by the 
pass of Cithaeron. If then you regard your 
own preservation, or have any value at all for 
your country, you must give the enemy battle." 
His friends discoursed him thus. His enemies 
said — « Now will this man convince the world, 
whether or no he be a friend to the Thebans, as 
some report him." Cleombrotus of a truth, hear- 
ing these insinuations, was provoked to fight. 

On the other side, the chief men amongst, 
the Thebans were reckoning, « that if they did 
not fight, the circumjacent cities would revolt 
from them, and they must suffer a siege in 
Thebes ; and then, should the people of Thebes 
be distressed for want of necessaries, an in- 
surrection might be the consequence." Many 
of them knew by experience what exile was ; 
they determined, therefore, " it was better to 
die in battle than to become exiles a second 
time." An oracle much talked of was also some 
encouragement to them. It imported that 
" the Lacedaemonians would be conquered on 
that spot of ground where stood the monument 
of the virgins," who are reported to have killed 
themselves, 2 because they had been violated 



ι Epaminondas was their commander-in-chief.' 

* Other writers differ in this circumstance. Plutarch 

relateth the whole story thus : " A poor man whose 

name was Scedasus, dwelt at Leuctra, a village in the 

district of Thesnia?. He had two dauehters; their 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



471 



by some Lacedaemonians. The Thebans there- 
fore adorned this monument before the battle. 
Intelligence was also brought them from 
Thebes, that all the temples had opened of 
their own accord, and the priestesses declared 
that the gods awarded them a victory. All 
the arms in the temple of Hercules were also 
said to have disappeared, as if Hercules him- 
self was sallied forth to battle. Some persons, 
after all, pretend that these things were only 
the artifices of the generals. 

In regard to the battle, every thing turned 
out cross on the side of the Lacedaemonians, 
whilst fortune smoothed every difficulty on the 
side of the enemy. It was just after dinner 
that Cleombrotus held the last council about a 
battle. They had drunk briskly at noon, and 
it was said that the wine also was a provoca- 
tive to fight. But when each side was armed, 



names were Hippo and Militia, or (as some say) Theano 
and Euxippe. Now Scedasus was a good man, and 
though his substance was very small, exceedingly kind 
to strangers. He received with cheerful hospitality two 
young Spartans who came to his house; and they, 
though enamoured with the daughters, were so awed 
by Scedasus' goodness, that they durst make no attempt 
upon them. And next day they continued their journey 
to the Pythian oracle, whither they were going. But 
after consulting the god about the points in which they 
wanted his advice, they set out again for their own 
homes; and, after travelling through Boeotia, stopped 
again in their return at the house of Scedasus. It hap- 
pened that Scedasus himself was absent at this time 
from Leuctra, but his daughters received the strangers 
and entertained them with the usual hospitality, who, 
finding them thus without protection or defence, commit 
a rape upon them. But perceiving them full of indig- 
nation for the violence they had suffered, they put them 
to death, and then throwing their bodies into a well, 
they went their way. Scedasus on his return could see 
his daughters no where, and yet found every thing in 
the house as safe as he had left it. He knew not what 
to think, till a bitch whining at him, then several times 
running up to him and away from him again to the well, 
he guessed how it was, and at length drew up by 
ropes the dead bodies of his daughters. Learning now 
upon inquiry from his neighbours, that they had seen 
the very Lacedaemonians who had formerly lodged with 
him go into his house again the day before, he concluded 
them to be the murderers, since on their first visit they 
had abundantly praised the young lasses, and affirmed 
that their husbands would be very happy. He now set 
out for Laceduemon, to beg justice from the ephori. 
Night came upon him while he was in the territory of 
Argos, and he turned into an inn to lodge. There came 
into the same inn another traveller, an old man of Oreus 
a city of the Hesticea. Scedasus hearing him often 
groan and curse the Lacedaemonians, asked him what 
hurt the Lacedaemonians had done him? The traveller 
told him a dreadful story about the murder of his son by 
a Lacedemonian commandant, and though he had been 
with the ephori at Sparta, they would not at all listen 'to 



and it was plain a battle would be fought, — 
in the first place, the sellers of provisions and 
some of the baggage-men, all such as hud no 
inclination to fight, were departing from the 
camp of the Boeotians. But the mercenaries 
with Hiero, the targeteers from Phocis, and 
the horsemen from Heraclea and Phlius, fetch- 
ed a compass, and meeting them full in their 
departure, drove them back, and pursued them 
to the Boeotian camp. The consequence was, 
they made the Boeotian army stronger and 
more numerous than it was before. In the 
next place, as there was a plain between them, 
the Lacedaemonians drew up and posted their 
horse before their phalanx ; the Thebans also 
did the same. But then the horse of the The- 
bans had been long in exercise because of the 
war against the Orchomenians and the war 
against the Thespians ; whereas the Lacedae- 



his complaints. Scedasus, having heard this story, was 
all despondency. He suspected, the magistrates of 
Sparta would listen as little to himself. Yet he related 
some part of his calamity to the stranger, who advised 
him not to have recourse to the ephori, but to return 
into Boeotia, and build a tomb for his daughters. Sce : 
dasus however would not comply with his advice ; but 
going on to Sparta laid his complaint before the ephori. 
As they gave him no attention, he presenteth himself 
before the kings ; and going from them to all the men 
in power, he let them know his deplorable case. But 
obtaining no justice from them, he ran through the 
midst of the city, now raising his hands towards the sun 
and now dashing them against the ground, invoking the 
furies to avenge him, and at length put an end to his 
own life. But in after times the Lacedaemonians paid 
dearly for it. For when they were masters over all the 
Greeks, and had put garrisons into their cities, Epami- 
nondas the Theban, to set a pattern to others, put their 
garrison in Thebes to the sword. And the Lacedaemo- 
nians for this reason making war upon them, the The- 
bans met them in the field at Leuctra. The very ground 
was an omen to them of victory. On it formerly they 
had recovered their liberty, when Amphicton, driven in- 
to exile by Sthenelus, had refuged himself at Thebes, 
and rinding the Thebans tributary to the Chalcideans, 
had put an end to the tribute by killing Chalcedon king 
uf the Eubceans. And now on the same spot the Lace- 
daemonians were totally defeated at the very tomb of the 
daughters of Scedasus. It is said, that before the battle 
Pelopidas, one of the Theban generals, was highly 
alarmed at some incidents that he thought boded him ill 
success, till Scedasus appeared to him in a dream, and 
inspired him with new confidence, since the Lacedaemo- 
nians were now caught at Leuctra and must suffer ven- 
geance for his daughters; and the day before the battle 
was fought, he ordered a white colt to be sacrificed at 
the tomb of the virgins; nay, that whilst the Lacede- 
monians were encamped at Tegea, he sent persons to 
find out this tomb; and when he had learned from the 
people of the country where it stood, he marched his 
troops with 'high confidence to the spot, where he drew 
them up and gained a victory."— Plutarch'- 






XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



v.ilrv had η over been in a worse con- 
dition than at present. The horses were fur- 

' by the wealthiest persons of the state; 

v. hen a foreign expedition was declared, 

the appointed rider, who receiving 

such a horse and such arms as they pleased to 

him went immediately on service. And 

the weakest in body and the worst spirit- 
ed part of the soldiery wt e generally mounted 
on horses. Such truly was» the cavalry on both 

— In the Lacedaemonian phalanx, it was 
said, that every platoon was drawn up three in 
front ; consequently in depth they could not be 
ir.ore than twelve. But the Thebans were 
drawn up firm together not less than fifty 
shields ι in depth ; reckoning, that could they 
break the body of the enemy posted around the 
king, all the rest of the army would be an easy 
conquest. 

But so soon as Cleombrotus began to ad- 
vance towards the enemy, and even before the 
bulk of the army knew that he was in motion, 
the horse had already engaged, and those of 
the Lacedaemonians were immediately defeat- 
ed, and in their flight fell in amongst their own 
heavy-armed : and at that instant, the heavy- 
armed of the Thebans had made their attack. 
However, that the body posted round Cleom- 
brotus had at first the better in the fight, any 
man may have clear and certain proof from 
hence ; for they could not have taken him up 
and carried Turn off yet alive, unless those who 
fought before him had the better of it at that 
instant of time. But when Cleombrotus was 
dead; and Dinon a general-officer, and Spho- 
drias of the king's council of war, and his son 
Cleonymus were also slain, then the horse- 
guard, and the adjutants of the general-officer 
and the rest, being quite overpowered by the 
weight of the enemy, were forced to retire. 
The Lacedaemonians who composed the left, 
when they saw the right thus driven from 
their ground, quitted their own ground too. 
Yet, after a terrible slaughter and a total de- 
feat, so soon as they had repassed the trench 
which was round their camp, they grounded 
their arms on the very spot from whence they 
had marched out to battle ; for the ground of 
their camp was not quite on a level, it was 
rather an ascent. And now there were some 
of the Lacedaemonians, who, judging their de- 
feat to be an insupportable disgrace, declared 
against suffering the enemy to erect a trophy, 
against fetching off their dead by truce, but ra- 



ther to endeavour to recover them by another 
battle. But the general officers, who saw that 
in all near a thousand Lacedaemonians were 
slain ; who saw that of seven hundred Spar- 
tans belonging to their army, about four hun- 
dred were killed ; who perceived, besides, that 
all the confederates were averse to fighting 
again, and some of them too not even sorry for 
what had happened, calling a council of the 
most proper persons, demanded their advice of 
what ought to be done. And when it was 
unanimously agreed, that " they ought to fetch 
off* the dead by truce," they sent a herald to 
beg the truce. And then truly the Thebans 
erected a trophy, and delivered up the dead. 

These things being done, a messenger sent 
to Lacedaemon with the news of this calamity 
arriveth there on the last day of the naked 
games, and when the chorus of men had just 
made their entry. The ephori, when they 
heard of the calamity, were grievously concern- 
ed, and in my opinion could not possibly avoid 
it ; but they ordered not the chorus to with- 
draw, letting them finish the games. And 
then they sent round the names of the dead to 
the relations of each, with an order to the wo- 
men to make no noise, and to bear the calamity 
in silence. But the day after, such persons as 
were related to any of the slain appeared in 
public, and the signs of pleasure and joy were 
visible in their faces ; whilst you could see but 
few of those whose relations were reported to 
be yet alive, and they too walked up and down 
discontented and dejected. 

In the next place, the ephori ordered the 
two remaining brigades to march, not excepting 
such persons as had been forty years in the 
service. They ordered out also such of the 
same standing as belonged to the brigades al- 
ready abroad. For such as had been thirty- 
five years in the service marched out before in 
the army that went against the Phocians. 
They even enjoined the very persons who 
were left at home to serve the offices of state 
to march out on this occasion. Agesilaus 
indeed was not yet recovered of his illness : 
the state therefore ordered his son Archidamus 
to take upon him the command. The Tegeatae 
with great cheerfulness took the field along 
with Archidamus : for the party of Stasippus, 
ever strongly attached to the Lacedaemonians, 
were yet alive, and had a very great influence 
at Tegea. The Mantineans too with all their 
strength marched out of their villages and 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



473 



joined him, for they were under an aristocrati- 
cal government. The Corinthians, Sicyonians, 
Phliasians, and Achaeans very cheerfully fol- 
lowed him ; and other cities too sent out their 
troops. The Lacedaemonians immediately fit- 
ted out their own triremes ; the Corinthians did 
the same, and begged the Sicyonians to do so 
too, as the Lacedaemonians had thoughts of 
transporting the army by sea. And in the 
meantime Archidamus was offering sacrifices 
for a successful expedition. 

The Thebans immediately after the battle 
despatched a herald to Athens with a garland 
on his head, whom they ordered at the same 
time to notify the greatness of the victory and 
to request their aid, saying that « now it was 
in their power to be revenged on the Lacedae- 
monians for all the evil they have ever done 
them." The senate of Athens happened to be 
sitting in the citadel. And when they heard 
the news, it was plain to all men that they 
were heartily mortified at it. For they neither 
invited the heraid to take any refreshment, nor 
made any reply to the request of aid. And in 
this manner the herald returned from Athens. 

The Thebans however sent in all haste to 
Jason their ally, pressing him to come and join 
them. Their thoughts were wholly intent on 
what might be the consequence of this battle. 
Jason at once manned out his triremes, as if he 
would repair by sea to their assistance ; but 
then, taking with him his body of mercenaries 
and his own horse, even though the Phocians 
were in implacable hostility with him, he 
marched by land into Boeotia ; making his en- 
try into several cities, before any news could 
be brought that he was on the march. And 
before any strength could be collected to stop 
him, he was advanced quite beyond their reach ; 
exhibiting a certain proof, that expedition car- 
rieth a point much better than strength. And 
when he was gotten into Bceotia, the Thebans 
declaring for an immediate attack on the Lace- 
daemonians, Jason to pour down from the hills 
with his mercenaries, whilst themselves charg- 
ed them full in front, he dissuaded them from 
it, remonstrating to them that after so noble a 
victory, it was not worth their while to run the 
hazard of either gaining a greater or losing the 
fruits of the victory already gained. " Are you 
not aware (said he) that you have just now 
conquered, because you were necessitated to 
fight 1 You should remember therefore, that 
the Lacedaemonians, when necessitated too to 
40 * 



fight for their very beings, will fight with the 
utmost desperation. And God, it must be 
owned, often taketh delight in making the 
little great and the great little." By such re- 
monstrances he dissuaded the Thebans from 
running any fresh hazards. On the other side 
he was teaching the Lacedaemonians what a 
difference there was between a vanquished and 
a victorious army. " If therefore (said he) 
you are desirous to extinguish the memory of 
your late calamity, I advise you to breathe a 
while ; and when you are grown stronger, then 
to fight again against these unconquered The- 
bans. But at present (said he) you may rest 
assured, that there are some even of your own 
confederates, who are in treaty with your ene- 
mies. By all means endeavour to obtain a 
peace for yourselves. I will equally endeavour 
to procure one for you, as I desire nothing for 
your preservation, because of the friendship my 
father had for you, and because I myself by 
the laws of hospitality am connected with you." 
In this manner he talked ; and his motive pos- 
sibly might be, that both these discordant 
parties might be reduced to a dependence upon 
himself. The Lacedaemonians, therefore, hav- 
ing hearkened to his advice, desired him to 
procure them a peace. But so soon as word 
was brought them that a peace was granted, 
the general officers issued out an order, for all 
the troops to be ready immediately after sup- 
per, since they should march off by night ; that 
next morning by day-break they might pass 
Mount Cithaeron. When supper was over, 
before they could sleep, the order was issued 
for a march, and immediately after the close of 
evening their officers led them off by the road 
of Crusis, confiding more in the secrecy of 
their march than in the peace. And after a 
very difficult march indeed, since it was by 
night, in a very dejected mood, and through 
very bad roads, they reach ^Egosthena in the 
territory of Megara. There they met with the 
army under the command of Archidamus. 
He halted there with them till all the confed- 
erates were come in, and then led them off in 
one body to Corinth. At Corinth he dismissed 
the confederates, and led home the domestic 
troops to Lacedaemon. 

As to Jason, he returned bark through 
Phocis, where he took the suburbs of Hyam- 
polis, laid the adjacent country waste, and slow 
many persons ; and then continued his march 
forwards through the rest of Phocis in an 
3 Κ 



474 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[BOOK V] 



orderly and quiet manner. But when he was 
come to Heraolea, he demolished the fortifi- 
cations of that place. It is plain he was under 
no tear of opening a road to an enemy against 
himself by laying open this important pass. 
In tact, his true motive was, lest any should 
seize Heraclea that is situated so commodious- 
ly in the strait, and hinder him from marching 
into Greece at his own pleasure. On his return 
into Thessaly, he became great indeed, as well 
because by law he was supreme governor of 
the Thessalians, as because he kept constantly 
about him a large body of mercenary troops, 
both horse and foot, .and these so finely disci- 
plined as to excel all other troops in the world. 
He was greater still through the large number 
of confederates he already had, and the number 
of those who were desirous of his alliance. 
But he was greatest of all in his own personal 
character, since no man could despise # him. 
The Pythian games were now approaching ; 
he therefore circulated his orders to the cities 
to fatten oxen, sheep, goats, and swine, and 
prepare for the sacrifice. It was said, that 
though a moderate number was demanded from 
each separate city, yet the number of oxen 
amounted to not less than a thousand, and all 
other cattle together rose in number to above 
ten thousand. He also made public proclama- 
tion, that whatever city fed the finest ox to 
lead up the sacrifice to the god, should be re- 
warded with a prize of a golden crown. He 
also issued out his orders to the Thessalians to 
be ready to take the field at the time of the Py- 
thian games. For he intended, as was said, to 
preside himself in the solemn assembly at the 
games in honour of the god. Whether indeed 
he had any intention to meddle with the sacred 
treasures remaineth yet uncertain. For it is 
reported, that when the Delphians asked 
« what must be done, in case Jason meddled 
with the treasures of the god 1" the answer of 
the god was " he himself would take care of 
that." Yet after all, this extraordinary man, 
big with such great and splendid schemes, 
when after reviewing and scrutinizing the con- 
dition of the cavalry of Pherse he had set 
himself down, and was giving answers to such 
as were offering petitions, is assassinated and 
murdered by seven young men, who came up 
to hin? with an air of having a dispute for him 
to settle. His guards indeed who were at 
hand bestirred themselves with spirit, and one 
of the assassins whilst striking at Jason was 



killed by the thrust of a spear ; another was 
stopped as he was getting on horseback, and 
put to death by a great number of wounds ; 
but the rest mounted the horses, that were 
ready prepared for them, and made their es- 
cape ; and in whatever cities of Greece they af- 
terwards appeared, were generally received with 
honour. From whence it is plain, how much 
the Grecians dreaded Jason, lest he should 
turn out a tyrant. 

After the murder of Jason, Polydorus his 
brother and Polyphron were appointed su- 
preme leaders of Thessaly. But as they were 
going in company to Larissa, Polydorus dieth 
suddenly in his bed by night, and as was judged 
by the hands of his brother Polyphron. His 
death certainly was very sudden, and there 
was no other probable method of accounting 
for it. Polyphron held the supremacy for a 
year, and behaved in his office quite like a ty- 
rant. For at Pharsalus he put to death Poly- 
damas and eight more of the most illustrious 
Pharsalians, and from Larissa drove several 
persons into exile. For these outrageous acts 
he too is killed by Alexander, who pr•• tended 
to be avenging the death of Poiydorus and 
demolishing the tyranny. But when he had 
gotten the power in his own hands, he proved 
a terrible governor indeed to the Thessalians, 
terrible also to the Thebans, an enemy further 
to the Athenians, and an arrant robber both by 
land and sea. Such was his real character, and 
as such he is put to death by the hands of his 
wife's brothers, but entirely by her contrivance. 
For she told her brothers that Alexander had 
a design upon their lives; she concealed them 
therefore a whole day in the house. She re- 
ceived Alexander quite drunk into her cham- 
ber at night ; and as soon as he was asleep she 
left the lamp still burning, but carried out his 
sword. And when she perceived that her 
brothers were afraid of going into the chamber 
to kill him, she told them if they boggled any 
longer, she would go and awake him. So soon 
as they were in it, she herself secured the door 
and held the bolt in her hand till her husband 
was despatched. The reason of her enmity to 
Alexander is supposed to be this, that Alexan- 
der had imprisoned his page, a beautiful youth, 
and .when she begged hard for his liberty, 
he brought him out and put him to death. 
Others say, it was, because, having no chil- 
dren by her, he. had sent to Thebes and 
entered into engagements to marry Jason's 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



475 



widow. The reasons of this plot against his 
life by the lady are given in this manner. But 
Tisiphonus, the eldest of the brothers who 
were agents in his murder, succeeded to his 
power, and hath continued in possession of it 
tiii the time this history is writing. And thus 
Vie affairs of Thessaly under the management 
if Jason, and down to the time of Tisiphonus, 
have now been opened. I return to the place 
from whence I digressed to give this recital. 

V. When Archidamus, who had marched to 
the relief of those at Leuctra, had brought the 
army back, the Athenians began to reflect, 
that the Peloponnesians would still reckon it 
their duty to follow the Lacedcemonians, who 
were not yet reduced so low as they had re- 
duced the Athenians. They summoned there- 
fore the states, who were willing to be parties 
in the peace prescribed by the king of Persia. 
When all were assembled, they decreed, in 
conjunction with those who were willing to 
be parties, that the following oath should be 
taken, — « I will abide by the peace which the 
king hath sent, and the decrees of the Athe- 
nians and their confederates. And in case 
any enemy maketh war upon any state that 
hath taken this oath, I will assist that state 
with all my strength." All others present 
were satisfied with this oath ; but the Eleans 
objected to it, " since they ought not thus to 
make the Marganians, and Scilluntians, and 
Triphyllians free and independent, all whose 
cities belonged to them." The Athenians how- 
ever and the rest, having ratified the decree ac- 
cording to the king's mandate, that " the cities 
whether great or small should be left equally 
free and independent," sent out a deputation to 
administer the oath, and ordered that " the chief 
magistrates in every city should take it." And 
all took this oath except the Eleans. 

The consequence was, that the Mantineans, 
who now looked upon themselves as sovereign 
masters of their own concerns, assembled to- 
gether in a body, and resolved to settle again 
in the city of Mantinea, and fortify it as their 
own. But on the other hand, the Lacedremo- 
nians judged, that if this was done without 
their consent, they should be much aggrieved. 
They send Agesilaus therefore ambassador to 
the Mantineans, because he was esteemed their 
hereditary friend. At his arrival, the men in 
power would not grant him an audience vf the 
people, but ordered him to communicate his 
business to them alone. He then made their 



a promise, * if they would desist at present 
from fortifying Mantinea, he would engage 
that the state of LacedaBmon should soon con- 
sent to it, and ease them in the expense of 
doing it." But when they answered, that " it 
was impossible to desist, since their whole 
community had joined in the resolution for 
doing it," Agesilaus in great wrath departed. 
It was not however judged possible to stop 
them by force, since the grand article of peace 
was freedom and independence. And now 
some cities of Arcadia sent in their people to 
the Mantineans to assist them in carrying on 
the fortification ; and the Eleans presented 
them with thirty talents ' of silver towards 
defraying the expense of the work. And in 
this manner were the Mantineans very busy. 

At Tegea, the party of Callibius and Prox- 
enus were striving to get a general meeting 
of the whole body of Arcadians, in which 
whatever measures were voted by a majority 
should have the force of laws to all their cities. 
But the party of Stasippus was for leaving 
each city in its present separation, and in the 
enjoyment of their primitive constitutions. 
The party of Proxenus and Callibius, who 
were overpowered in all the sessions, imagin- 
ing that in a general assembly of the people 
they should quite outvote their opponents, 
bring out their arms. The party of Stasippus, 
perceiving this, armed also to oppose them, 
and were not inferior to them in number. But 
when they came to an engagement, they killed 
Proxenus and a few more with him ; and 
though they put the others to flight, went not 
after them in pursuit. For Stasippus was a 
man of that temper, that he would not put 
many of his fellow-citizens to death. But 
those with Callibius, having retreated to the 
part of the wall and the gates towards Man- 
tinea, as their enemy gave them no farther 
annoyance, posted themselves there in a body. 
They had sent beforehand to the Mantineans 
to beg assistance, and the party of Stasippus 
now came to them with proposals of reconcili- 
ation. But the Mantineans no sooner appeared 
in sight, than some leaping upon the wall 
pressed them to advance with their utmost ex- 
pedition, shouting aloud at them to make all 
possible haste, whilst others throw open the 
gates for their entrance. When the party of 
Stasippus found out what was done, they 



ι 5,932/. 10*. 



m 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



make their escape through the gates that lead 
to Palantium. and before their pursuers could 
overtake thorn, fly away in safety to the temple 
of Diana, where they shut themselves up and 
remained in quiet. But their enemies who 
came up in pursuit, after climbing the tem- 
ple and stripping off" the roof, pelted them with 
tiles. Conscious therefore of their own dis- 
tressful situation they begged them to stop 
their hands and promised to come out. But 
their enemies, after thus getting them in their 
power, bound them fast, and putting them in a 
carriage drove them back to Tegea : and there, 
supported by the Mantineans, they formally 
put them to death. After this the Tegeatae, 
who were of the party of Stasippus, to the 
number of about eight hundred, fled to Lace- 
dxmon. 

The Lacedaemonians now resolved it to be 
their duty to take the field with the utmost 
haste in the cause of the dead and the exiled 
Tegeatae. Accordingly they make war upon 
the Mantineans, because contrary to their oaths 
they had marched in a hostile manner against 
the Tegeatae. The ephori proclaimed a foreign 
expedition, and the state ordered Agesilaus to 
take upon him the command. The rest of 
the Arcadians were by this time assembled at 
Asea ; but, as the Orchomenians had declared 
against all participation in the Arcadian league 
because of their enmity to the Mantineans, 
and had even received into their city a body of 
mercenaries commanded by Polytropus, which 
had been drawn together at Corinth, the Man- 
tineans staid at home to look after their own 
concerns. But the Heraeans and Lepreatae 
joined with the Lacedaemonians in marching 
against the Mantineans. And Agesilaus, when 
the sacrifices for a successful expedition were 
finished, marched without loss of time into 
Arcadia. 

He first took possession of Eutaea, a town 
on the frontier. He found in this place old 
men, women, and children, whilst all the fight- 
ing men were gone to join the Arcadic body. 
He did no harm at all to the city, but suffered 
these people still to continue in their houses, 
and his soldiers paid regularly for whatever 
they wanted. Or, if any thing had been taken 
by force when he entered the place, after a 
proper search he caused it to be restored. He 
also repaired such parts of the wall as needed it, 
whilst he halted there in expectation cf the 
mercenaries under Polytropus. 



In the meantime the Mantineans take the 
! field against the Orchomenians. But after 
J showing themselves before the walls, they 
found it a work of toil to make good their 
retreat, and some of them were slain on this 
{ occasion. But when they had secured their 
retreat as far as to Elymia, and the heavy- 
armed Orchomenians no longer pursued them, 
whilst the body under Polytropus kept plying 
! on their rear with great impetuosity, the Man- 
tineans were now convinced that, unless they 
| could beat them back, a great part of their own 
people would perish by the missive weapons,, 
upon which they suddenly faced about, and 
' advancing close up to them, gave the charge. 
■ And there Polytropus died fighting. The rest 
' taking to flight, many of them had been slain, 
! had not the Phliasian horse come up that in- 
stant, and by riding round to the rear of the 
Mantineans obliged them to stop all pursuit. 
I And after these transactions the Mantineans 
: departed to their own home. 

Agesilaus having heard these things, and 
judging now that the mercenaries from Orcho- 
menus would not join him, set forwards from 
j Eutaea. After the first day's march he supped 
j his army in the district of Tegea ; but in the 
j second day's march, he passeth over into the 
| dominions of Mantinea, and encamped under 
! the mountains of Mantinea which lay to the 
| west ; and from thence he ravaged the country, 
and laid waste all the cultivated ground. The 
Arcadians however who had assembled at 
Asea marched by night into Tegea. The 
next day Agesilaus encamped his army at the 
distance of about ' twenty stadia from Man- 
tinea. The Arcadians from Tegea were now 
approaching with a very numerous body of 
heavy-armed, marching between the mountains 
of Mantinea and Tegea, and bent on complet- 
ing their junction with the Mantineans. The 
Argives however had not yet joined them 
with all their force. Some persons therefore 
advised Agesilaus to attack them before the 
Argives came up. But apprehensive, that 
whilst he was advancing against them the 
Mantineans might sally out of their city, 
and then he might be attacked both in flank 
and rear; he judged it most prudent to let 
them complete their junction ; and then, if 
they had a mind to fight, he could engage 
them upon fair and equal terms. But now 



ι About two miles. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



477 



that thi Arcadians had completed this junction, 
when the targeteers from Orchomenus, accom- 
panied by the horsemen from Phlius, after 
marching by night under the walls of Manti- 
nea, appear at break of day within the view of 
Agesilaus, who was sacrificing in the front of 
the camp, they made all others run to their 
posts, and Agesilaus retire to his heavy-armed. 
But when they were discovered to be friends, 
and Agesilaus had sacrificed with favourable 
omens, after dinner he led the army forwards ; 
and at the approach of night he encamped, un- 
observed by the enemy, in a valley behind but 
very near Mantinea, and surrounded on all 
sides by mountains. The next day, so soon as 
it was light, he sacrificed in the front of his 
camp : and discovering that the Mantineans 
were come out of the city and gathering to- 
gether on the mountains in the rear of his 
camp, he found the necessity of getting out of 
this valley without loss 0/ time. But now in 
case he led the way in the van, he was appre- 
hensive the enemy might attack his rear. He 
therefore stood to his post, and making the 
heavy-armed face towards the enemy, he or- 
dered those in the rear to make a wheel to the 
right and march behind the phalanx on to- 
wards him. In this manner he got them out of 
this narrow ground, and was continually adding 
strength to the phalanx. And when once it 
was doubled, he advanced into the plain with 
his heavy-armed in this arrangement, and 
then opened the whole army again into files of 
nine or ten shields in depth. The Mantineans, 
however, gave him no opposition. For the 
Eleans, who now had joined them, persuaded 
them by no means to give him battle till the 
Thebans were come up. They said " they 
were well assured the Thebans would soon be 
with them, since themselves had lent them ten 
talents ' to forward their march." And the 
Arcadians, hearing this account, rested quietly 
in Mantinea. 

But Agesilaus, though vastly desirous to 
march the army off, for it was now the middle 
of winter, yet continued three days longer in 
his post, at no great distance from the city of 
Mantinea, that he might not seom to be too 
much in a hurry to be gone. Yet on the 
fourth day, after dinner, he led them off with 
a design to encamp on the ground he had en- 
camped on before, after the first day's march 



» i,9ra 



from Eutsca. But as none of the Arcadians 
appeared in sight, he marched with all speed 
quite as far as Euta;a, though it was exceed- 
ingly late before he reached it, desirous to carry 
off the heavy-armed before they could see the 
enemy's fires, that no one might say his de- 
parture was a flight. He judged that he had 
done enough to raise the spirits of his country- 
men after the late dejection with which they 
had been oppressed, since he had broken into 
Arcadia, and no one durst give him battle 
whilst he was laying the country waste. And 
so soon as he was returned into Laconia, he 
sent the Spartans home, and dismissed the 
neighbouring people to their respective cities. 

The Arcadians, now that Agesilaus was 
gone, and as they heard had disbanded the 
army, since they were all assembled in a body, 
march against the Heraeans, because they would 
not be associated in the Arcadian league, and 
had joined the Lacedaemonians in the invasion 
of Arcadia. They broke into their country, 
where they set the'houses on fire and cut down 
the trees. But as now they received intelli- 
gence that the Theban aid was come to Man- 
tinea, they evacuate Heraea and join the The- 
bans. When they were thus all together, the 
Thebans thought they had done enough for 
their honour, since they had marched to the aid 
of their friends, and found the enemy had quite 
evacuated their country, and therefore they were 
preparing to return home. But the Arcadians, 
Argives, and Eleans persuaded them to march 
without loss of time into Laconia, expatiating 
much on their own numbers, and crying up to 
the skies this Theban army ; 2 for, in fact, the 
Boeotians had kept to the constant exercise of 
arms ever since they had been elated with their 
victory at Leuctra. They were now attended 
by the Phocians, whom they had reduced to 
subjection ; by the people of every city in Eu- 
bcea; by both the Locrians, Acamanians, He- 
racleots, and the Maliensians. They had also 
with them some horsemen and targeteers from 
Thessaly. Delighted with so fine an army, 
and insisting on the desolate condition of La- 
cedsemon, they earnestly entreated them " not 
to go home again without making any irruption 
into the dominions of the Lacedaemonians." 
The Thebans, after giving them the hearing, 
alleged on the other side, that " to break into 
Laconia was a very difficult undertaking at 

a Epaminondas and Pelopidas were chief commander» 
of it. 



478 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



v4 tliov took it for granted that proper j 
guards wore posted at the places that were . 
For in fact Ischolaus kept, 
guard at Ium in the Skiritis with a party of 
four hundred men, consisting of Spartans newly 
enfranchised, and the most active exiles from 
Tegca. There was also another guard posted 
at Leuctra in the Maleatis. The Thebans j 
reckoned besides, that the whole strength of | 
the Lacedemonians would soon be drawn to- : 
gether, and would never fight better than on I 
their own ground. All these things occurred 
to their reflection, and they showed no eager- 
ness to march against Lacedaemon. But when 
some persons came from Caryae, who con- 
firmed the account of their desolate state, and 
even undertook to be the guides of their 
march, with a frank desire " to be put to death 
if they deceived them in any point ;" and some 
people also of the neighbourhood of Sparta ar- 
rived with an invitation for them to come on, 
and a promise to revolt if they would only 
show themselves in the country ; adding, that 
" some of those people distinguished by the 
title of their neighbours, would not give the 
Spartans the least assistance ;" hearing all this, 
and from all persons, too, the Thebans were at 
length persuaded. They broke in with their 
own army by way of Caryae, and the Arcadians 
by the pass of the Skiritis. But if Ischolaus 
had posted himself on their route on the most 
difficult part of the ascent, they said not a sin- 
gle person could have entered by that pass. 
Yet, willing now to have the joint aid of the 
people of Ium, he had continued in that vil- 
lage. The Arcadians mounted the ascent in 
very numerous bodies. And here the soldiers 
under Ischolaus, so long as they had the enemy 
only in their front, had greatly the superiority 
over them, but when they were gotten in their 
rear and on their flanks, and climbing up to the 
tops of houses, were galling and pouring their 
javelins upon them, then Ischolaus himself and 
all his people were slain, except a person or 
two of no note who might possibly escape. 
And the Arcadians, having thus successfully 
carried their point, marched on and joined the 
x-nebans at Caryse. ' 



» The army now under Epaminondas consisted of not 
fewer than forty thousand heavy• armed. The light- 
armed were also very nnmerous ; and numhers without 
any arms at all were following for plunder ; bo that the 
rumber of enemies which now invaded Laconia was not 
less than seventy thousand men. It was seven hundred 



The Thebans, when they knew what had 
been done by the Arcadians, marched down 
into the country with much more spirit than 
before. They immediately put Sellasia to fire 
and sword ; and, when they were gotten into 
the plains, encamped themselves within the 
verge of the temple of Apollo : but next day 
they continued their march. They made no 
attempt however to pass the bridge towards 
Sparta, for the heavy-armed were seen posted 
in the temple at Alea ; but keeping the 
Eurotas on their right they continued their 
march, setting on fire and demolishing the 
houses, with all their grand and costly furni- 
ture. The women at Sparta had not spirits 
enough to look at the smoke, since never be- 
fore had they seen an enemy. The citizens of 
Sparta, whose city had no wall round it, were 
stationed in different posts. Their number at 
each guard was thin in fact, and appeared so 
too. But the magistrates thought proper to 
acquaint the Helots by proclamation, that " if 



years since the Dorians had settled in Lacedaemon ; and 
during this long period of time no enemy had ever be- 
fore been seen in Laconia, none had ever dared to invade 
the Spartans. Yet now an enemy was laying waste with 
fire and sword, and without any resistance too, a coun- 
try that never before had suffered devastation. Agesilaus 
would not suffer the Lacedaemonians to expose them- 
selves against so impetuous a flood and torrent of war ; 
but, having secured all the passes and eminences about 
Sparta with the heavy -armed, he heard with patience the 
threats and bravadoes of the enemy, who called out upon 
him by name, and bade him come out and fight for his 
country, since he was the author of all her distresses 
and had raised this war. Nor was bis patience less se- 
verely tried by the tumultuous, clamorous, and disorder- 
ly behaviour of the elder Spartans who were all rage 
and vexation, whilst the women too could not contain, 
but were quite mad and frantic at the shouts and fires 
of the enemy. He was sadly alarmed about his own 
reputation, since ; though Sparta had never been so great 
and powerful as when he succeeded to the government, 
he now saw her glory in grievous diminution, and his 
own big speeches proved insolent and vain; for it had 
been his frequent boast, that "no woman at Sparta had 
ever seen an enemy's smoke." It is said too that An- 
talcidas. wheu once disputing with an Athenian about 
the bravery of their countrymen, and the latter saying, 
" We have often drove you from the Cephissus," replied 
briskly, " But we never drove you from the Eurotas."' 
An answer of the spirited kind is also ascribed to a 
more obscure Spartan as made to an Argive : " Many of 
your countrymen," said the latter, " are interred in Ar- 
golica." " True," cried the Spartan, " but not one of 
yours in Laconia." And yet some affirm that Antalcidas, 
though at this very time one of the ephori, was under 
such a consternation, that he conveyed away his chil- 
dren to the island of Cythera.— Plutarch's life of Age- 
silaus. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



479 



any of them were willing to take up arms and 
go into the ranks, the public faith was pledged, 
that all who assisted in this war should hence- 
forth be free." It was said that more than six 
thousand of them immediately gave in their 
names ; so that, when formed into ranks, they 
struck a terror, and seemed to be quite too 
many. But when the mercenaries from Orcho- 
menus agreed to stay with them, and the Phli- 
asians, Corinthians, Epidaurians, Pellenians, 
and the troops of some other cities, were come 
up to the aid of the Lacedaemonians, they be- 
gan to be less in fear about the number of He- 
lots who gave in their names. 

When the army of the enemy was advanced 
to Amyclse, they there passed the Eurotas. ' 
As for the Thebans, whenever they encamped, 
they immediately cut down the trees, and piled 
up as many of them as they could before their 
lines, and so kept upon their guard. But the 
Arcadians scorned all such precautions : they 
left their arms, and minded nothing but break- 
ing and plundering of houses. The third or 
fourth day after, the horse advanced in regular 
array to the Hippodrome and temple of Nep- 
tune, all the horse of the Thebans and Eleans, 
and so many of the Phocian and Thessalian 
horse as were at hand. The Lacedaemonian 
horse, whose numbers appeared very thin in- 
deed, were drawn up to oppose them. But as 
they had placed an ambuscade of about three 
hundred men of their younger heavy-armed 
near the temple of the Tyndaridae, these started 
up against, and the horse at the same mo- 
ment of time rode down on the enemy. The 
enemy stood not the charge, but turned their 
backs : and many of their infantry too seeing 
this took immediately to flight. However, as 
the pursuit was soon discontinued, and the 
Theban army stood firm to their ground, they 
all returned to their camp. But after this 
they thought it would be too desperate an un- 
dertaking to make any fresh attempts upon the 
city : the whole army therefore filed off to- 
wards Elis and Gytheum. They set all the 
unwalled cities in flames, and for three days 
successively made an assault on Gytheum, 
where were the docks of the Lacedaemonians. 
There were some too of the neighbouring peo- 

» Epaminondas, as he was marching ft the head of 
his troops, was pointed out to Agesilaus, who, looking 
Bteadfastly at him for a time, and sending his eyes after 
him as he passed on, dropped only these words: — " Oh ! 
that frlorious rnan !" 



pie, who acted against them, and joined the 
Thebans. 

The Athenians, hearing this, were highly 
embarrassed about the conduct they ought to 
observe in regard to the Lacedaemonians, and 
pursuant to a decree of their senate held an 
assembly of the people. The ambassadors of 
the Lacedaemonians, and of the confederates 
who yet adhered to them, were introduced into 
this assembly. The Lacedaemonians, Aracus, 
Ocyllus, Pharax, Etymocles, and Olontheus, 
all spoke, and pretty much in the same strain, 
that, " from time immemorial the states of 
Athens and Lacedaemon had readily assisted 
one another in their most pressing necessities. 
Themselves," they said, " had co-operated to 
drive the tyrants out of Athens ; and the 
Athenians had marched to their assistance, 
when they were besieged by the Messenians." 
They proceeded to recite all the signal ser- 
vices they had done one another ; putting 
them in mind, " how they had fought in con- 
junction against the Barbarian ;" recalling to 
their remembrance, that " the Athenians were 
chosen by the body of Greece to command at 
sea, and to be treasurers of Greece, the Lace- 
daemonians advising it to be so ; and themselves 
were unanimously appointed by all the Gre- 
cians to be their leaders at land, the Atheni- 
ans advising it might be so." One of them, 
however, made use of the following expression : 
" If you, Athenians, act unanimously with us, 
there will be hope again, according to the old 
saying, of decimating the Thebans." 

The Athenians did not entirely relish what 
they said, since a murmur ran round the as- 
sembly, " This is their language at present ; 
yet, whilst they were in prosperity, they proved 
bitter enemies to us."• But the argument of 
greatest weight alleged by the Lacedaemonians 
was this, that " when they had warred the 
Athenians down, and the Thebans insisted 
upon their utter ruin, the Lacedaemonians had 
refused to comply ;" though the point chiefly 
insisted upon was this, that " in conformity to 
their oaths they ought to send them aid ; they 
(Lacedaemonians) had been guilty of no man- 
ner of injustice, when they were invaded by 
the Arcadians and their confederates ; they 
had only assisted the Tegeatae, upon whom the 
Mantineans had made war in direct contrariety 
to their oaths." At these words a great cla- 
mour arose in the assembly : for some persons 
averred that " with justice the Mantineans 



480 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VI. 



had assisted the party of Proxenus, some of 
whom had boon put to death by the party of 
Stasippus ;" whilst others maintained, that 
•• tliov had unjustly made war upon the Te- 
geata\" These points having raised a debate 
in the assembly, at last Cliteles the Corinthian 
cose up, and spoke as followeth : 

" The point at present in debate, Athenians, 
is this, who were the first aggressors 1 Yet in 
regard to us, after the peace was settled, who 
can accuse us of taking up arms against any 
state, or of taking any money from others, or 
of laying waste the lands of any people what- 
ever 1 But. the Thebans it is certain have 
marched into our territories, have cut down 
our trees, have set our houses in flames, and 
made plunder of our effects and our cattle. 
How, therefore, unless you give assistance to 
us who have been beyond all denial most in- 
juriously treated, how can you avoid a breach 
of oaths 1 oaths, too, which you yourselves 
took the care of administering, that all of us 
might faithfully swear to all of you." 

Here indeed the Athenians shouted aloud, 
that Cliteles spoke the words of truth and jus- 
tice. And then Patrocles the Phliasian rose 
up, and made the following speech : 

" When the Lacedaemonians are once out of 
their way, that you Athenians will be the first 
people the Thebans will attack,, is a truth in 
which all the world will agree : since you they 
regard as the only people who will then be left 
to hinder them from obtaining the empire of 
Greece. And if this be so, I must give it as 
my opinion, that you are as strongly obliged to 
take up arms and assist the Lacedaemonians, 
as if the distress was your own. That The- 
bans, your inveterate enemies and your nearest 
neighbours too, should become the sovereigns 
of Greece, will, in my judgment, be a point of 
much harder digestion to you, than when you 
had your rivals for empire seated more remote- 
ly from you. And with a much finer prospect 
of success will you now aid the latter in your 
own behalf, whilst yet they have some confe- 
derates! left, than if looking on till they are 
quite destroyed, you are then compelled to 
fight it out alone against the Thebans. 

" But if any be apprehensive that if the 
Lacedaemonians are now rescued from destruc- 
tion, they may hereafter prove very trouble- 
some to you ; remember, Athenians, that none 
ought to be alarmed at the reviving power of 
men to whom you have done good, but of men 



to whom you have done evil. You should 
farther recollect, that it ought to be the princi- 
pal care both of individuals and public com- 
munities, when they are in their most flourish- 
ing state, to secure themselves a future sup- 
port, that in case they are afterwards reduced, 
they may be sure of a ready redress in requital 
for former services. An opportunity is now 
offered to you by some one of the celestial 
powers, if you will hearken to their request 
and succour the Lacedaemonians, of gaining 
their eternal and sincerest friendship. You 
will do them a great kindness indeed, and nu- 
merous witnesses will be ever ready to attest it. 
For the powers above, who see all things both 
now and for ever, will know it ; your friends 
and your foes will be equally conscious of it ; 
to which must be added, all the Grecian, and 
all the Barbarian world. No act of yours on 
this occasion can be lost in oblivion ; insomuch 
that should they ever prove ungrateful to you, 
what state in the world will for the future 
manifest any regard for them 1 But we are 
bound to hope, that gratitude and not ingrati- 
tude will always be the practice of the Lace- 
daemonians. For if ever people did, they may 
certainly be allowed to have persisted in the 
love of everything praiseworthy, and to have 
refrained from everything that is base. 

" Let me suggest one point more to your 
reflection, that should Greece be ever again 
endangered by Barbarians, in whom could you 
confide more strongly than in Lacedaemonians ? 
whom could you see with so much delight in 
the same lines of battle with yourselves, as 
the men who once posted at Thermopylae chose 
rather to fight and die to a man, than to save 
their lives and let the Barbarian into Greece? 
With what justice therefore can you or can 
we refuse to show all alacrity in the behalf of 
men, who have acted such noble parts in compa- 
ny with yourselves, and who it is hoped would 
be ready to act them again 1 But it is well 
worthy of you to show alacrity in their behalf, 
though merely because so many of your confe- 
derates are present to be eye-witnesses of it. 
For you may rest assured, that all such as re- 
main faithful to the Lacedaemonians in their 
present distress, will hereafter scorn them 
should they prove ungrateful to you. 

« If again we, who are ready to share the 
danger with you, should seem but petty in- 
considerable states, reflect, Athenians, that 
when Athens hath put itself at our head, we 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



481 



shall march to the aid of the Lacedaemonians 
in numbers well worthy to be respected. 

" I have long ago, Athenians, been stricken 
with admiration of this your community, when 
I heard that all men who suffered under injus- 
tice, or were afraid of suffering, betook them- 
selves to you for redress, and always obtained 
it. But now I rely no longer on my ears ; I am 
here present among you ; and see with my own 
eyes the most famous Lacedaemonians, accom- 
panied by their own most faithful friends, at- 
tending upon you and imploring your succour. 
I see even Thebans, too, who once in vain so- 
licited the Lacedaemonians to enslave you all, 
now promoting the request, that you would not 
look quietly at the destruction of men who 
have been your preservers. It is handed down 
in honour of your progenitors, that they would 
not suffer the dead bodies of the Argives, who 
perished at the Cadmea, to remain uninterred. 
But it would be much more honourable for 
you, if you would not suffer such of the Lace- 
daemonians as are yet alive to be injuriously 
treated or utterly destroyed. There is too 
another glorious piece of behaviour, that when 
you had put a stop to the insolence of Eurys- 
theus, you took all possible care to save the 
children of Hercules. But would it not be 
much more glorious, if you, who saved the 
founders, would proceed to save the whole 
community 1 And it would be most glorious 
of all, if, as once these Lacedaemonians saved 
you by a vote that cost them nothing, you 
would now with arms and through a series of 
dangers go to their relief. The case will then 
be, that whilst we are exulting for joy, we who 
have prevailed upon you by our exhortation to 
succour such worthy men, upon you, I say, who 
are able effectually to succour them, the credit 
of such high generosity will be all your own, 
who, after having been oftentimes friends and 
oftentimes enemies to the Lacedaemonians, 
forgot all the mischief, remembered only the 
good they had done you, and abundantly re- 
quited them, not merely in your own, but in 
behalf of Greece your common country, in 
whose cause they have ever bravely distinguish- 
ed themselves." 

After this the Athenians went to consulta- 
tion, but would not hear with patience such as 
spoke against the aid. They passed a decree 
" to march to their aid with the whole strength 
of Athens," and chose Iphicrates to command. 
41 



But when the sacrifices were auspicious, and 
he had issued out his orders, that " they should 
all take their suppers in the aoademy," it was 
said that numbers of them marched out of the 
city before Iphicrates. At length he put him- 
self at their head ; they followed their com- 
mander, imagining he was conducting them to 
some noble achievement. But when upon 
reaching Corinth he dallied away some days 
in that city, this gave them the first occasion to 
censure him for loss of time. Yet again, when 
he led them out of Corinth, they followed with 
alacrity wheresoever he led them, and with 
alacrity assaulted the fortress he pointed out 
to them. Of the enemies indeed at Lacedae- 
mon, the Arcadians, and Argives, and Eleans 
were mostly departed, since they dwelt on 
the borders, driving before them and carrying 
off the booty they had taken. The Thebans 
and the rest had also a mind to be going, as 
from day to day they saw the army was lessen- 
ing; partly, because provisions were grown 
more scarce, owing to the quantities that had 
been consumed, ravaged, wasted, or burnt. 
Beside this, it was winter, so that all persons 
were desirous to be at home. And when the 
enemy were thus retreated from Lacedaemon, 
Iphicrates too led the Athenians back out of 
Arcadia to Corinth. 

In regard to any instances of fine conduct 
during his other commands, I have nothing to 
object against Iphicrates. But on the present 
occasion I find the whole of his conduct not 
only unavailing but even prejudicial. He en- 
deavoured to post himself so at Oneum, that 
the Boeotians might not be able to go that 
way back, but he left the finest pass of all, 
that by Cenchrea, unguarded. Being farther 
desirous to know whether the Thebans took 
the route of Oneum, he sent out all the Athe- 
nian and Corinthian horse to observe their mo- 
tions. A few horsemen might have performed 
\his service full as well as. larger numbers ; and 
in case they were obliged to retire, a few with 
much more ease than a larger number might 
have found out a commodious road, and securely 
retreated. But to carry out large numbers, 
and after all inferior in number to the enemy, 
how can such conduct escape the imputation 
of folly 1 For this body of horse, when drawn 
up in lines, were compelled by their very num- 
ber to cover a large tract of ground ; and, when 
obliged to retire, made their retreat through 
3L 



482 



XENOPHON. 



[book VI. 



several and all of them difficult roads ; inso- 
much that not fewer than twenty of them were 

ι No sooner wore they returned to Thebes, than, 
through the envy and malevolence of some of their own 
community, an attempt was made upon the lives of the 
commanders. A capital accusation was preferred 
against them for having continued in the command four 
months longer than their legal appointment. Epami- 
nondas persuaded his colleagues to exculpate themselves 
by throwing all the blame upon him. His own plea 
was, that " if what he had done could not justify itself, 
all that he could say would stand him in little stead. He 
should therefore trouble his judges on this occasion only 
with this small request, that if he must suffer death, the 
sentence to be inscribed on a pillar might be so drawn 



slain. And then the Thebans had all the 
roads open to march home as they pleased. 1 



up, that the Grecians might know that Epaminondas 
had forced the Thebans against their will to lay Laconia 
waste with fire and sword, which for five hundred years 
had been free from any devastation ; that he had restored 
the city of Messene two hundred and thirty years after 
its demolition ; had united the Arcadians amongst them- 
selves, and in firm friendship with the Thebans : and had 
recovered the liberty and independence of Greece, since 
all these things were done in his last expedition." His 
judges immediately quitted the bench with a laugh, nor 
would suffer any vote to be taken about him. — Plutarch's 
Apophthegms. 



THE 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



BOOK VII. 



[483] 



CONTENTS OF BOOK VII. 



A league betwee λ the Athenians and Lacedaemonians. — Continuation of the war. — Account of Lycomedes and 
the war in Ar:adia.— The victory gained by Archidamus.— The Theban negotiations in Persia.— History of 
the Phliasians. —Account of Euphron.— The battle of Mantinea, in which Epaminondas is slain. 



[484] 



THE 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE 



BOOK VII. 



I. Next year ambassadors from the Lacedae- 
monians and confederates arrived at Athens, 
fully empowered to settle the conditions of an 
alliance offensive and defensive between the 
Lacedaemonians and the Athenians. After 
many of the foreign ministers and many of the 
Athenians too had given their opinions that 
the alliance ought to be made upon fair and 
equal terms, Patrocles the Phliasian made the 
following speech : 

" Since, Athenians, you are come to a reso- 
lution to make a league with the Lacedaemoni- 
ans, it is my opinion that one point yet remain- 
eth to be considered — by what method the 
friendship between you may be rendered as 
lasting as possible. If therefore we can settle 
the terms in such a manner as may be highly 
fur the advantage of either party, then in all 
probability we may most firmly continue 
friends. Other points are already well nigh 
agreed on both sides ; what at present remain- 
cth to be considered is the point of command. 
It hath already been resolved by your senate, 
that it shall be yours at sea, and the Lacedae- 
monians shall have it by land. An adjust- 
ment this, which in my opinion is marked out 
for you by the constitution and determination 
both of earth and heaven. For, in the first 
place, your own situation is most finely adapted 
by nature to this very purpose. A very great 
number of states who want the sea for their 
support are seated round about your Athens, 
and all these states are weaker than your own. 
Besides this you have harbours, without which 
it is not possible to exert a naval power. You 
are moreover possessed of a great number of 
triremes, and the enlargement of your navy 
hath been from every generation your principal 
study. Nay, what is more, the arts needful 
41* 



for these purposes are all your own, and you 
far excel the rest of the world in naval skill : 
for most persons in your community earn their 
livelihood at sea ; so that, whilst employed in 
your own personal concerns, you grow expe- 
rienced in all the important points which are to 
be decided on the sea. Add to this, that such 
numerous fleets have never sailed out from any 
harbours as from your own ; and hence accrues 
the strongest reason why you should have the 
command at sea. For all men flock with the 
most prompt alacrity to what hath been ever- 
more invested with strength. And the gods, 
it must be added, have granted you a high 
measure of success in this respect. For in the 
very many and most important struggles you 
have undergone at sea, you have incurred the 
fewest losses, you have in general been re- 
markably successful. It standeth therefore to 
reason, that the confederates, with the most 
prompt alacrity, will take a share in all your 
dangers. 

" But convince yourselves from what I am 
going to say, how indispensably needful to you 
it is to take all possible care of the sea. The 
Lacedaemonians made war upon you formerly 
for many years together, and though they 
became masters of your territory, yet were 
nothing nearer their grand scheme of demolish- 
ing your power. But no sooner had God given 
them a victory over you at sea, than instantly 
you became their vassals. Hence therefore it 
is clear beyond a scruple, that your own pre- 
servation is entirely connected with the sea. 
And if this is the true state of things, how can 
it be for your interest to suffer the Lacedae- 
monians to have the command at sea 1 In the 
first place, they own themselves that their skill 
on this element is inferior to yours. In the next 

485 



486 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII 



place, you do not encounter dangers at sea upon 
equal terms ; since they hazard only the men 
who serve on board their ships, but you, your 
children, and your wives, and your whole com- 
munity. This is the state of the point on your 
side, but it is very different on that of the La- 
cedaemonians. For, in the first place, they 
dwell within the land ; insomuch that so long 
as they are masters at land, though they are 
hindered from putting out to sea, they can 
live in peace and affluence. Even mindful 
therefore of this their situation, they train up 
their people from their infancy in that discipline 
of war which is suitable to the land ; and espe- 
cially, which is worth all the rest, in obedience 
to those who command them. They truly are 
strongest at land, and you are the strongest at 
sea. And in the next place, as you are soon- 
est out at sea, so they draw out most expedi- 
tiously and in the greatest numbers at land : 
and likely it is, for this very reason, that the 
confederates with the greatest confidence will 
ever join them there. Nay, what is more, 
even God hath granted them very signal suc- 
cesses upon the land, in the same measure as he 
hath granted them to you at sea. For in the 
very many most important struggles they have 
undergone at land, they have received the few- 
est defeats, and have in general been remarka- 
bly successful. And hence, that to take care at 
land is no less necessary to them than to you 
at sea, you may readily learn from fact itself. 
For when for many years together you were at 
war with them, and oftentimes fought at sea 
successfully against them, yet you made no 
progress at all in warring them down. But no 
sooner were they once defeated at land, than 
the loss of their children, and their wives, and 
their whole community became instantly en- 
dangered. How therefore can it be but dreadful 
to them to suffer any other state to take com- 
mand by land over them who have most bravely 
achieved the pre-eminence there ! 

" So much, in pursuance of the resolution 
of the senate, I have said on this occasion, and 
think I have advised the best for both. But 
may your determinations prove the best for all 
of us : and may success attend all your under- 
takings !" 

In this manner Patrocles spoke ; and the 
Athenians in general, and such Lacedaemoni- 
ans as were present, heartily agreed in com- 
mending his advice. But Cephisodotus stood 
up and spoke as followeth : 



" You perceive not, Athenians, how sadly you 
are going to be over-reached ; but if you will 
give me attention, I will immediately show you. 
You yourselves, forsooth, are to command at sea. 
But it is clear, that if the Lacedaemonians act in 
confederacy with you, they will send you La- 
cedaemonian captains to command the vessels, 
and perhaps Lacedaemonian marines, but the 
seamen of a truth will be only Helots or hire- 
lings ; and then over such as these you will be 
invested with the command. But whenever 
the Lacedaemonians issue out their mandate 
for an expedition by land, you will for certain 
send to them your own cavalry and your heavy- 
armed. And thus beyond all dispute, they be- 
come the rulers of your very ownselves, whilst 
you can be such only over slaves and the very 
dregs of mankind. But (said he) answer me 
one question, you Timocrates of Lacedaemon : 
did you not say just now, that you come hither 
to make an alliance upon fair and equal terms V*' 
I said so. " Can any thing therefore be more 
reasonable (said Cephisodotus) than that each 
should command alternately at sea, alternately 
too at land ; and if there be any pre-eminent 
advantage at sea, that you should come in for 
your share of it ; and we the same by land V 

The Athenians, upon hearing this, quite 
changed their sentiments, and drew up a de- 
cree, that, " each side should command alter- 
nately for the space of five days." 

Both parties with their confederates now 
taking the field for Corinth, it was resolved %o 
guard Oneum in conjunction. And when the 
Thebans and confederates l approached, the dif- 
ferent parties of the enemy drew up on their 
several guards, the Lacedaemonians and Pelle- 
nians being posted in that quarter which was 
most likely to be attacked. But the Thebans 
and confederates, after advancing within 2 thirty 
stadia of the guard, encamped in the plain. 
Having then allowed a proper interval of time, 
which they thought they should spend in com- 
pletely marching up, they advanced at twilight 
towards the guard of the Lacedaemonians. 
And they were not deceived in their allowance 
of time, but rushed in upon the Lacedaemoni- 
ans and Pellenians, when the nightly watch 
was already dismissed, and the others were rising 
up from the straw where they had taken their 
repose. At this very time the Thebans fall 



ι Under the command of Epaminondas 
- ALuut three trues. 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



487 



in amongst them, prepared for action against 
men unprepared, and in regular order against 
men in total disorder. But when such as 
could save themselves from the danger had 
fled to the nearest eminence, and the comman- 
der of the Lacedaemonians had it still in his 
power to take to his aid as many heavy-armed 
and as many targeteers from the confederates 
as he pleased, and keep possession of Oneum, 
(since all necessary provisions might have been 
safely brought them from Cenchrea,) he did 
it not ; but on the contrary, when the Thebans 
were in great perplexity how to get down by 
the .pass towards Sicyon, or about returning 
the same way they came, he clapped up a truce 
(as most people thought) more for the advan- 
tage of the Thebans than of his own party, 
and in pursuance of it retreated, and marched 
off his troops. In consequence of this, the 
Thebans having marched down in safety, and 
joined their own confederates the Arcadians, 
Argives, and Eleans, carried on their assaults 
without loss of time against Sicyon and Pel- 
lene. They marched also against Epidaurus, 
and laid waste all their territory. And retreat- 
ing from hence in a manner that showed the 
utmost contempt of all their enemies, when 
they came near the city of Corinth, they ran 
full speed towards the gates that look towards 
Phlius, with a design if they were open to 
rush in at once. But a party of light-armed 
sallied out of the city, and met the chosen 
party of the Thebans at a distance not of four 
plethra from the wall. These mounted im- 
mediately on the monuments and eminences 
that were near, and pouring in their darts and 
javelins kill a great many of this foremost 
body, and having put them to flight pursued 
them three or four stadia. And when this 
was done, the Corinthians having dragged the 
bodies of the slain to the wall, and restored 
them afterwards by truce, erected a trophy. 
And by this turn of fortune the confederates 
of the Lacedaemonians were restored to better 
spirits. 

These incidents had scarcely taken place, 
when the aid to the Lacedaemonians from 
Dionysius arrived, consisting of more than 
twenty triremes. They brought Celtae and 
Iberians, and about fifty horsemen. But next 
day the Thebans and confederates having 
formed into order of battle, and filled all the 
plain quite down to the sea and quite up to 
the eminences which are near the city, de- 



stroyed every thing in the plain that could bo 
of use to the enemy. The horse of the Athe- 
nians and Corinthians never advanced within 
any nearness of the enemy, perceiving how 
very strong and numerous they were. But the 
horsemen of Dionysius, however inconsiderable 
in their number, straggled from one another 
and were scouring all over the plain ; now 
riding up, they threw their javelins at the 
enemy ; and so soon as the enemy rushed for- 
wards they again rode off; and presently, wheel- 
ing about, they kept pouring in their javelins ; 
and in the midst of these feats dismounted 
from their horses and rested. But in case any 
of the enemy rode at them whilst thus dis- 
mounted, they were again in their seats with 
great agility, and rode off safe. Nay, if pursued 
to any considerable distance from the army, no 
sooner were the pursuers on retreat, than close 
behind them and plying at them with their 
javelins, they made havoc, and merely of them- 
selves obliged the whole army of the enemy 
alternately to advance and retire. And after 
this the Thebans making only a few days' stay 
went off for Thebes, and the rest of the con- 
federates dispersed to their several homes. 

But the aid from Dionysius march after- 
wards against Sicyon, and beat the Sicyonians 
in a battle on the plain, and slew about seventy 
of them. They also take by storm the fort of 
Dera. But after these exploits, this first aid 
from Dionysius sailed away for Syracuse. 

Hitherto, the Thebans, and all such as had 
revolted from the Lacedsemonians, had acted 
and taken the field together with perfect una- 
nimity, the Thebans being in the command. 
But now one Lycomedes of Mantinea, a man 
in birth inferior to none, but superior in wealth 
and of extraordinary ambition, began to inter- 
fere. This man quite filled the Arcadians 
with notions of their own importance ; telling 
them, " Peloponnesus was a country exclu- 
sively their own," (for they alone were the 
original inhabitants of it,) "the Arcadians 
were theanost numerous people in all Greece, 
and had their persons most remarkably qualified 
for action." He then showed them to be the 
most valiant people in Greece : producing in 
proof, that " when other states had need of 
auxiliaries, they evermore gave preference to 
the Arcadians ;" that, moreover, " without 
them the Lacedsemonians had never dared to 
invade the Athenians, and now without the 
Arcadians the Thebans duist not take the 



488 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



field against Lacedaemon. If therefore you 
can sec your own interest, you will discontinue 
the custom of following whenever another state 
may call for your attendance ; since formerly, 
by thus following the Lacedaemonians, you 
augmented their power; and now, if rashly 
you follow the Thebans, and do not insist upon 
your turn in the command, you may perhaps 
find them in a little time to be second Lace- 
daemonians." 

The Arcadians by listening to these dis- 
courses were highly puffed up, quite doated 
on Lycomedes, and thought him the only man, 
insomuch that they chose such persons to be 
their magistrates, as he was pleased to point 
out to them. Many things had also coincided 
to give the Arcadians high notions of them- 
selves. For when the Argives had invaded 
Epidaurus, and their retreat was cut off by the 
Athenians and Corinthians under Chabrias, 
they went to their aid when almost reduced to 
a surrender, and set the Argives at liberty, 
though they had not only the disadvantage of 
numbers, but even of situation to struggle 
against. Taking the field another time against 
Asine in Laconia, they beat the Lacedaemo- 
nian garrison, they slew Geranor the Spartan 
who commanded, and plundered the suburbs of 
Asine. Nay, whenever they resolved to act, 
neither night, nor winter, nor any length of 
march, nor mountains difficult of passage could 
stop them ; insomuch that at the present junc- 
ture of time they esteemed themselves as the 
bravest of men. For these reasons truly the 
Thebans beheld them with envy, and could no 
longer manifest good-will to the Arcadians. 
The Eleans also, when on re-demanding from 
the Arcadians those cities which had been 
taken from them by the Lacedaemonians, they 
found that the Arcadians wholly slighted every 
thing they alleged, and even manifested high 
regard to the Tryphyllians and other people 
who had revolted from them, on the haughty 
pretext that they too were Arcadians, — for 
these reasons the Eleans were also bitterly in- 
censed against them. 

Whilst the states of the confederacy were 
thus severally setting up for themselves, Phi- 
liscus of Abydus arriveth from Ariobarzanes, 
furnished with a large sum of money. In the 
first place, therefore, he caused the Thebans 
and confederates, and the Lacedaemonians, to 
meet together at Delphi to treat about a peace. 
But when assembled there, they never re- 



quested the advice of the god in relation to the 
peace, but made it a subject merely for their 
own consultations. And when the Thebans 
positively refused to leave Messene in the 
power of the Lacedaemonians, Philiscus drew 
together a large body of mercenaries to serve 
as aids on the side of the Lacedaemonians. 
And whilst these things were doing, the second 
aid arriveth from Dionysius. The Athenians 
allege " these ought to be sent into Thessaly 
to make head against the Thebans ;" the La- 
cedaemonians are " for landing them in Laco- 
nia ;" and the latter opinion carried it with the 
allies. When therefore the aid from Dionysius 
had sailed round to Lacedaemon, Archidamus 
taking them under his command marched out 
with the domestic troops of that state. He 
took Caryae by storm, and put all the persons 
he found in it to the sword. From thence 
without loss of time he led them on against 
Parrhasia of Arcadia, and laid waste the coun- 
try. But so soon as the Arcadians and Ar- 
gives were come out into the field he retreated, 
and encamped on the high ground of Midea. 
Whilst he was in this post, Cassidas who com-' 
manded the aid from Dionysius notified to 
him, that "the time limited for his stay in 
Greece is expired ;" and he had no sooner noti- 
fied this, than he marche<J off for Sparta. But 
when the Messenians had stopped him on his 
route by besetting the narrow passes, he sent 
back to Archidamus and begged his assistance ; 
and Archidamus immediately began his march. 
When they were got as far as the turning in 
the road that leadeth to Euctresii, the Arca- 
dians and Argives were advancing into Laconia 
to stop his proceeding farther on the road to 
Sparta. Archidamus now turneth aside into 
the plain near the spot where the roads to 
Euctresii and Midea meet, and formeth into 
order of battle, as resolved on an engagement. 
It is said that he went up to the front of the 
army, and animated the men by the following 
exhortation : 

" Countrymen and soldiers! let us now be 
brave, and look our enemies directly in the 
face. Let us bequeath our country to our 
posterity as we received it from our fathers. 
From this moment let us cease to make our 
children, our wives, our elders, and our foreign 
friends ashamed of the behaviour of men, who 
in former days were the admiration of Greece." 

These words -were no sooner uttered, than 
(according to report) though the sky was clear 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



489 



it lightened and thundered, being omens of 
success. There happened also to be on his 
right wing a grove and an image consecrated 
to Hercules, from whom Archidamus is said 
to be descended. The concurrence of such 
auspicious signs inspired, as they say, such 
vigour and spirit into his soldiers, that it was 
difficult for the commander to restrain them 
from rushing forwards towards the enemy. 
And indeed no sooner did Archidamus lead 
them to the charge, than those few of the ene- 
my who had the courage to stand it were im- 
mediately slain; the rest were all in flight, 
and were slaughtered, many by the horse, and 
many by the Celtae. When the battle was 
over and the trophy erected, Archidamus im- 
mediately despatched Demoteles the herald to 
Sparta, to notify there the greatness of the vic- 
tory, since not one Lacedaemonian was slain, 
but a very great number indeed of the enemy. 
It is reported, that the news was no sooner 
heard at Sparta, than Agesilaus, the elders, and 
the ephori, began setting the example, and at 
length the whole community wept: 1 thus 
common are tears both to sorrow and joy. Not 
but that the Thebans and the Eleans were as 
much rejoiced as the Lacedaemonians them- 
selves at this blow given to the Arcadians : so 
highly did they resent their late assuming be- 
haviour. 

As the point at which the Thebans were 
aiming was how to attain the sovereignty of 
Greece, they now thought, that should they 



ι Plutarch in the life of Agesilaus gives a fuller ac- 
count of the rejoicing at Sparta on this occasion, which 
he introduces with so pertinent but shrewd an observa- 
tion, that the whole passage well deserves a notice: — 
" Nothing (says he) so much betrayed the weakness of 
the Spartan state as this victory. Ever before this time 
they had looked upon themselves as so entitled by pre- 
scription and by right .to conquer in battle, that for the 
greatest victories they sacrificed nothing hut a cock, the 
combatants never uttered any words of exultation, and 
the news of them inspired no hearer with any extraor- 
dinary joy. Even after the battle of Mantinea, which 
Thucydides hath described, the magistrates sent a piece 
of flesh from their own table as a reward to the person 
who brought them the news, and made him no other 
present. But after this victory was published, and Ar- 
chidamus in his return drew near to Sparta, not a soul 
but was quite transported : his father Agesilaus cried for 
joy and went out to meet him, attended with the whole 
magistracy. The elders of the city and the women 
flocked down to the river Eurotas, lifting up their 
hands to heaven and giving thanks to the gods, as if 
Sparta now had cleared her reputation from all the late 
disgraces, and as bright a prospect as ever was opened 
before her." 



send to the king of Persia, by his assistance 
they might accomplish their scheme. With 
this view they summoned their confederates 
to a meeting ; and, on the pretext that Eu- 
thycles the Lacedaemonian was then with the 
king, Pelopidas is sent up by the Thebans : 
Antiochus the Pancratiast by the Arcadians; 
Archidamus by the Eleans ; and an Argive 
ambassador went also in their company. The 
Athenians hearing this sent Timagoras and 
Leo to solicit against them When they were 
all arrived, Pelopidas had soon gained the 
greatest interest in the Persian monarch. He 
could justly plead, that " of all the Grecians 
the Thebans alone had joined the royal army 
at Plataea, and ever since that time had never 
joined in any war against the king ;" and that 
the Lacedaemonians had made war upon them 
for this reason only, because they had refused 
to act against him under the command of 
Agesilaus, nor would permit the latter to sac- 
rifice at Aulis, where Agamemnon had for- 
merly sacrificed, and thence beginning his ex- 
pedition into Asia had taken Troy." Other 
circumstances also concurred to procure Pelo- 
pidas more honourable treatment, such as that 
the Thebans had been victorious in the battle 
of Leuctra; and farther, quite masters of the 
country, had laid waste the dominions of the 
Lacedaemonians. Pelopidas moreover insinuat- 
ed, that " the Argives and Arcadians had 
been defeated in battle by the Lacedaemonians, 
merely because the Thebans were not there." 
Timagoras the Athenian bore witness to him, 
and vouched the truth of whatever Pelopidas 
said ; he therefore was honoured by the king, 
in the next degree to Pelopidas. At length, 
Pelopidas was asked by the king, " what he 
would have him insist upon in his letter V 
He answered, that " Messene should be left 
free and independent by the Lacedaemonians, 
and the Athenians should lay up their fleet. 
And in case they refused to comply, war should 
be declared against them. And if any state 
refused to join in the war, that state should be 
first invaded." These points being committed 
to writing, and then read aloud to the ambassa- 
dors, Leo cried out in the hearing of the king, 
" In good truth, Athenians, it is high time for 
you to look out another friend instead of the 
king." And when the secretary had interpret- 
ed what the Athenian said, the king ordered 
this qualifying article to be added ; " But id 
case the Athenians are able to devise *- -re 
3M 



400 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



offoctual expedients, let them repair hither 
ind communicate thorn to the king." No 
*ooncr wore those ambassadors returned to 
their several homos than the Athenians put 
Timagoras to death ; since Leo preferred an 
accusation against him, «' for refusing to lodge 
in the same apartment with him, and for 
bearing a share in all the schemes of Pelopi- 
das." As to the rest of the ambassadors, 
Archidamus the Elean highly applauded the 
king's declaration, because he had given the 
preference to the Eleans over the Arcadians. 
But Antiochus, because the Arcadic body was 
slighted by him, refused his presents, and told 
the magistrates of Arcadia at his return, that 
'•' the king, it is true, was master over an in- 
finite number of bakers and cooks, butlers and 
door-keepers, but though he had looked about 
with his utmost diligence to discover the men, 
who were able to fight with Grecians, he had 
not been able to get the sight of any." He 
added, that " in his opinion his vast quantity of 
wealth was mere empty pageantry ; since the 
very plane-tree of gold, so much celebrated by 
fame, was not large enough to afford shade to a 
grasshopper." But when the Thebans had 
summoned deputations from all the states to 
come and hear the king's epistle ; and the Per- 
sian, who brought it, after showing the royal 
signet, had read aloud the contents, the The- 
bans commanded all " who were desirous of 
the king's friendship and of theirs, to swear ob- 
servance ;" but the deputies from the states 
replied, that " their commission was not to 
swear but to hear. And if oaths were neces- 
sary, they bade the Thebans send round to the 
several states." Lycomedes the Arcadian added J 
farther, that " this congress ought not to have 
been holden in Thebes, but in the seat of the 
war." The Thebans however resenting this, 
and telling him " he was destroying the Con- 
federacy," Lycomedes would no longer assist at 
any consultation, but instantly quitted Thebes, 
and went home accompanied by all the de- 
puties from Arcadia. Yet as those remaining 
at Thebes refused to take the oaths, the The- 
bans sent ambassadors round to the several 
states, commanding them " to swear to the ob- 
servance of what had been written by the j 
king ;" concluding that each state, thus singly 
to be sworn, would be afraid of incurring the j 
resentments of themselves and the king by a j 
refusal. Howevei, the first place to which 
they repaired was Corinth. And the Corinth- j 



ians standing out, and remonstrating that " thej 
wanted no swearing to treaties with the king," 
many other states followed their example, and 
answered to the same effect. And thus the 
grand scheme of .empire so long agitated by 
Pelopidas and the Thebans was totally discon- 
certed. 

But now Epaminondas, being desirous to 
begin again with the reduction of the Achaeans, 
in order to render the Arcadians and the rest 
of the confederates more attentive to the friend- 
ship of the Thebans, determined to make war 
upon Achaia. He therefore persuadeth Pei- 
sias the Argive, who commanded in Argos, 
immediately to seize Oneum. Peisias, accord, 
ingly, having made a discovery that the guard 
of Oneum was neglected by Kaucles, who 
commanded the mercenary troops of the Lace- 
daemonians, and by Timomachus the Athenian, 
seizeth by night,withtwo thousand heavy-armed, 
the eminence above Cenchrea, having with him 
provisions for seven days. During this inter- 
val the Thebans begin their march, and com- 
plete the passage of Oneum ; and then the 
confederates in one body invade Achaia, under 
the command of Epaminondas. And as such 
of the Achaeans as were of the party of the 
few went over to him, Epaminondas exerteth 
his influence with so much weight, that after- 
wards none of that party were sentenced to ex- 
ile, nor any change made in the polity of the 
state, but only security was given by the Achae- 
ans, that they would be firm allies, and follow 
the Thebans wheresoever they led them ; and 
so the latter returned again to Thebes. 

The Arcadians and all discontented parties 
now accusing Epaminondas for marching off so 
soon as he had put Achaia in a proper dispo- 
sition to serve the Lacedaemonians, it was 
judged expedient by the Thebans, to send away 
governors into the cities of Achaia. The per- 
sons thus exiled, concurring together in the 
same measures, and being not few in number, 
returned to their several cities, and recovered 
the possession of them. And now, as they no 
longer observed any manage in their conduct, 
but with high alacrity supported the Lacedae- 
monian cause, the Arcadians were grievously 
harassed on one side by the Lacedaemonians, 
and on the other by the Achaeans. 

At Sicyon down to this time the administra- 
tion had been carried on according to the laws 
of the Achaeans. But Euphron, ambitious to 
play a leading part amongst the enemies of the 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



491 



Lacedtemonians, though hitherto he had been 
regarded by the latter as their most steady 
friend, insinuateth to the Argives and Ar- 
cadians, that " were the most wealthy members 
of the community to be indisputable masters 
of Sicyon, then beyond all doubt on every oc- 
casion that city would act entirely in the Lace- 
daemonian interest ; whereas, if a democracy 
be set up in it, you may depend upon it (said 
he) that city will firmly adhere to you. If 
therefore you will give me your aid, I will en- 
gage to convene the people ; and at the same 
time I will give them this certain pledge of my 
own sincerity, and will keep the city firm in 
your alliance. My motives for acting, be you 
well assured, are the same with your own, since 
I have long suffered with regret the insolence 
of the Lacedaemonians, and would with the 
highest pleasure escape from their bondage." 
The Arcadians and Argives, therefore, who 
listened greedily to him, repaired to Sicyon to 
support him. On their arrival he immediate- 
ly convened the people in the forum, and pro- 
posed a form of administration wherein each 
might have a fair and equal share. And in 
this very assembly he ordered them to choose 
what persons they pleased to be their com- 
manders. The people accordingly choose Eu- 
phron himself and Hippodamus, Oleander, Acri- 
sius, and Lysander. When these points were 
settled, he appointed his own son Adeas to com- 
mand the mercenary troops, having discharged 
Lysimenes who commanded them before. 
Euphron by his generosity had soon attached 
many of the mercenaries firmly to his interest ; 
he quickly made many more of them his friends, 
sparing neither the public money nor the trea- 
sure in the temples in buying their service. 
And he employed to the same use the wealth of 
such persons as he drove into exile for being 
friends to the Lacedaemonians. Some also of 
his colleagues in command he slew by treachery, 
and some he banished ; insomuch that he grew 
to be absolute master of Sicyon, and past all 
doubt became a tyrant; and he caused the con- 
federates to connive at all his proceedings, 
sometimes by supplying them with money, and 
at other times by taking the field with his 
mercenaries whenever they summoned him to 
join them. 

II. Affairs having so far succeeded, and the 
Argives having fortified Tricranum, situated 
above the temple of Juno in Phlius, and the 
Sicyonians at the same time fortifying Thyamia 



on the frontier of the Phliasians, the latter 
were grievously distressed, and reduced to the 
want of necessaries : yet notwithstanding this, 
they persevered in a most steadfast adherence 
to their allies. When any grand point is ac- 
complished by powerful states, all historians are 
careful to propagate the remembrance of it. 
But in my opinion, if any petty state can ac- 
complish a series of numerous and great achieve- 
ments, such a state hath a much better title 
to have them honourably remembered. 

The Phliasians, for instance, became friends 
to the Lacedaemonians, when the latter were 
possessed of the most ample power. And yet, 
a'fter their overthrow at the battle of Leuctra, 
after the revolt of many neighbouring cities, 
and after the revolt of many of their Helots, 
and of their old allies, very few excepted, all 
Greece in a word being combined against them ; 
the Phliasians persevered in the most faithful 
attachment to *them : nay, when even the Ar- 
gives and Arcadians, the most powerful states 
in Peloponnesus were become their enemies, 
notwithstanding all this the Phliasians gave 
them aid, even though it fell to their lot to be 
the very last body of men of the whole confe- 
deracy, that could march up to Prasiae to join 
them. The Corinthians, Epidaurians, Troe- 
zenians, Hermionians, Haliensians, Sicyonians, 
and Pellenians, for these had not revolted, 
were at Prasiae before them. Nay, when even 
the Spartan general, who was sent to command, 
would not wait for 'their arrival, but marched 
off with those who were already come up, the 
Phliasians notwithstanding scorned to turn 
back, but hiring a guide to Prasiae, though the 
enemy was now at Amyclae, came forwards as 
well as they could, and arrived at Sparta. The 
Lacedaemonians, it is true, gave them all pos- 
sible marks of their gratitude, and by way of 
hospitality presented them with an ox. 

When again, after the enemies' retreat from 
Lacedaemon, the Argives, exasperated against 
the Phliasians for their zealous attachment to 
the Lacedaemonians, invaded Phlius with their 
whole united force, and laid all that country 
waste, they would in no wise submit. And 
after the enemy had completed their ravage, 
and were again on their retreat, the horsemen 
of Phlius sallied out in good order, and pressed 
close on their rear; and, though the whole 
Argive cavalry and some companies of heavy- 
armed composed this rear, though bat sixty in 
number, they fell upon them, and put the whole 



492 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



rear to flight. They slew some of them, and 
even erected a trophy in the very sight of the 
i-iiemv, nor could they have done more, though 
they had killed them to a man. 

Again, when the Lacedaemonians and con- 
federates were posted on the guard of Oneum, 
and the Thebans were approaching with a 
design to force the passage, the Ε leans and 
Arrives marching in the meantime by the 
road of Nemea in order to join the Thebans, 
some exiles from Phlius insinuated to the lat- 
ter, that " if they would only show themselves 
before Phlius, they might take it." When 
they had resolved on a trial, these exiles with 
some auxiliaries, amounting in all to about six 
hundred, posted themselves by night under the 
wall of Phlius, having with them a number of 
ladders. When therefore the sentinels had 
given the signals that the enemy were march- 
ing down from Tricranum, and all the inhabi- 
tants of the city were thrown into alarm, that 
very instant the traitors gave the signal to 
those skulking under the wall to mount. Ac- 
cordingly they mounted; and first seizing at 
the stand the arms of the guard, they pursued 
the sentinels who were left to watch them, 
being ten in number: from every five one 
person was left to watch the arms. But one 
of these they murdered before he could wake 
out of sleep, and another as he was flying for 
shelter to the temple of Juno. As the senti- 
nels had leaped from the walls down into the 
city to flee from the enemy*, the latter were now 
masters of the citadel, and the former saw it 
plainly with their own eyes. But when they 
shouted for aid, and all the inhabitants came 
running to assist them, the enemy sallied im- 
mediately from the citadel, and engaged them 
before the gate that openeth into the city. Yet 
being afterwards surrounded by numbers of 
such as had flocked together to assist, they 
again retired into the citadel, and the heavy-arm- 
ed rush in at the same time with them. The 
area of the citadel was immediately cleared of 
the enemy, who mounting the wall and the 
turrets, threw down darts and javelins upon the 
Phliasians below. They defended themselves, 
and fought their way to the stairs that lead up 
to the wall. And when the inhabitants had 
possessed themselves of the turrets on either 
side of the enemy, they then advanced with 
the utmost fury close up to them, who, unable 
to witnstand such a bold and desperate attack, 
were all driven together on a heap. At this 



very instant of time the Arcadians and Argives 
invested the city, and were directly opening a 
breach in the wall of the citadel. The Phli- 
asians within it were levelling their blows fast ; 
some of them, at the enemy on the wall; 
some, at the enemy on the ladders endeavour- 
ing to mount ; some also were fighting against 
those who had scaled and were got upon the 
turrets ; and, finding fire in the barracks, they 
set the turrets in a flame by the help of faggots, 
which had just happened to be cut down in the 
citadel itself. And now, such as were upon 
the turrets jumped off immediately for fear of 
the flames ; and such as were upon the walls 
were forced by the blows of their antagonists to 
leap over. And when once they began to give 
way, the whole citadel was soon cleared of the 
enemy, and the horsemen of Phlius rode out of 
the city. The enemy retreated at the sight of 
them, leaving behind their ladders and their 
dead, nay, the living too who had been lamed 
in the scuffle. The number of the slain, both 
of such as had fought within and such as had 
leaped down from the wall, was not less than 
eighty. And now you might have seen the 
men of Phlius shaking one another by the 
hand in mutual congratulation, the women 
bringing them refreshments of liquor, and at 
the same time weeping for joy. Nay, there 
was not a soul present on this occasion, whose 
countenance did not show the tearful smile. 

Next year the Argives and Arcadians with 
their whole united force again invaded Phliasia. 
The reasons of this continued enmity against 
the Phliasians were, because they were very 
angry at them, and because they were situated 
between them, and they never ceased hoping 
that by reducing them to famine they might 
starve them into obedience. But in this inva- 
sion also the horsemen and chosen band of 
Phliasians with the aid of Athenian horse, 
were at hand to attack the enemy as they are 
passing the river. Having the better in the 
action, they forced the enemy to retire for the 
rest of the day under the craggy parts of a 
mountain, since they avoided the plain, lest by 
trampling over it they might damage the corn 
of their friends. 

Again, upon another occasion the com- 
mandant at Sicyon marched an army against 
Phlius. He had with him the Thebans and 
his own garrison, the Sicyonians, and the Pel- 
lenians (for these now had accustomed them- 
selves to follow the orders of the Thebans.) 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



493 



Euphron also accompanied this expedition, 
having with him about two thousand merce- 
naries. The rest of the army marched down by 
way of Tricranum to the temple of Juno, with 
a design to lay waste the plain. But the com- 
mandant left the Sicyonians and Pellenians 
behind, near the gates that open towards Co- 
rinth, that the Phliasiaps might not be able to 
fetch a compass round the eminence, and get 
above them whilst they were at the temple of 
Juno. When the Phliasians in the city were 
assured that the enemy were rushing down in- 
to the plain, their horsemen and their chosen 
band marched out in order of battle against 
them, and charged them, and effectually pre- 
vented their descent into the plain. Here 
they spent the greatest part of the day in throw- 
ing their darts and javelins at one another ; 
the mercenaries of Euphron pursuing so far as 
the ground was not good for horse, and the 
Phliasians of the city driving them back to the 
temple of Juno. But when they judged it the 
proper time, the enemy retreated by the pass 
round about Tricranum, since the ditch before 
the wall hindered their marching the shortest 
road to the Pellenians. The Phliasians, after 
following close behind them till they came to 
the ascents, turned off and made full speed 
close under the wall towards the Pellenians 
and the troops with them. The enemy under 
the command of the Theban general, perceiv- 
ing what a hurry the Phliasians were in, made 
all possible haste to reach the Pellenians with 
timely aid. But the horsemen of Phlius were 
too speedy for them, and had already attacked 
the Pellenians. The latter standing firm, the 
Phliasians again retreated backwards, till they 
had strengthened themselves by such of their 
foot as were now come up, and then renewed 
the attack, and closely engaged them. Now 
the enemy gave way, and some of the Sicyoni- 
ans are slain, as also were very many, and those 
the flower too, of the Pellenians. These 
things being done, the Phliasians erected a 
splendid trophy and sung the paean of victory, 
as they justly might; while their enemies un- 
der the Theban general and Euphron looked 
calmly at them, as if they came hither only to 
see a sight. And when the rejoicings were 
over, the latter marched off to Sicyon, and the 
Phliasians returned into their own city. 

There is also another gallant action which 
the Phliasians performed. For, having taken 
a Pellenian prisoner who had formerly been 
42 



their public host, they gave him his liberty 
without asking any ransom, though they were 
then in want of the necessaries of life. 

To these, who did such things, what person 
can deny the praise of being generous and gal- 
lant men 1 It is plain to all the world, how 
steadily they persevered to the last in fidelity 
to their friends, though deprived of all the pro- 
duce of their own lands, though subsisting 
merely on what they could plunder from the 
lands of their enemies or purchase from Co- 
rinth, when even to that market they could not 
go but through a series of dangers, with diffi- 
culty procuring money for the purpose, with 
difficulty finding any to advance it for them, 
and hardly able to find security for the loan of 
beasts to carry their provisions home. At 
length reduced to total distress, they prevailed 
upon Chares to undertake the guard of a con- 
voy for them. And when this guard was ar- 
rived at Phlius, they persuaded Chares to take 
all their useless mouths along with him as far 
as Pellene, and there he left them. In the 
next place, having purchased their provisions, 
and laden as many beasts as they could possibly 
procure, they began their march by night, not 
ignorant that the enemy had laid an ambush on 
their road, but determined within themselves 
that it was more eligible to fight than to want 
necessary food. Accordingly, they set out on 
their return in company with Chares, and were 
no sooner got in with the enemy than they fell 
to work with them, and loudly exhorting one 
another fought with the utmost vigour, shouting 
aloud on Chares to give them aid. Victorious 
at length, and having cleared the road of their 
enemies, they returned safe with their whole 
convoy to Phlius. But as they had passed the 
night without a wink of sleep, they slept in 
the morning till the day was far advanced. 
And yet Chares was no sooner up than the 
horsemen and most active citizens of Phlius 
went to him, and accosted him thus : 

" It is in your power, Chares, to perform 
this very day a most noble exploit. The Sicy- 
onians are this moment busy in fortifying a 
post on our frontier. They have assembled a 
large number of mechanics for the purpose, 
and yet but a small number of heavy-armed. 
We ourselves with our horsemen and the most 
gallant men of our city will march out first ; 
and if you at the head of your mercenaries will 
follow after us, perhaps you may find the busi- 
ness completed on your arrival ; or perhaps, by 



494 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



barely showing yourself, you will put them all 
u> flight as you did at Pellene. Yet in case 
you judge the proposal wo make to be attended 
with difficulties go and consult the gods by 
sacrifice. For we are fully persuaded, that 
the gods will, more forcibly than we can, ex- 
hort you to compliance. But, Chares, of this 
you ought to be assured, that if you succeed in 
this undertaking, you will have gained a high 
ascendent over the foe, you will have indis- 
putably preserved a friendly city, you will be- 
come an Athenian of the highest esteem among 
3'our own countrymen, and a man of the high- 
est reputation both with friends and foes." 

Chares so far hearkened to what they said 
as to set about the sacrifice. But the Phli- 
asian horsemen immediately put on their 
breastplates and bridled their horses; the 
heavy-armed too prepared to begin the march. 
And when taking up their arms they were re- 
pairing to the place of sacrifice, Chares and the 
soothsayer advanced to meet them, and declared 
that " the victims portended success. Halt a 
little," they added, " and we march out in com- 
pany with you." Their herald called to arms 
without loss of time ; and the mercenaries ran 
into their ranks with an alacrity that seemed 
inspired by heaven. Chares no sooner began 
his march, than the Phliasian horsemen and 
heavy-armed advanced and led the van. They 
moved off briskly at first, and then set up a 
trot ; the horsemen were at length on the gal- 
lop ; the heavy-armed ran after as fast as they 
could without breaking their ranks ; and 
Chares followed the heavy-armed with all his 
speed. It was now near sunset. When ar- 
rived, therefore, at the fortification, they found 
the enemy, some of them employed in bathing, 
some dressing their meat, some kneading their 
bread, and some preparing their beds ; who no 
sooner saw the impetuosity with which their 
enemy came on, than they took fright and fled, 
leaving all their victuals behind for the use of 
these gallant men. The latter accordingly 
made a hearty supper upon what was thus 
ready dressed, and what they had brought along 
with them from Phlius ; and then, pouring 
forth a libation in acknowledgment of success, 
and singing their paean of victory, and placing 
proper sentinels for the nightly guard, had a 
eound repose. A messenger arrived in the night, 
and told the Corinthians what had been done 
at Thyamia, who in a very hearty manner or- 
dered the herald to call for all the carriages and 



beasts of draught in the city, which they loaded 
with provisions and drove away to Phlius. 
And afterwards, till the fortification was com- 
pletely finished, they continued daily to send 
them in a convoy of provisions. All these in- 
cidents have been related, to show how faithful 
to their confederates the Phliasians were, with 
how much bravery they persisted in the war, 
and, though reduced to extreme distress, would 
still persevere in their alliance. 

III. About the same space of time, ^Eneas 
the Stymphalian, who had been made general 
in chief of the Arcadians, judging what was 
doing at Sicyon to be past all sufferance, 
marched up with his forces into the citadel, 
whither he conveneth the best men of Sicyon 
resident in the city, and recalled such as had 
been driven into exile without a legal process. 
Euphron, alarmed at this, flies for refuge down 
to the harbour of Sicyon ; and having sent for 
Pasimelus from Corinth, delivered up the har- 
bour to him for the use of the Lacedaemoni- 
ans ; and thus he went over again into their 
alliance, averring that " whatever appearances 
were against him, he had been faithfully at- 
tached to the Lacedaemonians. For when it 
was publicly voted at Sicyon, whether or no 
they should revolt," he said, "he had given 
his own vote with the minority ; and after- 
wards had set up the democracy only to exe- 
cute his revenge upon such as had betrayed 
him. And, even now, all those who had be- 
trayed the Lacedaemonians are driven into 
exile by me. If, therefore, I had been able to 
execute the whole of my design, I should have 
revolted to you with the whole city in my own 
disposal : but, as I was not able to accomplish 
this, I have now delivered up the harbour to 
you." These words were spoken by t him in 
the hearing of many ; but it did not appear 
that many believed him sincere. Yet since I 
have thus returned to the intrigues of Euphron, 
I will proceed and finish all that relateth to 
him. 

A sedition happening afterwards between 
the parties of the nobility and the people at 
Sicyon, Euphron, at the head of some merce- 
naries picked up at Athens, returneth again 
into that city. Here, aided by the people, he 
became master of the whole place except the 
citadel, which remained in possession of the 
Theban commandant. But being clearly con- 
vinced that he could not stay long in the place, 
as the Thebans were masters of the citadel, he 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



495 



collected together every thing of value he pos- 
sibly could, and went away for Thebes, in- 
tending to bribe the Thebans to eject the party 
of the few, and leave him master once more of 
the city of Sicyon. But the former exiles got 
notice of his journey and his whole scheme, 
and posted away after him to Thebes. And 
when they saw him conversing familiarly with 
the men in power at Thebes, and became ap- 
prehensive that he would succeed in the whole 
'rf his designs, some of them determined to run 
all risks, and stab him in the very citadel 
whilst the magistrates were sitting in council. 
The magistrates immediately ordered the as- 
sassins to be brought before the council, and 
then spoke as followeth : 

" Citizens of Thebes ! we accuse these per- 
sons here who have assassinated Euphron as 
guilty of a capital offence. We are convinced 
by experience, that men of honour and worth 
never commit such outrageous and impious 
acts; wicked men indeed commit them, and 
endeavour at the same time to remain undis- 
covered. But these wretches have far exceed- 
ed all mankind in a daring and abominable 
crime ; for erecting themselves into judges and 
executioners too, they have murdered Euphron, 
almost in the presence of the magistrates of 
Thebes, and in the presence also of you, who 
are solely invested with the power of life and 
death. If these wretches therefore be suffered 
to escape the punishment of death, what stran- 
ger for the time forwards will dare to appear 
in this city 1 or, what will become of Thebes, 
if private persons may be permitted to murder 
a stranger, before he hath notified the reasons 
of his coming] We therefore accuse these 
men as impious and execrable wretches, and 
guilty of the highest contempt against the state. 
And, after hearing what they have to say, judge 
ye what punishment they best deserve, and 
sentence them accordingly." 

In this manner the magistrates accused them ; 
and each of the assassins pleaded in his own 
behalf, that he was not the person who gave 
the blow, till at length one of them boldly 
avowed it, and began his defence as followeth : 

« No man, ye Thebans, can possibly enter- 
tain a contempt of you, who knoweth that you 
are sovereign arbiters of life and death within 
your own community. And you shall be 
clearly informed on what I place my confidence, 
when within your walls I gave Euphron the 
mortal blow. 



" It was, in the first place, on my conviction 
that what I did was right; and, secondly, on 
my inward persuasion that you would judge 
righteously of the fact. I knew, that in the 
case of Archias and Hypates, whom you found 
guilty of practices like those of Ejuphron, you 
waited not for the legal decision» but wreaked 
your vengeance upon them the first opportunity 
that presented itself, convinced that the sen- 
tence of death is already passed by all mankind 
upon wretches openly abandoned, upon detect- 
ed traitors, and ambitious tyrants. And Eu- 
phron in each of these characters deserved his 
fate. He had seized the temples of the gods, 
and stripped them of all their gold and silver 
oblations. And certainly no man was ever a 
more notorious traitor than Euphron, who be- 
ing in the closest friendship with the Lacedae- 
monians, deserted them for you ; and after the 
most solemn pledges of fidelity to you, again 
betrayed you, and delivered up the harbour of 
Sicyon to your enemies. And farther, how 
incontestably doth it appear to all the world 
that Euphron was a tyrant, who not only made 
freemen of slaves, but even raised them to all 
the privileges of citizens ! He put to death, he 
drove into banishment, he deprived of their 
properties, not men who had acted unjustly, 
but whom he did not like ; and these were the 
worthiest men of Sicyon. And, what is more, 
returning to that city by the aid of the Athenians 
your greatest enemies, he drew up his troops 
in opposition to your own commandant. But 
when he found himself unable to dislodge him 
from his post, he collected every thing of value 
he could, and even ventured hither. Now, had 
he been marching against you in a hostile man- 
ner, you would have bestowed your thanks up- 
on me for taking his life. When therefore he 
had amassed all the wealth he could, and came 
hither to corrupt your members, and so per- 
suade you to make him once more master of 
Sicyon ; and at this very crisis I inflicted con- 
dign punishment upon him ; with what justice 
can I J>e put to death by you 1 Men over- 
powered by arms are sufferers, it is true ; yet 
are not thereby proved unjust ; but men, who 
are corrupted to do iniquitous acts, are not only 
hurt but are disgraced for ever. Yet, suppos- 
ing Euphron to have been only «n enemy to 
me, but a friend to you, I then shall frankly 
confess, that I am not to be justified for hav- 
ing killed him. But who hath been a traitor 
to you, can that man be a greater enemy to nu• 



496 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



thin ho was to you 1 Good gods ! it may be 
s:\ul. Euphron came hither on his own free 
accord. Granted. The person then who kill- 
ed him out of your jurisdiction would have re- 
ceived your commendations for it. And shall 
any one derVy that he was justly slain, because 
is gotten within your walls to accumulate 
the mischiefs he hath done you 1 What proofs 
can such a one bring, that Grecians are bound 
lo observe any terms with traitors, with habit- 
ual deserters, or with tyrants 1 And after all 
this remember, Thebans, that you yourselves 
have passed a decree which is yet in force, that 
exiles upon record may be fetched away from 
any of the confederates cities. Who therefore 
can deny the justice of putting that man to 
death, who, though exiled, presumed to return 
home without a previous decree from the con- 
federate cities'? I affirm, therefore, ye The- 
bans, that if you take my life, you are only go- 
ing to revenge the man who was the bitterest 
enemy in the world to yourselves. But, should 
you declare that I have acted with justice, you 
will take revenge in behalf of yourselves and 
all your confederates." 

The Thebans, after hearing this defence, 
declared that Euphron was justly killed. The 
Sicyonians however of his own faction carried 
him home as a man of bravery and worth, buri- 
ed him in the forum, and honour him as guar- 
dian of their city. This, it seemeth, is the 
practice of the world, that men generally pro- 
nounce their own private benefactors to be per- 
sons of honour and worth. The account of 
Euphron is thus completed ; I return to the 
place from whence I digressed to give it. 

IV. Whilst the Phliasians were yet em- 
ployed in fortifying Thyamia, and Chares con- 
tinued with them, Oropus was seized by the 
exiles. The whole military force of Athens 
took the field on this occasion ; and Chares be- 
ing also sent for from Thyamia, the harbour 
of the Sicyonians is again taken by the inhabi- 
tants and the Arcadians. None of their con- 
federates marched out to join the Athenians, 
who retreated, leaving Oropus in the hands of 
the Thebans, till the dispute should be judi- 
cially determined. But Lycomedes, perceiving 
the Athenians were displeased with their con- 
federates, since, though involved in many trou- 
bles in their behalf, yet, in time of need not 
one would stir to their assistance, persuadeth 
the ten thousand to treat with them for an of- 
fensive and defensive alliance. Some of the 



Athenians were not at all satisfied with the 
proposal, that they, who were in friendship 
with the Lacedaemonians, should enter into 
such an alliance with the enemies of the latter. 
But when, after serious consideration, they 
found it might be as serviceable to the Lace- 
daemonians as to themselves, that the Arcadians 
should stand in no need of the Thebans, they 
at length accepted the alliance of the Arca- 
dians. Lycomedes, who managed the negotia- 
tion, in his return from Athens, lost his life in 
a most wonderful manner. For, very many 
ships being on their departure, he pitched on a 
particular one from amongst the number, and 
having agreed with them to land him at what- 
ever place he named, he chose to land in the 
very place where the exiles were at that mo- 
ment assembled ; and thus he loseth his life. 

The alliance between Arcadians and Athe- 
nians was thus effectually settled. But De- 
motion saying in the assembly of the people at 
Athens, that "this alliance was in his judg- 
ment an honourable measure," he then added, 
that " it ought to be particularly recommended 
to the generals of the state, to take care that 
Corinth be kept firm in its duty to the people 
of Athens." This was reported to the Corin- 
thians, who sending without loss of time de- 
tachments of their own people to all places» 
garrisoned by the Athenians, ordered the lat- 
ter to march out, as they had no longer any 
need of their service. Accordingly they eva- 
cuated the garrisons ; and when they were all 
afterwards arrived at Corinth, the Corinthians 
made public proclamation, that " if any Athe- 
nian thought himself aggrieved, he should pre- 
fer his petition and have all equitable redress." 
But at this juncture Chares arrived at Cen- 
chreae with the fleet. And when he knew 
what had lately been done, he gave out that 
" having heard of a design against the city, he 
was come up with a timely aid." The Corin- 
thians commended his alacrity in their service, 
but however would not permit him to enter the 
harbour, and ordered him to depart with the 
fleet : and then, after doing them all kind of 
justice, they sent away the heavy-armed. In 
this manner were the Athenians dismissed 
from Corinth. But in pursuance of the late 
alliance they were obliged to send their cavalry 
to the aid of the Arcadians, whenever any ene- 
my invaded Arcadia; and yet, they never en- 
tered Laconia in a hostile manner. In the 
meantime the Corinthians were reflecting 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



497 



much with themselves, how difficult it would 
be to secure their own preservation, as they 
had already been quite overpowered at land, 
and the Athenians were now become intract- 
able in regard to them. They determined, 
therefore, to take into their pay bodies both 
of foot and horse. And keeping these sub- 
missive to their own orders, they at one and 
the same time kept guard at Corinth, and 
gave some annoyance to their enemies. They 
sent however 'to Thebes to demand of the 
Thebans, " whether, in case they requested 
it in form, a peace would be granted them V 
And when the Thebans encouraged them to 
come with their request, giving hopes of its 
success, the Corinthians offered a fresh peti- 
tion, that " they would first permit them to go 
and consult their confederates, that they might 
associate such of them as were willing in this 
peace, and leave such as preferred war to 
the liberty of continuing it." The Thebans 
permitting them to take this step, the Co- 
rinthians repaired to Lacedsemon, and spoke as 
followeth : 

« We Corinthians, your old and approved 
confederates, address ourselves to you, ye men 
of Lacedsemon. We solemnly conjure you, if 
you know any certain expedient of securing 
preservation for us in case we persevere along 
with you in this war, that you would explicitly 
inform us what it is. But if you are convinced 
in yourselves, that your affairs are irrecoverably 
distressed and no other resource remaineth, we 
then conjure you to make a peace in conjunc- 
tion with us, since united with you, rather than 
with any other people in the world, we would 
gladly earn our preservation. But in case you 
judge it most advisable for yourselves to con- 
tinue this war, we beg at least that you would 
give us permission to make a peace. Let us 
but save ourselves now, and the time again 
may come when we may do you some signal 
acts of friendship. But if now we must be 
ruined, it is plain we never any more can do 
you service." 

The Lacedaemonians, after hearing this re- 
quest, advised the Corinthians by all means to 
make their peace ; and gave permission to any 
other of their confederates, who were averse 
from a longer continuance of the war, to give 
it up. As to themselves, they said, " they 
would fight it out, and would submit to the 
will of God ; but would never suffer them- 
selves to be deprived of Messene, which they 
42* 



had received from their progenitors. The 
Corinthians hearing this, went away to Thebes 
to negotiate a peace. The Thebans insisted, 
that " they should swear to an alliance offensive 
and defensive." The Corinthians answered, 
that " such a settlement would be no peace, 
but a mere change of the war," adding that " the 
Thebans should candidly remember, that they 
came hither only to make an amicable peace." 
This struck the Thebans with high admiration 
of them, since in whatever distress involved, 
they would not be parties in a war against 
their old benefactors. They therefore granted 
a peace to them and to the Phliasians, and to 
others who now accompanied them at Thebes, 
on the sole condition that " each party should 
respectively keep their own ;" and oaths were 
sworn to the observance of it. 

The Phliasians, when an accommodation 
was thus ratified, honestly and without hesita- 
tion departed from Thyamia. But the Ar- 
gives, who had sworn to observe the peace on 
the very same condition with the Phliasians, 
when they could not prevail for the safe con- 
tinuance of the Phliasian exiles at Tricranum, 
on pretence that the place was their own, 
seized it and kept a garrison in it ; averring 
the land on which it stood to be their own 
property, though a little while ago they had 
laid it waste in a hostile manner; and even 
refused to submit to a judicial determination, 
though the Phliasians summoned them to do it. 

Almost at the same time Dionysius the 
elder being lately dead, his son sendeth over 
twelve ships under the command of Timocrates 
to the aid of the Lacedaemonians. Timocrates 
on his arrival acteth in conjunction with them 
at the siegp and reduction of SeUasia, and after 
that sailed back again to Syracuse. 

No long time after this the Eleans seize 
upon Lasion, a town formerly their ow T n, but at 
present comprehended in the Arcadian league. 
The Arcadians would not calmly brook it, but 
immediately took the field and marched. Four 
hundred Eleans at first, who were soon after 
joined by three hundred more, made head 
against them. After facing one another a 
whole day in very low ground belonging to the 
Eleans, the Arcadians by night ascend the 
summit of the hill above their enemies, and 
early next morning rushed down upon them. 
The Eleans now perceiving an enemy far more 
numerous than themselves pouring down upon 
them from higher ground, were a long lima 
3N 



m 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



kept in their poets by meie vexation; nay, 
I von advanced to meet them, yet were no 
sooner charged than they broke and fled. 
They fled over rough and difficult ground, and 
.my οί their men and many of their arms. 
The Arcadians after so much success marched 
against all the towne in the upper country, and 
after taking all of them, except Thraustus, 
arrive at Olympia. Here they threw up an 
entrenchment round the temple of Saturn, 
where they posted themselves, and were mas- 
ters of the mountain of Olympia. They far. 
ther took the city of the Marganians, which 
was betrayed to them by some of the inhabi- 
tants. Their enemies having had such a train 
of success, the Eleans began utterly to de- 
spond. And now the Arcadians march up to 
Ε lis, and into it ae far as to the forum. But 
then the horsemen and some other of the in- 
habitants fall upon them, drive them out, and 
made some slaughter, and erected a trophy. 
There had been now a dissension of long stand- 
ing in Elis. The faction of Charopus, Thra- 
sonides, and Argeus, were striving to set up 
a democracy. The faction of Stalcas, Hippias, 
and Stratolus struggled for the oligarchy. And 
when the Arcadians with so much strength 
seemed to come opportunely thither as in aid 
of those who are inclined to a democracy, the 
faction of Charopus became more daring, and 
having bargained with the Arcadians for sup- 
port, they seized the citadel of Elis. The 
horsemen and the three hundred, however, lost 
no time, but march thither immediately and 
drive them out, in consequence of which, 
Argeus and Charopus, with about four hun- 
dred Eleans more, were driven out into exile. 
And no long time after, these exiles, by the 
aid of a party of Arcadians, possess themselves 
of Pylus ; whither many of the popular faction 
in Elis repaired afterwards to them, as the 
place was spacious and of great strength, and 
where they were certain of support from the 
Arcadians. The Arcadians also, at the in- 
stigation of these exiles, who assured them of 
the quick surrender of Elis, march soon after 
into the territory of the Eleans. But on this 
occasion the Achaeans, who were in friendship 
with the Eleans, had securely garrisoned their 
city, so that the Arcadians, unable to do any 
thing more than lay waste the country, again 
retreated. But no sooner had they marched 
out of Elea, and discovered that the Pellenians 
were in Elie, than they made an exceeding 



long march in the night, and seized Oiurus, 
belonging to the latter. The Pellenians had 
already returned into the alliance of the Lace- 
daemonians. And they no sooner heard of the 
seizure of Oiurus than, marching a round- 
about way, the better to conceal their motion, 
they entered their own city Pellene. And 
after this, they continued a war against the 
Arcadians in Oiurus and all the people of 
Arcadia, notwithstanding their own great in- 
feriority in number ; nay, never slackened in 
their endeavours, till they had again recovered 
Oiurus by a siege. 

The Arcadians once more repeat their ex- 
pedition against Elis. But, as they lay en- 
camped between Cyllene and Elis, the Eleans 
made a sudden attack upon them ; the Arca- 
dians stood it out, and got the victory. And 
Andromachus the Elean commander, who was 
the principal adviser of this last attack, laid 
violent hands upon himself; the rest of the 
Eleans retired into their city. Soclidas, a 
Spartan who was present in this battle, lost 
his life in it, for the Lacedaemonians were 
: once more allies to the Eleans. But the 
j Eleans, now distressed about their own de- 
j fence, despatched ambassadors, and begged the 
Lacedaemonians to make war upon the Arca- 
dians ; judging there was no other method to 
get clear of the Arcadians than to have them 
warred upon on both sides. In consequence 
of this, Archidamus taketh the field with the 
domestic force of Sparta, and seizeth Cromnus. 
Leaving three of the twelve battalions he had 
with them to garrison Cromnus, he again 
marched back to Sparta. The Arcadians, 
however, whose forces were all assembled for 
the expedition against Elis, hurried away to 
recover Cromnus, and invested it round with a 
j double work of circumvailation ; and having 
j thus secured their own camp, continued in the 
siege of the place. The state of Lacedaemon, 
unable to brook this besieging of their own 
citizens, order their troops to march ; and on 
this occasion also, Archidamus commanded. 
Entering their country, he laid waste as much 
of Arcadia and Skiritis as he possibly could, 
and did every thing that could be done to force 
them to raise the siege. Yet the Arcadians 
persisted steadfastly in it, and made no manner 
of account of all these devastations. Archi- 
damus now took a view of an eminence, across 
which the Arcadians had carried their outward 
circumvailation. He thought he could secure 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



499 



it, and in case he did, that the enemy below it 
could not continue their siege. Whilst he 
was marching his troops a round-about way 
to seize this post, the targeteers of Archida- 
mus advancing before the rest had a view of 
the chosen body of the enemy without the 
works, and rush suddenly upon them ; and the 
horse at the same time endeavoured to charge. 
The enemy scorned to retreat, but drew up 
in regular order, and stood quiet. They then 
rushed a second time upon them ; and when 
yet, so far from retiring, they actually advanced 
to meet them ; every thing now being in hurry 
and confusion, Archidamus himself, who had 
made a turn into the cart-way that leadeth to 
Cromnus, appeared in sight, his men marching 
two by two in the order they had set out, and 
himself at their head. When they were thus 
come near the enemy, those under Archidamus, 
with their flanks exposed ip consequence of 
the order of their march, but the Arcadians in 
regular array for battle and their shields closed 
firmly together, the Lacedaemonians were not 
able to stand their ground against this body of 
Arcadians, but on the contrary Archidamus 
had soon received a wound quite through his 
thigh, and the two Spartans who fought before 
him were actually slain. These were Poly- 
anidas and Chilon ; the latter of whom had 
married the sister of Archidamus. Nay, the 
number of Spartans slain on this occasion was 
not less than thirty. Yet when, after falling 
back along the road, they were got into more 
open ground, the Lacedaemonians then formed 
again to receive the enemy. The Arcadians 
stood firm together in regular order, inferior it 
is true in numbers, but much higher in spirits, 
since they had fallen upon their enemy whilst 
retreating before them, and made some slaugh- 
ter. The Lacedaemonians were sadly dejected ; 
they saw that Archidamus was wounded ; they 
heard the names of those who were slain, brave 
men, and almost the most illustrious of their 
body. And now,Ae enemy approaching near- 
er, one of the elder Spartans cried out aloud — 
" Why fight any longer, my countrymen 1 Why 
not rather demand a truce 1 He was heard 
with pleasure by all, and a truce was made. 
Accordingly, the Lacedaemonians took up their 
dead and marched away ; and the Arcadians, 
returning to the spot from whence they first 
advanced, erected a trophy. 

Whilst the Arcadians were thus employed 
in the siege of Cromnus, the Eleans marching 



out of their city, first against Pylus, full in 
with the Pylians who were on their return aflei 
their repulse from Thalami. The Elean horse- 
men, who rode in the van, had no sooner a 
sight of them, than they seized the opportunity, 
and immediately fall in amongst them. Some 
of them they slaughter, whilst others of them 
flee for safety to an eminence that was near ; 
but when the foot came up, they entirely de- 
feated those upon the eminence ; some of them 
they killed, and some they took prisoners, to 
the number of two hundred. So many of the 
latter as were strangers they sold for slaves : 
and so many as were exiles on record they put 
to the sword. And after this, as nobody came 
to the aid of the Pylians, they reduce then 
town and all, and recover the Marganians. 

But the Lacedaemonians, some time after, 
marching by night towards Cromnus, force 
their way over the circumvallation, in the quar- 
ter of the Argives, and called out such of the 
Lacedaemonians as were besieged in the place. 
So many of them as happened to be near at 
hand and lost no time, completed their escape ; 
but the rest, being prevented by the Arcadians 
who soon ran together in numbers to the place 
of escape, were again shut up within ; and 
being afterwards taken prisoners were divided 
amongst the captors ; the Argives had one part 
of them ; the Thebans another ; the Arcadians 
another; and the Messenians had a fourth. 
The whole number of Spartans and neighbours 
to Sparta taken prisoners on this occasion was 
more than a hundred. 

The Arcadians, who had now cleared their 
hands of Cromnus, turned their attention again 
towards the Eleans, and not only strengthened 
their garrison at Olympia, but as it was the 
Olympic year made all needful preparation to 
celebrate the Olympic games in conjunction 
with the Pisans, who aver themselves to have 
been the original guardians of the temple. When 
therefore the month was come in which the 
Olympic games are celebrated ; nay, on the very 
days of the grand assembly, the Eleans, who 
had made open preparations for the purpose, 
and had sent for the Achaeans to join them, 
came marching along the road to Olympia. 
The Arcadians had never imagined they would 
dare to give them any interruption, and jointly 
with the Pisans were conducting the order 
of the festival. They had already finished the 
race of chariots and the foot-race of the pen- 
tathlum, and the wrestlers had just entered the 



500 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII 



lists, not indeed on the course, since on this oc- 
casion they were to wrestle between the course 
and the altar ; for the Eleans in military array 
were now come up to the sacred grove. The 
Arcadians however made no advance towards 
thorn, but stood drawn up by the river Cladaus, 
which running along the Altis dischargeth it- 
tclf into the Alpheus.. Their confederates were 
also at hand to the number of about two thou- 
sand heavy-armed Argives and about four hun- 
dred Athenian horse. The Eleans drew up 
in order on the other side of the river, and 
after a solemn sacrifice advanced to the charge. 
And thus a people, who in preceding times 
had been contemned by the Arcadians and Ar- 
gives, contemned also by the Achaeans and 
Athenians for the want of martial spirit, 
marched, however, that day at the head of their 
confederates in the most gallant manner. The 
Arcadians, for these were the first they charge, 
they instantly put to flight ; they then stood 
the attack of the Argives who ran to aid the 
Arcadians, and gave them a defeat. And after 
they had pursued the fleets to the spot of 
ground that lieth between the council-house 
and the temple of Vesta and the adjacent 
theatre, they still fought on and drove them to 
the very altar. Here after being galled by 
darts and javelins from the porticoes and the 
council-house and the great temple, and fought 
with again on the level ground, a number of 
Eleans was slain, amongst whom was Stratolus 
the commander of the three hundred ; after 
which they retreated to their own camp. The 
Arcadians however, and their associates were in 
so much dread of the ensuing day, that they busi- 
ed themselves all that night in demolishing the 
fine pavilions they had erected for the festival, 
and throwing up a rampart for their better de- 
fence. And next day when the Eleans per- 
ceived that the work was strong, and that num- 
bers had posted themselves upon the temples, 
they marched back to Elis, after showing them- 
selves such gallant men, as God by particular 
inspiration can in one day enable men to be, 
though all human endeavours could not have 
made them such even in a long course of life. 

The Arcadian commanders were now laying 
hands on the sacred treasures, and diverting 
them to the payment of their chosen bands, 
which the Mantineans first resented, and sent 
them an order " not thus to embezzle the sacred 
treasure." Nay, they even raised in their own 
city what pay was due to those chosen bands, 



and sent it to the Arcadian commanders. The 
latter however alleged that " such behaviour 
was an infraction of the Arcadian league," and 
appealed against it to the council of ten thou- 
sand. But as the Mantineans slighted this ap- 
peal, the other proceeded to a judgment against 
them, and despatched the chosen bands to ap- 
prehend such persons as they had condemned 
by name. Upon this the Mantineans made 
fast their gates, and refused them admittance 
into their city. The consequence was, that 
even some of the other members of the council 
of ten thousand began also to affirm, that, * it 
was wrong to embezzle in this manner the 
sacred treasures, and to fix an eternal stain on 
their posterity by such sacrilege against the 
gods." At length it was voted in the council, 
that " these sacred treasures should not be em- 
bezzled," and then all such persons in the 
chosen bands as could not subsist without im- 
mediate pay slipped away from the service ; and 
such as had a subsistence, after heartening up 
one another, entered themselves in these chosen 
bands, not indeed to be commanded, but to se- 
cure to themselves the command over them. 
Such also of the commanders as had dabbled 
most in the sacred treasure, being aware that 
their lives were in danger should they be called 
to a strict account, send messengers to Thebes, 
and give notice to the Thebans, that " unless 
they march up an army, the danger is great that 
the Arcadians will again go over to the Lace- 
daemonians." The Thebans accordingly were 
getting all things in readiness to take the 
field. Such persons, however, as were in their 
hearts true friends to Peloponnesus, persuaded 
the Arcadians state to despatch ambassadors to 
the Thebans with a notification to them " by 
no means to march with their forces into Ar- 
cadia, till they were formally invited." Nay, 
they not only notified this to the Thebans, but 
also came to a resolution amongst themselves, 
that " there was no need of war." They were 
now also convinced, that they had no manner 
of pretence to invade the presidency over the 
temple of Jove, but by restoring it to the 
Eleans should act with more piety and justice, 
and without doubt in a manner more accept- 
able to the god. 

The Eleans were willing to accommodate 
affairs, and so both parties resolved upon a 
peace. A truce immediately ensued. And 
after the peace was sworn to, not only by all 
the other parties, but by the Tegeatae also, and 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



501 



even by the Theban officer who was then in 
Tegea commanding four hundred heavy-armed 
Boeotians, such of the Arcadians as at that time 
were resident in Tegea feasted one another and 
were full of spirits, pouring forth their libations 
and singing their paeans as rejoicing for a 
peace. The Thebans, however, and such of 
the commanders as were apprehensive of being 
called to account for the sacred treasures, assist- 
ed by the Boeotians and their accomplices amongst 
the chosen bands, shut fast the gates of the wall 
round Tegea, and sending parties to their several 
lodgings, seized all the men of consequence who 
were not of their sentiments. As many people 
were here from every city in Arcadia, all of 
them highly delighted at the making of peace, 
the number seized in this manner must needs 
be very considerable. The public prison was 
soon filled with them ; the town-house in like 
manner was filled as soon. After many per- 
sons were thus secured, and many had escaped 
by leaping over the wall, others there were 
who were let out through the gates, since no 
one acted with fury on this occasion that did 
not think his own life in danger. But, after 
all, the Theban officer and his accomplices 
were soon reduced to the greatest perplexity, 
when they found they had gotten into their 
hands but very few of those whom they chiefly 
desired to secure, and especially of the Man- 
tineans, since almost all the Mantineans, had 
returned in good time to Mantinea, as it lay 
at so little distance from Tegea. 

Upon the return of day, the Mantineans no 
sooner know what had been doing, than they 
despatched their messengers round to the cities 
of Arcadia, with notice to them to take to 
their arms and stand on the defence of their 
cities. They themselves did so at Mantinea ; 
and, sending at the same time to Tegea, de- 
manded such of their citizens as were de- 
tained in that city ; insisting withal that 
" no Arcadian whatsoever should be thrown 
into prison or put to death, before he had un- 
dergone a legal trial ; and, in case any Man- 
tineans were accused of a criminal behaviour, 
let their names be sent hither, and the state of 
Mantinea would pledge their faith to produce 
such persons in the public council of Arcadia, 
whenever they were called upon to do it." 
The Theban officer, hearing all this, was 
grievously perplexed in what manner to act, 
and in short delivereth up all the men. The 
day after, he had a meeting with as many of the 



Arcadians as were willing to meet him, and 
said in his justification, that " he had been 
sadly deluded." Ho affirmed ** information 
had been given him that the Lacedaemonians 
were assembled in arms upon the frontier, and 
that some Arcadians had engaged to betray 
Tegea to them." They indeed gave him the 
hearing, and though assured that all he said 
was false, they let him depart. Yet they des- 
patched amhassadors after him to Thebes, and 
preferred such a charge against him as might 
cost him his life. But they say that Epami- 
nondas, who was then general of the state, 
made this declaration to them, that « the The- 
ban officer did his duty better when he seized 
these persons than when he set them at liberty. 
For we Thebans, said he, went into a war 
purely on your account, whereas you have clap- 
ped up a peace without consulting us at all ; 
may not any one therefore, consistently with 
justice, charge all the treachery in this affair 
upon you? But rest assured (he went on) 
that we shall soon march our forces into Arca- 
dia, and will still continue the war with the 
assistance of such as remain in the same sen- 
timents with ourselves." 

V. No sooner was this declaration of Epa- 
minondas reported to the general council of 
Arcadia and to the several cities, than it struck 
the reflection into the Mantineans, and such 
other Arcadians as were friends to the true 
welfare of Peloponnesus, as also into the 
Eleans and Achaeans, " that it was plainly the 
design of the Thebans to reduce Peloponnesus 
to so low a condition, that they might easily 
enslave it. For what other view can they have 
in desiring us to continue the war, than to 
make us harass and distress one another, that 
both parties , may be obliged to court them for 
assistance ? For what other reason can they 
be preparing to march their army amongst us, 
when we tell them plainly we want them not 
at present? Is it not clear as the day that they 
are preparing to take the field with full purpose 
to do us mischief? They now sent away to 
Athens to beg an aid. They sent to Lacedae- 
mon also an embassy consisting of persons enrol- 
led in their chosen bands, with earnest entreaties 
to the Lacedaemonians, « readily to join their 
forces against such as are coming with a full 
design to enslave Peloponnesus." The point 
of command was also finally adjusted, thai 
each people should command within their own 
territory. 



502 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



Whilst these points were in agitation, Epa- 
minondas took the field, at the head of all the 
Boeotians, and Euboeans, and numerous bodies 
•f Thessalians, either by Alexander or such 
as wore enemies to him. The Phocians, how- 
ever, marched not with him, pretending " they 
were obliged by treaty only to give aid in case 
an enemy invaded Thebes ; to act offensively 
with them against other states was no condi- 
tion in the treaty." Epaminondas reckoned, 
that in Peloponnesus he should assuredly be 
joined by the Argives and Messenians, and 
such Arcadians as were in the interest of 
Thebes, for instance, the Tegeatse and Mega- 
lapolitans, and Aseatae and Palantians, and 
some other cities which, because they were 
surrounded by the greater states, would be 
compelled to join them. Epaminondas ac- 
cordingly advanced towards Peloponnesus with 
the utmost expedition. But when he came up 
to Nemea he halted there, hoping he might in- 
tercept the Athenians in their march, and 
reckoning that such an incident would have a 
great effect in raising the spirits of his own 
confederates, and would strike despondency in- 
to his foes ; at all events, that lessening the 
Athenians in any degree would be so much 
positive advantage to the Thebans. But dur- 
ing his halt at Nemea, all the states of Pelo- 
ponnesus that acted with unanimity on this oc- 
casion assembled together at Mantinea. Epa- 
minondas however had no sooner heard that 
the Athenians had given up their design of 
marching by land, and were preparing to pass 
over by sea, that they might go through Lace- 
daemon to the aid of the Arcadians, than he 
immediately decamped from Nemea, and ad- 
vanceth to Tegea. 

For my own part, I shall not take upon me 
to say that this expedition proved a happy one 
for him. But this I can affirm, that he was 
not deficient in exhibiting every proof that 
man can give of bravery and conduct. In the 
first place, I highly applaud him for encamping 
his troops within the walls of Tegea: for there 
he was posted in much greater security than 
he could have been on open ground, and all his 
motions were much better concealed from the 
enemy ; since within a city he could much 
easier be supplied with any article he wanted : 
and as his enemies lay in open ground, he had 
a full view of what they were doing, and could 
see when they were right and when they blun- 
dered. And though he thought himself su- 



perior to the enemy, yet he never led out his 
troops against them, so long as he judged they 
had the advantage in ground. But finding at 
length that not one city came over to him, and 
that the time of his command was fast elapsing, 
he judged it necessary to strike a blow ; since 
otherwise he foresaw the loss of his former 
glory. When therefore he was informed that 
the enemy kept close at Mantinea, and had 
sent for Agesilaus and all the Lacedaemonians ; 
and was even assured that Agesilaus was 
marched out at their head, and was already ad- 
vanced as far as Pellene ; he ordered his army 
to take their repast, then gave the signal for a 
march, and led them on directly against Spar- 
ta. And had not a Cretan by an especial pro- 
vidence made away in all haste to Agesilaus, 
and told him of this march, he would have 
taken Sparta like a bird's nest quite destitute 
of all defence. But as timely notice of his 
march had been given to Agesilaus, he had 
returned in time to the aid of the city, and 
the Spartans, though exceeding few in num- 
ber, had already posted themselves on its 
guard. The whole of their cavalry was absent 
in Arcadia, as were all their auxiliaries, and 
three out of their ten battalions of foot. When 
therefore Epaminondas was come up to Sparta, 
he made no attempt to enter the city, where 
the enemy could have charged him on level 
ground, or could annoy him with darts -and 
javelins from the tops of houses, or where 
the ground might enable a few to be a match 
for far superior numbers. But having seized 
an eminence, which he judged would give him 
great advantage, he from thence marched down, 
instead of marching up into Sparta. The se- 
quel was of so strange a nature, that we may 
either ascribe it to the special will of God, or 
confess that men reduced to a state of despera- 
tion are not to be resisted. For no sooner did 
Archidamus lead on against him, though at- 
tended by not one hundred persons ; no sooner, 
I say, had Archidamus passed the river, which 
in all probability must have greatly delayed 
him, and advanced towards the enemy, than 
these Thebans, who breathed out fire and 
flame, who had gained such victories over the 
Lacedaemonians, who were now so far superior 
in numbers, and had all the advantage of higher 
ground, durst not even stand the charge of 
those under Archidamus, but wheel themselves 
off from before him ; and the soldiers of Epa- 
minondas, who formed the first ranks, are im- 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



503 



mediately slain. Exulting at so much success, 
the victors pursued them farther than was pru- 
dent, and are slaughtered in their turn. It 
looked as if heaven had beforehand settled the 
limits in which each party should be victorious. 
Archidamus, however, erected a trophy on the 
spot where he had gotten the better, and gave 
up under truce the bodies of the enemy who 
nad fallen there. 

Epaminondas now bethought himself, that, 
as the Arcadians would come with all speed to 
the aid of Sparta, it was not his business to 
fight with them and the whole Lacedaemonian 
strength in conjunction ; especially as the ene- 
my had hitherto been successful, and the con- 
trary had happened to his own troops. He 
therefore marched off, and returned again with 
the utmost expedition to Tegea. He here or- 
dered the heavy-armed to halt, but sent off the 
horse to Mantinea ; begging them " to perform 
this service with their utmost perseverance ;" 
and telling them, " it was likely that all the 
cattle of the Mantineans were out abroad in the 
fields, and all the people too, especially in this 
season of fetching in their harvest." And ac- 
cordingly they began the march. 

The Athenian horsemen, who had set out 
from Eleusis, took their evening repast at the 
isthmus. From thence continuing their march 
through Cleone, they had just now reached 
Mantinea, and were quartering themselves in 
houses within the walls. So soon therefore 
as the enemy was seen riding up, the Manti- 
neans besought these Athenian horse to give 
them all possible aid, " since all their flocks 
and herds were abroad in the fields, as were all 
their labourers and most of the youths and old 
men of the city." The Athenians complied 
and sally out immediately, though neither them- 
selves nor their horses had yet tasted any food. 
Who on this occasion can help admiring the 
generosity of these men ; who, with an enemy 
in sight much superior in number to their own, 
and with the late blow given at Corinth to 
their cavalry quite fresh in their remembrance, 
were not however disheartened, no not even at 
the thought that they were going to engage 
with Thebans and Thessalians, at that time 
reckoned the best horsemen in the world ; but 
disdaining that their friends should suffer 
through the want of any assistance that them- 
selves could give them, they were no sooner in 
sight of the enemy than they rode full speed 
upon them, desirous to preserve at all events 



their hereditary glory? In this manner they 
engaged; and by engaging preserved every 
thing belonging to the Mantineans that was 
abroad in the fields. But several gallant men 
amongst them perished ; and they killed as 
many gallant men on the side of the enemy 
For not one person on either side had a weapon 
so short but it was long enough to reach his 
adversary. They took up the dead bodies of 
their friends, and restored some dead bodies of 
their enemies by truce. 

Epaminondas was thus reflecting, that " he 
must needs be gone in a few days, since the 
time limited for this expedition was just expir- 
ing : and, in case he now abandoned his allies 
whom he came to save, they would be besieged 
and reduced by their adversaries, and he should 
entirely blemish all his former glory ; defeated 
with his numerous heavy-armed as he had been 
at Lacedsemon by a handful of men ; defeated 
also at Mantinea in the engagement of the horse ; 
and the author, as he had really proved by this 
expedition into Peloponnesus, of a fresh coali- 
tion of Lacedaemonians, Arcadians, Achaeans, 
Eleans, and Athenians." He therefore judged 
it impossible for him to quit the country with- 
out fighting a battle ; concluding, " in case he 
was victorious, he should prevent all the great 
evils he foresaw ; or, in case he fell in the at- 
tempt, his death would be honourable and 
glorious, since he was endeavouring to gain for 
his own country the sovereignly of Pelopon- 
nesus." It cannot appear in the least surpris- 
ing to me, that Epaminondas should reason in 
such a manner. Men greedy of honour are 
aptest to encourage such thoughts as these. 
But what excites my surprise and admiration 
too is this ; that he had so highly ingratiated 
himself with the troops he commanded that no 
toil whatever, either by day or by night, could at 
all fatigue them; no danger whatever could 
stop them ; and though straitened for want of 
necessary provisions, that they should execute 
all his orders with prompt alacrity. For at 
last when he issued his final orders for all to get 
ready, since he was determined to fight, the 
horsemen at a word were cleaning up their hel- 
me^. The heavy-armed Arcadians, who car- 
ried clubs, were also enrolled and mustered as 
Thebans ; and all they to a man were busied 
in sharpening their spears and their swords and 
brightening their shields. 

But when they were all ready, and he was 
for leading them towards the enemy, it is worth 



504 



XENOPHON ON THE 



[book VII. 



while to observe the particulars of his conduct. 
In the first ptooq, he made all the dispositions, 
a> MM would expect Epaminondas should make 
them ; and by his manner of doing It showed 
plainly to every body that he was preparing in 
earnest for a battle. And when his army was 
completely formed to his own liking, he then 
led on, not indeed directly towards the enemy, 
but declining towards the mountains on the 
west beyond the city of Tegea. By this he gave 
his enemies reason to imagine, that he had no 
design to fight that day. For when he came 
near the mountain, after he had formed his 
main army in a line of battle, he ordered them 
to ground their arms under the shelter of the 
eminence ; so that he yielded to his enemies 
the appearance of a general who was for en- 
camping his army. But, by acting in this man- 
ner, he caused the bulk of his enemies to relax 
in the ardour they had conceived for engaging ; 
he caused them even to quit the ranks in which 
they were posted. Yet, no sooner had he 
made some bands of heavy-armed in the wings 
to march up and take post in the centre, by 
which he made the part of the army where he 
was posted himself as strong as the beak of a 
ship, than he gave the word for recovering 
their arms. He now again led on, and his 
army was in march. As for the enemy, who 
quite unexpectedly saw them thus advancing, 
they were at once all hurry and precipitation. 
Some were running to fall into their ranks, 
some were only forming ; the horsemen were 
bridling their horses and putting on their 
breast-plates : and they all had the appearance 
of men, who were rather to suffer from than 
to hurt their foe. 

Epaminondas was still advancing with his 
troops, which resembled a ship of war bearing 
down to the attack, assured that on whatever 
part of the enemy's army he made his first ef- 
fectual push, he must bear them down before 
him, and throw the whole into utter disorder. 
For his previous disposition was such, that he 
must begin the charge with the prime strength 
of his troops ; the weakest of them he had 
posted in the rear ; knowing that even the 
latter, if defeated, would strike terror into his 
own people, and give additional spirit to the 
enemy. The enemy on the other side had 
drawn up their horse like a battalion of heavy- 
armed, without giving them a proper depth 
or lining them with foot; whereas Epami- 



nondas had so formed his, that their attack 
must needs make the strongest impression; 
and he had lined their ranks with parties of 
foot ; assured that, in whatever part they broke 
through the enemy, their whole body must at 
once be vanquished. For exceeding difficult 
it is to preserve a willingness in any part of a 
body to stand fast, when they see some of that 
body in actual flight. And to prevent the 
Athenians from stirring out of the left wing 
to aid such as were near them, he had posted 
over-against them on the higher ground a party 
of horse and heavy-armed; intending to 
frighten them by this show of the danger they 
must run of being attacked in their rear, if 
they stirred to give aid to others. 

In this manner he had made his dispositions 
for the attack: and he was not disappointed 
in the event he expected. For he made his 
first charge with, so much force, that he com- 
pelled the whole body of the enemy to flee 
before him. But after Epaminondas dropped, 
there was no one left who could make a pro- 
per use of the victory. For though the whole 
of the enemy was in flight before them, his 
heavy-armed made no slaughter not even of a 
single foe, nor made any advance in the field 
of battle beyond the spot where they first 
attacked. And though the enemy's horse 
were also in open flight, his own horse slew 
neither horsemen nor heavy-armed in their 
pursuit; but like men who had been van- 
quished, slipped tremblingly out of the way of 
their routed enemies. His foot indeed and 
targeteers, who had engaged along with the 
horse, advanced quite up to the left wing of 
the enemy, as masters of the field of battle ; 
and there most of them were put to the sword 
by the Athenians. 

Such was this battle ; the event of which 
was quite contrary to what all the world ex- 
pected it must be. For as almost all Greece 
was assembled together on this occasion to 
fight a decisive action against one another, 
there was no man but thought that, after such 
a battle, the conquerors would remain for 
ever masters, and the conquered must for ever 
be subject to them ; whereas God so ordered 
the event, that both parties erected trophies as 
claiming the victory, and neither side could 
hinder the erection of them. Both parties 
again, as conquerors, restored the dead under 
I truce ; both parties too, as conquered, requost- 



AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 



505 



ed a truce for the delivery of them. Nay, 
though both parties gave out that the victory 
was their own, it was manifest that neither of 
them had gained any more ground, any other 
city, or any more dominion than they were 
masters of before the battle. On the contra- 



ry, a greater confusion and a wilder hurry 
arose in Greece after this battle than had been 
known before it. 

So far may suffice for me. Others perhaps 
will take care to relate what happened after 
wards in Greece. 



43 



30 



/ 



XENOPHON'S 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 



TRANSLATED BT 



SARAH FIELDING 



[507] . 



] 



PREFACE 

το 
THE MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 



Although Ae translator of the following Memoirs was fully persuaded, that the far 
greater number of those who favoured her with their names, and assisted her with their 
interest, were influenced by much nobler motives, than the expectation of receiving 
any thing very extraordinary from her hand ; yet, so little did this appear to her any 
reason for relaxing her endeavours, that on the contrary, she considered it as laying 
her under an additional obligation to do all the justice she possibly could to her au- 
thor. It was partly on that account ; partly from sickness ; and partly from some other 
accidents, not more within her power to regulate, than the state of her own health, 
that the publication of these Memoirs hath been deferred beyond the time first men- 
tioned in the proposals : but if the task is, at last, discharged tolerably, the mind of the 
translator will be set much at ease; and the reader find somewhat to reuay him for his 
waiting. 

That the Memoirs of Socrates, with regard to the greatest part, are held in the high- 
est estimation, is most certain ; and if there are some passages which seem obscure ; and 
of which the use doth not so plainly appear to us at this distance of time ; and from 
the dissimilarity of our customs and manners ; yet, perhaps, we might not do amiss, in 
taking Socrates himself for our example in this particular, as well as in many others ; 
who being presented by Euripides with the writings of Heraclitus, and afterwards asked 
his opinion of their merit; — "What I understand," said he, "I find to be excellent; and 
therefore believe that to be of equal value, which I do not understand." — " And, cer- 
tainly," continues the admired modern writer, from whom the quotation above was 
taken, " this candour is more particularly becoming us in the perusal of the works of 
ancient authors ; of those works which have been preserved in the devastation of cities ; 
and snatched up in the wreck of nations: which have been the delight of ages; and 
transmitted as the great inheritance of mankind, from one generation to another : and 
we ought to take it for granted, that there is a justness in the connexion, which we 
cannot trace; and a cogency in the reasoning, which we cannot understand." The 
translator of the following sheets would willingly bespeak the same candour, in reading 
the translations of the ancient writers, which hath above been thought so necessary for 
judging right of the originals. In the preface to the Life of Cicero, the celebrated writer 
of it thus expresses himself: — " Nor has that part of the task," said he, (speaking of the 
several passages he had translated from the writings of Cicero) "been the easiest to me; 
as those will readily believe who have ever attempted to translate the classical writings 
of Greece and Rome." It may, perhaps, be objected, " That candour alone is not suffi- 
cient for the present occasion :" to which it can only be answered, " That something was 
to be done : and, that no pains hath been spared, to do it as well as possible." 

43* 509 



510 PREFACE. 

The translator is sorry to find, that the title affixed to this work hath not been ap- 
proved of universally : and, in truth, that inundation of trifles, follies and vices, lately 
introduced into the world, under the general appellation of Memoirs, hath occasioned 
such an unhappy association of ideas, as doth not well suit with a Xenophon's giving a 
relation of what a Socrates once said and did : but the translator takes shelter for her- 
self, under the respectable names of Mr Johnson and Mrs CarteT ; the one having, as she 
thinks, explained the word Memoir in a manner consistent with the present application 
of it ; and the other actually made choice of it for the very same purpose as is here 
done. 



THE 



DEFENCE OF SOCRATES 



BEFORE 



HIS JUDGES. 



I have always considered the manner in which 
Socrates behaved after he had been •summoned 
to his trial, as most worthy of our remem- 
brance ; and that, not only with respect to the 
defence he made for himself, when standing 
before his judges ; but the sentiments he ex- 
pressed concerning his dissolution. For, al- 
though there be many who have written on 
this subject, and all concur in setting forth 
the wonderful courage and intrepidity where- 
with he spake to the assembly — so that it re- 
maineth incontestable that Socrates did thus 
speak — yet that it was his full persuasion, that 
death was more eligible for him than life at 
such a season, they have by no means so clearly 
manifested ; whereby the loftiness of his style, 
and the boldness of his speech, may wear at 
least the appearance of being imprudent and 
unbecoming. 

But Hermogenes, the son of Hipponicus, 
was his intimate friend ; and from him it is we 
have heard those things of Socrates, as suf- 
ficiently prove the sublimity of his language 
was only conformable to the sentiments of his 
mind. For, having observed him, as he tells 
us, choosing rather to discourse on any other 
subject than the business of his trial; he asked 
him, " If it was not necessary to be preparing 
for his defence ?" And "What!" said he, 
" my Hermogenes, suppose you I have not 
spent my whole life in preparing for this very 
thing?" Hermogenes desiring he would ex- 
plain himself: " I have," said he, « steadily 
persisted, throughout life, in a diligent endea- 
vour to do nothing which is unjust ; and this 



I take to be the best and most honourable 
preparation." 

« But see you not," said Hermogenes, " that 
ofttimes here in Athens, the j udges, influenced 
by the force of oratory, condemn those to death 
who no way deserve it; and, not less fre- 
quently, acquit the guilty, when softened into 
compassion by the moving complaints, or the 
insinuating eloquence of those who plead their 
cause before them V* 

" I know it," replied Socrates ; « and there- 
fore, twice have I attempted to take the matter 
of my defence under consideration : but the 
Genius 1 always opposed me." 



χ Variong have been the opinions concerning this 
Genius, or Demon, of Socrates ; and too many for the 
translator to enumerate. What seems the most probable 
and satisfactory is, that the Genius of Socrates, so differ- 
ently spoken of, was nothing more than an uncommon 
strength of judgment and justness of thinking; which, 
measuring events by the rules of prudence, assisted by 
long experience and much observation, unclouded and un- 
biassed by any prejudices or passions, rendered Socrates 
capable of looking as it were into futurity, and foretelling 
what would be the success of those affairs about which 
he had been consulted by others, or was deliberating 
upon for himself. And, in support of this opinion, they 
urge his custom of sending his friends — Xenophon for ex- 
ample — to consult the oracle, when any fhing too obscure 
for human reason to penetrate was proposed to him ; to 
which might be added, as no mean testimouy, his own 
practice on all such occasions. But from whence this 
notion arose, of his being thus uncommonly assisted, is 
not easy to determine. It might perhaps be from nothing 
more, as some have imagined, than from his having casu- 
ally said on some occasion, " My Genius would not suffer 
me ;" alluding to the notion which prevailed with many, 
that every one had a Genius to watch over and direct 

511 



512 



DEFENCE OF SOCRATES. 



Hermogenes having expressed some aston- 
ishment at these words, Socrates proceeded : 

* Doth it then appear marvellous to you, my 
Hermogenes, that God should think this the 
very best time for me to die ? Know you not, 
that hitherto I have yielded to no man that he 
hath lived more uprightly or even more pleas- 
urably than myself; possessed, as I was, of 
that well grounded self-approbation, arising 
from the consciousness of having done my 
duty both to the gods and men : my friends 
also bearing their testimony to the integrity of 
my conversation ! But now, — if my life is 
prolonged, and I am spared even to old age, — 
what can hinder, my Hermogenes, the infirmi- 
ties of old age from falling upon me Ί My 
sight will grow dim ; my hearing, heavy ; less 
capable of learning, as more liable to forget 
what I have already learned ; and if, to all this, 
I become sensible of my decay, and bemoan 
myself on the account of it ; how can I say 
that I still lived pleasantly 1 It may be too," 
continued Socrates, " that God, through his 
goodness, hath appointed for me, not only that 
my life should terminate at a time which seems 
the most seasonable ; but the manner in which 
it will be terminated shall also be the most 
eligible : for, if my death is now resolved up- 
on, it must needs be, that they who take 
charge of this matter will permit me to choose 
the means supposed the most easy ; free too 
from those lingering circumstances which keep 
our friends in anxious suspense for us, and fill 
the mind of the dying man with much pain 
and perturbation. And when nothing offen- 
sive, nothing unbecoming, is left on the memo- 
ry of those who are present, but the man is 
dissolved while the body is yet sound, and 
the mind still capable of exerting itself benev- 
olently, who can say, my Hermogenes, that 
so to die is not most desirable 1 And with 
good reason," continued Socrates, " did the 
gods oppose themselves at what time we took 
the affair of my escape under deliberation, and 
determined, that every means should be dili- 



him. And although nothing more was at the first either 
intended or understood by it, than when we say, " My 
good angel forbade me ;" or, said so and so to me ; yet, 
being verified by the event, it came at length to be con- 
sidered, by a superstitious people, as something super- 
natural : and, as it added much weight to his counsel and 
instructions, neither Socrate3 nor his friends were in haste 
to discredit such an opinion ; not looking upon themselves 
as obliged to it by any one duty whatsoever. 



gently sought after to effect it ; since, if our 
designs had been carried into execution, instead 
of terminating my life in the manner I am 
now going, I had only gained the unhappy 
privilege of finding it put an end to by the tor- 
ments of some disease, or the lingering decays 
incident to old age, when all things painful 
flow in upon us together, destitute of every 
joy which might serve to soften and allay 
them. 

" Yet think not, my Hermogenes, the de- 
sire of death shall influence me beyond what is 
reasonable : I will not set out with asking it at 
their hands : but if, when I speak my opinion 
of myself, and declare what I think I have de- 
served both of gods and men, my judges are 
displeased, I will much sooner submit to it, 
than meanly entreat the continuance of my 
life, whereby I should only bring upon myself 
many and far greater evils, than any I had 
taken such unbecoming pains to deprecate." 

In this manner Socrates repUed to Hermo- 
genes and others: and his enemies having ac- 
cused him of " not believing in the gods whom 
the city held sacred ; but as designing to intro- 
duce other and new deities ; and, likewise, of 
his having corrupted the youth :" Hermogenes 
farther told me, that Socrates, advancing to- 
wards the tribunal, thus spake : 

" What I chiefly marvel at, Ο ye judges ! is 
this ; whence Melitus inferreth that I esteem 
not those as gods whom the city hold sacred. 
For that I sacrifice at the appointed festivals, 
on our common altars, was evident to all 
others ; and might have been to Melitus, had 
Melitus been so minded. Neither yet doth it 
seem to be asserted with greater reason, that 
my design was to introduce new deities among 
us, because I have often said, « That it is the 
voice of God which giveth me significations of 
what is most expedient ;' since they themselves, 
who observe the chirping of birds, or those 
ominous words spoken by men, ground their 
conclusions on no other than voices. For 
who among you doubteth whether thunder 
sendeth forth a voice? or whether it be not 
the very greatest of all auguries ? The Py- 
thian priestess herself; doth not she likewise, 
from the tripod, declare, by a voice, the divine 
oracles 1 And, truly, that God foreknoweth 
the future, and also showeth it to whomsoever 
he pleaseth, I am no way singular either in 
believing or asserting ; since all mankind agree 
with me herein ; this difference only excepted. 



DEFENCE OF SOCRATES. 



513 



that whereas they say it is from auguries, 1 
omens, symbols, and diviners, whence they 
have their notices of the future ; I, on the 
contrary, impute all those premonitions, where- 
with I am favoured, to a genius ; and I think, 
that, in so doing, I have spoken not only more 
truly, but more piously, than they who attri- 
bute to birds the divine privilege of declaring 
things to come : and that I lied hot against 
God, I have this indisputable proof, that 
whereas I have often communicated to many 
of my friends the divine counsels, yet hath no 
man ever detected me of speaking falsely." 

No sooner was this heard, but a murmuring 
arose among his judges : some disbelieving the 
truth of what he had said, while others envied 
him for being, as they thought, more highly 
favoured of the gods than they. But Socrates, 
still going on; "Mark!" said he, "I pray; 
and attend to what is yet more extraordinary, 
that such of you as are willing, may still the 
more disbelieve that I have been thus favoured 
of the deity : Chserephon, inquiring of the 
oracle at Delphos concerning me, was answered 
by Apollo himself, in the presence of many 
people, " That he knew no man more free, 
more just, or more wise than /." 

On hearing this, the tumult among them 
visibly increased : but Socrates, still going on, 
— « And yet Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonian 
lawgiver, had still greater things declared of 
him : for, on his entering into the temple, the 
deity thus accosted him ; "lam considering," 
said he, " whether I shall call thee a god, or a 
man !" Now Apollo compared me not to a 
god. This, indeed he said, « That I by far 
excelled man." Howbeit, credit not too hastily 
what ye have heard, though coming from an 
oracle ; but let us thoroughly examine those 
things which the deity spake concerning me. 

" Say, then, where have you ever known any 
one less enslaved to sensual appetite; whom 
more free than the man who submits not to 
receive gift, or reward, from the hands of any 
other 1 ? Whom can you deservedly esteem 
more just, than he who can so well accommo- 
date himself to what he hath already in his own 
possession, as not even to desire what belong- 
eth to another 1 Or how can he fail of being 
accounted wise, who, from the time he first 
began to comprehend what was spoken, never 



» See the learned Mr. Harris's notes on these several 
particulars, infra, b. i. p. 18. 



ceased to seek, and search out, to the very best 
of his power, whatever was virtuous and good 
for man ? And, as a proof that in so doing I 
have not laboured in vain, ye yourselves know, 
that many of our citizens, yea, and many for- 
eigners also, who made virtue their pursuit, 
always preferred, as their chief pleasure, the 
conversing with me. Whence was it, I pray 
you, that when every one knew my want of 
power to return any kind of pecuniary favour, 
so many should be ambitious to bestow them 
on me ? Why doth no man call me his debtor, 
yet many acknowledge^ they owe me much 1 
When the city is besieged, and every other 
person bemoaning his loss, why do / appear 
ag in no respect the poorer than while it re- 
mained in its most prosperous state 1 And 
what is the cause, that when others are under 
a necessity to procure their delicacies from 
abroad, at an exorbitant rate, 1" can indulge in 
pleasures far more exquisite, by recurring to 
the reflections in my own mind 1 And now, 
Ο ye judges ! if, in whatsoever I have declared 
of myself, no one is able to confute me as a 
false speaker, who will say I merit not approba- 
tion, and that not only from the gods, but 
men ? 

« Nevertheless, you, Ο Melitus, have as- 
serted, that I, — diligently applying myself to 
the contemplation and practice of whatever is 
virtuous — ' corrupt the youth ;' — and, indeed, 
we well know what it is to corrupt them. But 
show us, if in your power, whom, of pious, I 
have made impious ; of modest, shameless ; of 
frugal, profuse 1 Who, from temperate is be- 
come drunken ; from laborious, idle, or effemi- 
nate, by associating with me 1 Or, where is 
the man who hath been enslaved, by my means, 
to any vicious pleasure whatsoever 1 ?" 

" Nay, verily !" said Melitus ; " but I know 
of many whom thou hast persuaded to obey 
thee rather than their parents." 

"And with good reason," replied Socrates, 
" when the point in question concerned educa- 
tion ; since no man but knows that I made 
this my chief study : and which of you, if sick, 
prefers not the advice of the physician to his 
parents ] Even the whole body of the Atheni- 
an people, — when collected in the public as- 
sembly, — do not they follow the opinion of 
him whom they think the most able, though 
he be not of their kindred ? And in the choice 
of a general, do you not to your fathers, bro 
thers, nay, even to yourselves, prefer the man 
3P 



514 



DEFENCE OF SOCRATES. 



whom ye think the best skilled in military dis- 
cipline ! M 

" Certainly," returned Melitus ; " neither can 
any one doubt of its being most expedient." 

" How then could it escape being regarded 
even by you, Melitus, as a thing deserving the 
highest admiration, that while in every other 
instance the man who excels in any employ- 
ment is supposed not only entitled to a com- 
mon regard, but receives many, and those very 
distinguishing, marks of honour; I, on the 
contrary, am persecuted even to death, because 
I am thought by many to have excelled in that 
employment which is the most noble, and 
which hath for its aim the greatest good to 
mankind ; by instructing our youth in the 
knowledge of their duty, and planting in the 
mind each virtuous principle !" 

Now, doubtless, there were many other 
things spoken at the trial, not only by Socrates, 
but his friends, who were most zealous to sup- 
port him ; but I have not been careful to col- 
lect all that was spoken, yet think I have done 
enough to show, and that most plainly, that 
the design of Socrates in speaking at this time, 
was no other than to exculpate himself from 
any thing that might have the least appearance 
of impiety towards the gods, or of injustice to- 
wards men. For, with regard to death, he was 
no way solicitous to importune his judges, as 
the custom was with others : on the contrary, he 
thought it the best time for him to die. And, 
that he had thus determined with himself, was 
still the more evident after his condemnation : 
for when he was ordered to fix his own penal- 
ty, ' he refused to do it, neither would he suffer 
any other to do it for him ; saying, that to fix 
a penalty implied a confession of guilt. And, 
afterwards, when his friends would have with- 
drawn him privately, he would not consent ; 
but asked them with a smile, " If they knew of 



* In all cases where the laws had fixed the penalty, 
one single verdict was thought sufficient; but where 
the laws were silent, a second was necessary, to declare 
the punishment the offender had incurred. Before this 
second sentence was pronounced, the judges were or- 
dered to value the crime, as Cicero calls it ; and the of- 
fender himself was asked, What penalty he thought due 
to it ? and the merits of the case being afterwards de- 
bated, the valuation was admitted, or rejected, as the 
judges saw reason: but Socrates incensed them so much 
with the answer he made them, that they proceeded, 
without any delay, to pass the second, or decretory sen- 
tence against him, and he was immediately condemned 
to suffer death.— Pott. Antiq. 



any place beyond the borders of Attica where 
death could not approach him V 

The trial being ended, Socrates, as it is re- 
lated, spake to his judges in the following 
manner : 

" It is necessary, Ο ye judges ! that all they 
who instructed the witnesses to bear, by per- 
jury, false testimony against me, as well as all 
those who too readily obeyed their instructions, 
should be conscious to themselves of much im- 
piety and injustice : buf that I, in any wise, 
should be more troubled and cast down than 
before my condemnation, I see not, since I 
stand here unconvicted of any of the crimes 
whereof I was accused ; for no one hath proved 
against me th,at I sacrificed to any new deity ; 
or by oath appealed to, or even made mention 
of the names of, any other than Jupiter, Juno, 
and the rest of the deities, which together with 
these, our city holds sacred : neither have they 
once shown what were the means I made use 
of to corrupt the youth, at the very time that I 
was inuring them to a life of patience and fru- 
gality. As for those crimes to which our laws 
have annexed death as the only proper punish- 
ment, — sacrilege, man-stealing, 2 undermining 
of walls, or betraying of the city, — my enemies 
do not even say that any of these things were 
ever once practised by me. Wherefore I the 
rather marvel that ye have now judged me 
worthy to die. 

" But it is not for me to be troubled on that 
account : for, if I die unjustly, the shame must 
be theirs who put me unjustly to death ; since, 
if injustice is shameful, so likewise every act 
of it ; but no disgrace can it bring on me, that 
others have not seen that I was innocent. 
Palamedes likewise affords me this farther 
consolation : for being, like me, condemned 
undeservedly, he furnishes, to this very day, 
more noble subjects for praise, than the man 
who had iniquitously caused his destruction. 3 



* It was the practice of many to steal slaves, or free- 
men's children in order to sell for slaves, which was 
made capital at Athens. — Potter. 

* When the Grecian kingr were to go to the siege of 
Troy, Ulysses, to save himself from going, counterfeited 
madness ; which Palamedes suspecting, ordered they 
should lay Ulysses's son in the furrow where the 
father was ploughing with an ox and an ass, and sowing 
salt. Ulysses immediately stayed the plough to save bis 
child ; by which being discovered, he was compelled to 
go to the wars. For this, and for other reasons, Ulysses 
hated Palamedes, and artfully contrived his death.• 
infra, b. iv. 



DEFENCE OF SOCRATES. 



515 



And I am persuaded that I also shall have the 
attestation of the time to come, as well as of 
that which is past already, that I never wrong- 
ed any man, or made him more depraved; 
but, contrariwise, have steadily endeavoured, 
throughout life, to benefit those who conversed 
with me; teaching them, to the very utmost 
of my power, and that without reward, what- 
ever could make them wise and happy." 

Saying this, he departed ; the cheerfulness 
of his countenance, his gesture, and whole de- 
portment, bearing testimony to the truth of 
what he had just declared. And seeing some 
of those who accompanied him weeping, he 
asked what it meant. And why they were now 
afflicted. " For, knew ye not," said he, « long 
ago, even by that whereof I was produced, 
that I was born mortal 1 If, indeed, I had been 
taken away when the things which are most 
desirable flowed in upon me abundantly, with 
good reason it might have been lamented, and 
by myself, as well as others ; but if I am only 
to be removed when difficulties of every kind 
are ready to break in upon me, we ought rather 
to rejoice, as though my affairs went on the 
most prosperously." 

Apollodorus Deiig present, — one who loved 
Socrates extremely, though otherwise a weak 
man, — he said to him, "But it grieveth me, 
my Socrates ! to have you die so unjustly !" 
Socrates, with much tenderness, laying his 
hand upon his head, answered, smiling, " And 
what, my much-loved Apollodorus ! wouldst 
thou rather they had condemned me justly V 

It is likewise related, that on seeing Anytus 
pass by, " There goes a man," said he, " not a 
little vain-glorious, on supposing he shall have 
achieved something great and noble, in putting 
me to death, because I once said, « that since 
he himself had been dignified with some of the 
chief offices in the city, it was wrong in him to 
breed up his son to the trade of a tanner.' But 
he must be a fool," continued Socrates, " who 
seeth not that he who at all times performs 
things useful and excellent, is alone the hero. 
And, truly," added Socrates, " as Homer 
makes some, who were near the time of their 
dissolution, look forward into futurity ; I, like- 
wise, have a mind to speak somewhat oracu- 
lously. Now it happened I was once, for a 
short time, with this same son of Anytus ; and 
plainly perceiving he neither wanted talents 



nor activity, therefore I said, it was not fitting 
that the young man should continue in such a 
station : but continuing, as he still doth, desti- 
tute at the same time of any virtuous instruc- 
tor, to guide and restrain him within the 
bounds of duty, he must soon fall a prey to 
some evil inclination, that will hurry him head- 
long into vice and ruin." 

And, in thus speaking, Socrates prophesied 
not untruly ; for the young man delighted so 
much in wine, that he ceased not drinking, 
whether night or day ; whereby he became per- 
fectly useless to his country, to his friends, and 
even to himself. The memory of Anytus was 
likewise held in the highest detestation ;' and 
that not only on the account of his other 
crimes, but for the scandalous manner in which 
he had educated his son. 

Now, it cannot be doubted but Socrates, by 
speaking thus highly of himself, incurred the 
more envy, and made his judges still the more 
eager to condemn him ; yet I think, indeed, 
he only obtained that fate which the gods de- 
cree to those they most love ; — a discharge 
from life, when life is become a burthen ; and 
that by a means, of all others, the most easy. 
Yet here, as well as on every other occasion, 
Socrates demonstrated the firmness of his soul. 
For, although he was fully persuaded that to 
die would be the best for him, yet did he not 
discover any anxious solicitude, any womanish 
longings for the hour of his dissolution ; but 
waited its approach with the same steady tran- 
quillity, and unaffected complacency, with which 
he afterwards went out of life. And, truly, 
when I consider the wisdom and greatness of 
soul, so essential to this man, I find it not more 
out of my power to forget him, than to remem- 
ber and not praise him. And if, among those 
who are most studious to excel in virtue, there 
be any who hath found a person to converse 
with, more proper than Socrates for promoting 
his design, — verily, we may well pronounce 
him the most fortunate of all mankind. 



I The Athenians soor V.came sensible of the mis- 
chief they had done in putting Socrates to death ; and so 
hated the authors of it, that they would not suffer any 
of them to light fire at their hearths ; they would not 
answer them a question : they would not bathe with 
them : and if they were seen to touch ever so large a 
vessel of water they threw it away as impure : till, at 
last, these men, unable to bear this usage any longer, 
hanged themselves.— Pla. in Phwd. 



XENOPHON'S 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 



BOOK I. 
[517] 



CONTENTS OF BOOK I. 



I. Xenophon vindicates Socrates from the calumnies of his accusers.— Socrates' reverence to the gods.— II. 
Cleared from the accusation of being a corrupter of youth— Prohibited from discoursing wHh young men.— 
III. He strictly follows the custom of his country.— IV. His powerful mode of reasoning— Discourses with 
Arietodemus concerning the Deity.— V. His manner of exciting his followers to the practine of temperance.— 
VI. His conversation with Antipho the sophist regarding philosophy.— VII. By dissuading his friends from 
vanity and arrogance, he excited them to the practice of virtue. 



I «•■] 



XENOPHON'S 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 



BOOK I. 



I. I have often wondered by what arguments 
the accusers of Socrates could persuade the 
Athenians that he had behaved in such a man- 
ner towards the republic as to deserve death ; 
for the accusation proferred against him was to 
this effect : 

" Socrates is criminal ; inasmuch as he ac- 
knowledged not the gods whom the republic 
holds sacred, but introduceth other and new 
deities. — He is likewise criminal, because he 
corrupteth the youth." 

Now, as to the first of these, that he ac- 
knowledged not the gods whom the republic 
held sacred, — what proof could they bring of 
this, since it was manifest that he often sacri- 
ficed both at home and on the common altars 1 
Neither was it in secret that he made use of 
divination ; it being a thing well known among 
the people, that Socrates should declare his 
genius gave him frequent intimations of the 
future ; whence, principally, as it seems to 
me, his accusers imputed to him the crime of 
introducing new deities. But, surely, herein 
Socrates introduces nothing newer, or more 
strange, 1 than any other, who, placing confi- 
dence in divination, make use of auguries, 2 and 



» The sense of this passage, together with the notes 
which here follow upon the several particulars contain- 
ed in it, were obligingly given me by one not more 
known for his learning, than esteemed for his candour 
and benevolence, Mr. Harris of Salisbury. 

« Auguries. In Greek O.u,vo», which originally 
signifying birds, was, by metaphor, taken to signify 
that discovery of futurity to which birds were supposed 
instrumental. 



omens, 3 and symbols,* and sacrifices. 5 For 
these men suppose not that the birds or per- 
sons they meet unexpectedly, know what is 
good for them: but that the gods by their 
means, give certain intimations of the future, 
to those who apply themselves to divination. 



8 Omens. In Greek Φ>ί^<»«, voices; either declara- 
tions of the gods, by express words of their own, heard 
in temples, groves, and other places; or incidental ex- 
pressions dropt by human beings, who, without intend- 
ing it themselves, were supposed to be made channels 
of divine communications. Thus.whan Paulus jEmilius 
was just returned from the senate, when the conduct 
of the war with the Macedonian king Perses had been 
decreed to his care, he found his little daughter Tertia 
in tears. On his tenderly kissing her, and demanding 
the cause ; " My dear father," says she, u poor Persia 
is dead." Persia (according to the Latin idiom for Per • 
ses) was the name of her lap-dog. The father, eagerly 
embracing her, cries out, " Accipio omen, mea filia."— 
My child, I seize the omen. jEmilius soon after went, 
and Perses was conquered. Cic. de Divinat. 1. i. cap. 46. 
According to this idea of the word omen, the old ety- 
mologists very properly inform us, that it was originally 
written "oremen quod fit ex ore, as being a method 
of divination which proceeds from the mouth. 

« Symbols. In Greek ΣύμΖοκ*, or Σύνολο», signs, 
symbols, or external types, by which something else 
more latent was signified ; on the explanation of which 
depended the skill of the diviner. Thus, from Cicero, 
in the same tract above quoted, we learn, that when 
king Midas was a child, the ants, as he was sleeping, 
filled his mouth with grains of corn; and that when 
Plato was sleeping in his cradle, the bees came and 
seated themselves on his lips. These symbols were 
explained to foretell the future riches of the first, and 
the future eloquence of the latter.— Cic. de Div. lib. i. 
cap. 36. 

* Sacrifices. In Greek Θυα-ί*,-. The inspection of 
the entrails of victims, and the divination thence de- 
duced, are too well known to need explanation. 

5.19 



520 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book I. 



And the same also was his opinion, only with 
this difference, that while the greatest part 
say they are persuaded, by the flights of birds, 
or some accidental occurrence, Socrates, on 
the contrary, so asserted concerning these mat- 
ters, as he knew them from an internal consci- 
ousness ; declaring it was his genius from whom 
he received his information. And, in conse- 
quence of these significations, (communicated, 
as he said, by his genius,) Socrates would fre- 
quently forewarn his friends what might be 
well for them to do, and what to forebear ; and 
such as were guided by his advice found their 
advantage in so doing, while those who ne- 
glected it had no small cause for repentance. 1 

Now, who is there that will not readily ac- 
knowledge, that Socrates could have no desire 
to appear to his friends either as an enthusiast 
or arrogant boaster ? which, however, would 
have been unavoidable, and he openly asserted 
that notices of the future had been given him 
by the Deity ; while a failure in the event made 
the falsehood of the assertion notorious to all. 
Wherefore it is manifest Socrates foretold 
nothing but what he firmly believed would, 
hereafter, be fulfilled: — But where could he 
place this full confidence, exclusive of a deity ; 
and how could one, who thus confided, be said 
to acknowledge no gods? 

Farther : — although Socrates always advised 
his followers to perform the necessary affairs 
of life in the best manner they were able ; yet, 
with regard to every thing, the event whereof 
was doubtful, he constantly sent them to con- 
sult the oracle, whether it ought or ought not 
to be undertaken. He likewise asserted, that 
the science of divination was necessary for all 
such as would govern successfully either cities 
or private families : for, although he thought 
every one might choose his own way of life, 
and afterwards, by his industry, excel therein ; 



1 As an instance of this, it is said, that after the de- 
feat of the Athenians, at the battle of Delium, he told 
Alcibiades, and those who were with him, " that he 
had just received intimations from his genius, that they 
should not take the same road the greatest part of their 
broken forces had taken, but turji into some other." By 
which means those who paid regard to his admonitions 
escaped : while the rest, being overtaken by a party 
of the enemy's horse, were either killed on the spot or 
made prisoners. Neither doth this, or any of the like 
instances, oppose the opinion of those who say Socra- 
tes' genius was nothing more than sound judgment or 
reason, free from all the warpinge and mists of pas- 
sion ; improved by experience and a careful observation 
of nature and things. Cornelius Nepos called prudence 
a kind of divination. 



whether architecture, mechanics, agriculture, 
superintending the labourer, managing the 
finances, or jpractising the art of war ; yet even 
here, the gods, he would say, thought proper to 
reserve to themselves, in all these things, the 
knowledge of that part of them which was of the 
most importance ; since he, who was the most 
careful to cultivate his field, could not know, 
of a certainty, who should reap the fruit of it. 
He who built his house the most elegantly, was 
not sure who should inhabit it. He who was 
the best skilled in the art of war, could not 
say, whether it would be for his interest to 
command the army : neither he who was the 
most able to direct in the administration, whe- 
ther for his to preside over the city. The man 
who married a fair wife, in hopes of happiness, 
might procure for himself a source of much 
sorrow ; and he who formed the most powerful 
alliances, might come in time, by their means, 
to be expelled his country. Socrates therefore, 
esteemed all those as no other than madmen, 
who, excluding the deity, referred the success 
of their designs to nothing higher than human 
prudence. He likewise thought those not 
much better who had recourse to divination on 
every occasion, as if a man was to consult the 
oracle whether he should give the reins of his 
chariot into the hands of one ignorant or well 
versed in the art of driving ; or place at the 
helm of his ship a skilful or unskilful pilot. 
He also thought it a kind of impiety to impor- 
tune the gods with our inquiries concerning 
things of which we may gain the knowledge by 
number, weight, or measure ; it being, as it 
seemed to him, incumbent on man to make 
himself acquainted with whatever the gods had 
placed within his power ; as for such things as 
were beyond his comprehension, for these he 
ought always to apply to the oracle ; the gods 
being ever ready to communicate knowledge to 
those whose care had been to render them pro- 
pitious. 

Socrates was almost continually in men's 
sight. The first hours of the morning were 
usually spent in the places set apart for walk- 
ing, or the public exercises ; and from thence 
he went to the forum, at the time when the 
people were accustomed to assemble. The 
remainder of the day was passed where might 
be seen the greatest concourse of the Atheni- 
ans ; and for the most part, he so discoursed, 
that all who were willing might hear whatso- 
ever he said : yet no one ever observed Socra- 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



521 



es either speaking or practising any thing im- 
pious or profane ; neither did he amuse himself, 
like others, with making curioug researches 
into the works of Naturo ; and finding out how 
this, which sophists call the world, had its be- 
ginning, or what those powerful springs which 
influence celestial bodies. On the contrary, 
he demonstrated the folly of those who busied 
themselves much in such fruitless disquisitions ; 
asking, whether they thought they were already 
sufficiently instructed in human affairs, that 
they undertook only to meditate on divine 1 
Or, if passing over the first, and confining their 
inquiries altogether to the latter, they appeared, 
even to themselves, to act wisely, and as be- 
came men. He marvelled they should not 
perceive, it was not for man to investigate 
such matters ; for those among them who ar- 
rogated the most to themselves, because they 
could with the greatest facility talk on these 
subjects, never agreed in the same opiniofi ; but 
like madmen, some of whom tremble when no 
danger is near, while others fear no harm at 
the approach of things hurtful : so these philo- 
sophers ; some of them asserting there was no 
shame in saying or doing any thing before the 
people ; others sending their disciples into soli- 
tude, as if nothing innocent could be performed 
by us in public : some regarding neither tem- 
ples nor altars, nor reverencing any thing what- 
soever as divine, while others thought nothing 
could be found too vile for an object of their 
adoration. Even among those who laboriously 
employed themselves in studying the universe, 
and the nature of all things, some imagined the 
whole of being to be simply one only ; others, 
that beings are in number infinite : some, that 
all things are eternally moving, others, that 
nothing can be moved at all: some, that all 
things are generated and destroyed ; others, 
that there can never be any generation or des- 
truction of any thing. 1 



ι This passage, with the following note upon it, to- 
gether with note 2, were given to the translator by 
Mr Harris. 

In this passage Socrates has reference to the Specula- 
tions, partly physical, partly metaphysical, of the philo- 
sophers who lived before him, and whose writings now 
are either wholly lost, or only preserved in fragments 
by Aristotle, Cicero, Simplicius, &c. The names of 
these ancient sages were Melissus, Parmenides, Anax- 
agoras, Heraclitus, Democritus, &c. It would be super- 
fluous in this place to say any thing concerning their 
opinions, the diversity among them is sufficiently set 
forth by our author, and it is on this diversity rests the 
force of his argument. 

44* 



He would ask, concerning these busy in« 

quirere into the naturo of such things as are 

j only to be produced by a divine power, whether 

as those artists who have been instructed in 

I some art, believe they are able to practise it at 

! pleasure, so they, having found out the imme- 

: diate cause, believe they shall be able, for their 

| own benefit, or that of others, to produce 

| winds and rain, the vicissitudes of time, or the 

change of seasons 1 Or if indeed altogether 

destitute of this hope, they could content 

themselves with such fruitless knowledge 1 

In this manner would he reason concerning 
those people who gave themselves up to such 
useless speculations. As for himself, man, and 
what related to man, were the only subjects on 
which he chose to employ himself. To this 
purpose, all his inquiries and conversation 
turned upon what was pious, what impious ; 
what honourable, what base ; what just, what 
unjust ; what wisdom, what folly ; what cour- 
age, what cowardice ; what a state or political 
community, what the character of a statesman 
or politician ; what a government of men, 3 
what the character of one equal to such 
government. It was on these, and other mat- 
ters of the same kind, that he used to dissert ; 
in which subjects, those who were knowing he 
used to esteem men of honour and goodness ; 
and those who were ignorant, to be no better 
than the basest of slaves. 4 

That the judges of Socrates should err con- 
cerning him, in points wherein his opinion 
might not be apparently manifest, I marvel not; 
but that such things as had been spoken plainly, 
and acted openly, should have no weight with 
them, is indeed wonderful ; for being of the 
senate, and having taken, as was customary, the 
senatorial oath, by which he bound himself to 
act in all things conformable to the laws, 
and arriving in his turn to be president of 
the assembly of the people, 5 he boldly refused to 



* He speaks here of the government of men in con- 
tradistinction to that of brutes, as practised over sheep 
by shepherds, over cattle by herdsmen, over horses by 
horsemen. The brutes are all considered as irrational, 
but man as rational. See this matter finely illustrated 
by Xenophon, In the beginning of his Cyropoedia. 

s Epictetus confines the study and inquiries of men 
to yet narrower bounds ; for he says, — " As the sul'jerl- 
matter of a carpenter, is wood ; of a statuary, bra^s ; so 
of the art of living, the subject-matter is, each person's 
own life."— But the more enlarged scheme of Socrates 
seem? more amiable, as more just. 

* Epistate. 

3Q 






MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book t. 



id suffrage to the iniquitous sentence which 
ι mned the nine captains, 1 two of whom 
were Erasmides and Thrasellus, to an unjust 
death; being neither intimidated with the me- 
9 of the great, nor the fury of the people, 
but steadily preferring the sanctity of an oath 
to the safety of his person ; for he waf per- 
suaded the gods watched over the actions and 
the affairs of men in a way altogether different 
to what the vulgar imagined ; for while these 
limited their knowledge to some particulars 
only, Socrates, on the contrary, extended it to 
all ; firmly persuaded, that every word, every 
action, nay, even our most retired deliberations, 
were open to their view ; 2 that they were every 
where present, and communicated to mankind 
all such knowledge as related to the conduct of 
human life ; wherefore, I greatly wonder the 
Athenians could ever suffer themselves to be 
persuaded that Socrates retained sentiments 
injurious to the Deity ! He in whom nothing 
was ever observed unbecoming that reveyence 
so justly due to the gods ; but, on the contrary, 
so behaved towards them, both in regard to his 
words and his actions, that whoever shall here- 
after demean himself in such a manner, must 
be in fact, and ought also to be esteemed, a 
man of the truest and most exemplary piety. 

II. But it is still matter of more wonder to 
me, that any one could be prevailed on to be- 
lieve that Socrates was a corrupter of youth ! 
Socrates, the most sober and the most chaste 
of all mankind ! supporting with equal cheer- 
fulness the extreme, whether of heat or cold ! 3 
who shrunk at no hardships, declined no la- 



i The crime alleged against these men was, their not 
having taken care to pay the last rites to the dead after 
a sea-fight with the Lacedsmonians, though they could 
plead in excuse for the not doing it, the being pre- 
vented by a violent storm. Socrates, notwithstanding 
Theramenes, one of his followers and friends, had pre- 
ferred the accusation, opposed it strongly ; and when 
called upon to put the judgment in writing, as his 
office required him, he told them at first he was unac- 
ominted with the law-terms ; and at last absolutely re- 
fused to do it. 

2 •• When you have shut your door," saith Epictetus, 
" and darkened your room, remember never to say you 
are alone : for God is within, and your genius is 
wuhin, and what need they of light to 9ee what you 
are doing?" — Carter's Epic. 

3 It was his custom never to drink on his return 
from his exercises, till after having poured abroad the 
first bucket of water, though ready to die with thirst 
and heat; and this, as he said. to exercise his patience, 
nnd accustom his sensual appetites the better to obey 
l;i3 reason. 



bour, and knew so perfectly how to moderate 
his desires, as to make the little he possessed 
altogether sufficient for him ! Could such a 
one be an encourager of impiety, injustice, 
luxury, intemperance, effeminacy 1 But, so 
far from any such thing, that on the contrary 
he reclaimed * many from these vices, by kind- 
ling in their minds a love of virtue ; encourag- 
ing them to think, that by a steadfast perse- 
verance they might make themselves esteemed 
by becoming virtuous men : and although he 
never undertook to be a teacher of others, yet, 
as he practised the virtues he sought to recom- 
mend, those who conversed with him were 
animated with the hopes of becoming one day 
wise, from the influence of his example. Not 
that Spcrates ever omitted a due concern for 
his body ; neither did he command those who 
did : he would even frequently blame the peo- 
ple whose custom it was to eat to excess, and 
afterwards use immoderate exercise; saying, 
that men should only eat till nature was satis- 
fied, and then apply themselves to some mode- 
rate exercise ; which would not only keep tne 
body in health, but set the mind at liberty 
for the more proper discharge of its peculiar 
duties. 

In his apparel nothing was either delicate or 
ostentatious ; and the same might be said with 
respect to his whole manner of living : yet no 
man ever became avaricious from having con- 
versed with Socrates : on the contrary, many 
were reclaimed from this infamous vice by his 
example, as they had been already from many 
others ; while they observed him not only to 
forbear the taking any reward of those who 
sought his conversation, but heard him earnestly 
contend it was necessary to do so, for any one 
who desired to avoid slavery : for such, he 
would say, as submit to receive a pecuniary 
return for the instructions they bestow, are no 
longer at liberty to give, or withhold them ; • 
but, like so many slaves, are at the will of 
those from whom they are content to receive 
wages : therefore he much admired, that the 
man who professed himself a teacher of virtue, 
should debase himself so far ; unless he either 
understood not, that to gain a virtuous friend 
was the greatest of all acquisitions ; or at least 
feared, that such as had been made wise and 
virtuous by his instructions, might yet be 
wanting in gratitude to their greatest bene- 
factor. 

But, far from any such absurdity, Socrates, 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATFS. 



523 



without setting himself up for an instructor, 
had full confidence, that all who attended to 
his discourses, and embraced his doctrines, 
would never fail in point of friendship, either 
to him or to each other : — How then could a 
man like this, be a corrupter of youth : unless, 
haply, the study of virtue should be the way to 
corrupt the morals, and incline mankind to be- 
come more dissolute 1 

But, say his accusers, " Socrates makes 
those who converse with him «contemners of 
the laws ; calling it madness to leave to chance 
the election of our magistrates ; while no one 
would be willing to take a pilot, an architect, 
or even a teacher of music, on the same terms ; 
though mistakes in such things would be far 
less fatal than errors in the administration." 
With these, and the like discourses, he brought 
(as was said) the youth by degrees to ridicule 
and contemn the established form of govern- 
ment ; and made them thereby the more head- 
strong and audacious. 

Now, it seemeth to me, that whoever applies 
himself to the study of wisdom, in hopes of 
becoming one day capable of directing his fel- 
low-citizens, will riot indulge, but rather take 
pains to subdue whatever he finds in his tem- 
per of turbulent and impetuous ; knowing that 
enmity and danger are the attendants on force ; 
while the path of persuasion is all security and 
good-will: for they who are compelled hate 
whoever compels them, supposing they have 
been injured : whereas we conciliate the affec- 
tion of those we gain by persuasion ; while 
they consider it as a kindness to be applied to 
in such a manner. Therefore it is only for 
those to employ force who possess strength 
without judgment ; but the well-advised will 
have recourse to other means. Besides, he 
who pretends to carry his point by force, hath 
need of many associates ; but the man who 
can persuade, knows that he is of himself suf- 
ficient for the purpose : neither can such a one 
be supposed forward to shed blood ; for, who 
is there would choose to destroy a fellow-citi- 
zen, rather than make a friend of him, by mild- 
ness and persuasion 1 

" But," adds his accuser, " Critias and Alci- 
biades were two of his intimate friends ; and 
these were not only the most profligate of 
mankind, but involved their country in the 
greatest misfortunes ; for, as among the thirty 
none was ever found so cruel and rapacious as 
Critias ; so, during the democracy, none was 



so audacious, so dissolute, or so insolent, aa 
Alcibiades." 

Now I shall not take upon me to exculpate 
either of these men ; but shall only relate at 
what time, and, as I think, to what end, they 
became the followers of Socrates. 

Critias and Alcibiades were, of all the Athe- 
nians, by nature the most ambitious ; aiming, 
at what price soever, to set themselves at the 
head of the commonwealth, and thereby exalt 
their names beyond that of any other : they 
saw that Socrates lived well satisfied with his 
own scanty possessions ; that he could restrain 
every passion within its proper bounds, and 
lead the minds of his hearers, by the power of 
his reasoning, to what purpose he most desired. 
Understanding this, and being such men as we 
have already described them, will any one say 
it was the temperance of Socrates, or his way 
of life, they were in love with ; and not rather, 
that by hearing his discourses, and observing 
his actions, they might the better know how to 
manage their affairs, and harangue the people 1 

And, truly, I am thoroughly persuaded, that 
if the gods had given to these men the choice 
of passing their whole lives after the manner 
of Socrates, or dying the next moment, the last 
wfruld have been preferred, as by much the 
most eligible. And their own behaviour bears 
sufficient testimony to the truth of this asser- 
tion ; for, no. sooner did they imagine they 
surpassed in knowledge the rest of their con- 
temporaries, who, together with themselves, 
had attended on Socrates, but they left him, 
to plunge into business and the affairs of the 
administration ; the only end they could pro- 
pose in desiring to associate with him. 

But, perhaps, it may be objected, that So- 
crates ought not to have discoursed with his 
followers on the affairs of government, till he 
had first instructed them how to behave with 
temperance and discretion. Far am I from 
saying otherwise, and shall only observe, that 
it is commonly the practice with those who are 
teachers of others, to perform in the presence 
of their pupils the things they would recom- 
mend ; to the end, that while they enforced 
them on their minds, by the strength of their 
reasonings, they might set forth, by their ex- 
ample, the manner in which they are done. 

Now, with respect to either of these methods 
of instruction, I know not of any who went be- 
yond Socrates ; his whole life serving as an ex- 
ample of the most unblemished integrity ; at the 



524 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES, 



[book I. 



same time that lie ever reasoned with a pecu- 
liar force ami energy, on virtue and those se- 
veral duties which are becoming us as men. 
And it is certain, that even Critias and Alci- 
biades themselves behaved soberly and wisely 
all the time they conversed with him ; not that 
they feared punishment ; but as supposing a 
regular conduct would best serve the end they 
had in view. 

nevertheless, I know there are many who 
value themselves on the account of their philo- 
sophy ; who allow not that a virtuous man 
can ever be any other than virtuous, but that 
he who is once temperate, modest, just, must 
always remain so ; because the habits of these 
virtues being deeply imprinted, cannot after- 
wards be erased out of the minds of men. 
But I hold not this opinion ; for, as the body 
from disuse may come in time to be deprived 
of all its powers, so the mental faculties may 
lose all their energy, through a neglect of their 
being exerted duly, and the man no longer able 
to act, or not act in the manner that best be- 
comes him. Therefore fathers, although other- 
wise well assured of the good disposition of 
their children, forget not to warn them against 
the company of ill men ; knowing, that as to 
converse with the good must exercise and im- 
prove every virtue, so to associate with the 
bad must prove no less pernicious and baneful. 
And to this purpose also the poet r 1 

" Although unconscious of the pleasing charm, 
The mind still bends where friendship points the way ; 

Let virtue theu thy partner's bosom warm, 
Lest vice should lead thy soften'd soul astray." 

And that other : 

" In the same mind, now good, now bad, prevail." 

And with these do I agree ; for as we may 
observe people who have learnt verses soon 
forget them, if not frequently repeated, so will 
it prove with regard to the precepts of philo- 
sophy ; they slip out of the memory, and along 
with them we lose the very ideas which kin- 
dled and nourished in our souls the love of vir- 
tue ; which ideas once gone, no wonder if the 
practice of it ceases soon after. I have ob- 
served farther, that such men as are hurried 



« Theognis. — The character of this poet is, " that he 
rescued poetry from trifling and useless subjects, to 
employ it in the service of virtue and goodness." He 
was born in the 39th Olympiad. 

Ϊ3* This elegant translation was given me by a kind 
friend. 



away with an inordinate love, whether of wine 
or women, become less capable of attending 
to what will be for their advantage, or refrain- 
ing from what is to their harm; so that it 
hath often happened, that many, who before 
were remarkable for their economy, no sooner 
became slaves to one or other of these passions, 
but all things went to ruin ; and having squan- 
dered away their substance, were compelled, 
through want, to submit to such offices as they 
themselves had once thought shameful. How 
then shall we say, that he who is once tempe- 
rate cannot become intemperate ? or that he 
who acts uprightly at one time, cannot at an- 
other act the very contrary ? For myself, I 
am persuaded that no one virtue can subsist 
that is not diligently and duly exercised, and 
temperance more especially ; because our sen- 
sual desires, being seated with our minds in 
the same body, are continually soUciting us to 
a compliance with those appetites nature hath 
implanted, though at the expense of virtue 
and all things virtuous ; wherefore I can well 
imagine that even Alcibiades and Critias could 
restrain their vicious inclinations while they ac- 
companied with Socrates and had the assistance 
of his example : but being at a distance from 
him, Critias retiring into Thessaly, there very 
soon completed his ruin, by choosing to asso- 
ciate with libertines rather than with such as 
were men of sobriety and integrity ; while 
Alcibiades, seeing himself sought after by 
women of the highest rank, on account of his 
beauty ; and at the same time much flattered by 
many who were then in power, because of the 
credit he had gained, not only in Athens, but 
with such as were in alliance with her : in a 
word perceiving how much he was the fa- 
vourite of the people, and placed, as it were, 
above the reach of a competitor, neglected 
that care of himself which alone could secure 
him ; like the athletic, who will not be at the 
trouble to continue his exercises, on seeing no 
one near able to dispute the prize with him. 
Therefore, in such an extraordinary concur- 
rence of circumstances as befell these men, 
puffed up with the nobility of their birth, 
elated with their riches, and inflamed with 
their power, if we consider the companv they 
fell into, together with their many unhappy 
opportunities for riot and intemperance, can it 
seem wonderful, separated as they were from 
Socrates, and this for so long a time too, if at 
length they became altogether degenerate, and 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



525 



ose to that height of pride and insolence to 
which we have been witnesses ] 

But the crimes of these men are, it seems, 
in the opinion of his accuser, to be charged 
upon Socrates ; yet allows he no praise for 
keeping them within the bounds of their duty 
in that part of life which is generally found the 
most intemperate and untractable ; neverthe- 
less, on all other occasions, men judge not in 
this manner. For what teacher of music, or 
any other art or science, was ever known to 
incur censure, because the scholar whom he 
had well instructed, forgot all he bad been 
taught, when placed under the care of some 
other master 1 Or what father would con- 
demn those companions of his son with whom 
the first years of his life had been spent inno- 
cently, because afterwards he had been drawn 
aside into riot and debauchery by associating 
himself with very different people] Will he 
not rather bestow the greater praise on the one 
by how much more he sees his son hath been 
corrupted by the other 1 Even parents them- 
selves are not blamed for the faults of their 
children, though educated under their own eye, 
provided they are careful not to set before them 
any ill example. 

Here then is the test whereby to have tried 
Socrates : " Hath his life been wicked 1 let 
him be considered, and condemned, as a wicked 
man : but, if otherwise, if he hath steadily and 
invariably persevered in the paths of virtue, 
accuse him not of crimes which his soul never 
knew."" 

" Yet it may be he countenanced those vices 
in others which in his own person he chose not 
to commit." 

But far from Socrates were all such com- 
pliances ! On the contrary, when Critias was 
insnared with the love of Euthydemus, he 
earnestly endeavoured to cure him of so base a 
passion : showing how illiberal, how indecent, 
how unbecoming the man of honour, to fawn, 
and cringe, and meanly act the beggar ; before 
him, too, whom of all others he the most ear- 
nestly strove to gain the esteem of, and, after 
all, for a favour which carried along with it the 
greatest infamy. And when he succeeded not 
in his private remonstrances, Critias still per- 
sisting in his unwarrantable designs, Socrates, 
it is said, reproached him in the presence of 
many, and even before the beloved Euthyde- 
mus; resembling him to a swine, the most 
filthy and disgusting of all animals. For this 



cause Critias hated him ever after ; and 
when one of the thirty, being advanced, to- 
gether with Charicles, to preside in the city, 
he forgot not the affront ; but, in order to re- 
venge it, made a law, wherein it was forbidden 
that any should teach philosophy in Athens Λ 
by which he meant, having nothing in particu- 
lar against Socrates, to involve him in the 
reproach cast by this step on all the philoso- 
phers, and thereby render him, in common 
with the rest, odious to the people ; for I nevei 
heard Socrates say that he taught philosophy , 
neither did I know any who ever did hear him , 
but Critias was stung, and he determined to 
show it. — Now, after the Thirty had put to 
death many of the citizens, and some of them 
of the best rank, 2 and had given up the reiDS 
to all manner of violence and rapine, Socrates 
had said somewhere " that it would astonish 
him much, if he who lost part of the herd 
every day, while the rest grew poorer and 
weaker under his management, should deny his 
being a bad herdsman ; but it would astonish 
him still more, if he who had the charge of 
the city, and saw the number of his citizens 
decrease hourly, while the rest became more 
dissolute and depraved under his administra- 
tion, should be shameless enough not to ac 
knowledge himself an evil ruler." These 
words, therefore, of Socrates, being told to 
Critias and Charicles, they sent for him ; and 
showing him the law, straitly forbade him to 
discourse any more with the young men. So- 
crates then asked, " if it was permitted him to 
propose some questions touching some parts of 
the said law, which he said he could not tho- 
roughly understand ;" and being answered it 
was permitted : " I am always," said he, " most 
ready to obey the laws ; but, to the end I may 
not transgress unwittingly, inform me, I pray 
you, whether you take philosophy, as it stands 
here condemned by you, to consist in reasoning 
right, or reasoning wrong; since, if you in- 
tend it to imply the first, then must we hence- 
forth beware how we reason right ; but if the 
latter is meant, the consequence is plain, then 
must we endeavour to mend our reasoning." 



* This law was again abrogated upon the expulsion of 
the thirty tyrants. — See Potter's Grecian Antiquities, 
vol. i. chap. 25. 

a It is said, that the number of those put to death by 
these tyrants was fourteen hundred, — and this without 
the least form of law, — besides five thousand, who were 
driven into banishment. 



526 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book I. 



At those words Charicles, being much enrag- 
ed, said to him, "Since you are so ignorant, 
Socrates, and withal so dull of apprehension, 
wo will express ourselves in terms somewhat 
more easv to be understood ; refrain altogether 
from talking with the young men." 

••It is well," answered Socrates; "but 
that nothing of' ambiguity may remain in the 
present case, tell me, I pray you, how long are 
men called young ! M 

« So long," replied Charicles, " as they are 
refused admittance into the senate, as supposed 
not yet arrived at maturity of judgment ; or, in 
other words, till they are thirty." 

" But suppose I should want to buy some- 
thing of a merchant, must I not ask the price 
of it if the man is under thirty." 

" Who says any such thing ?" returned Cha- 
ricles. " But, Socrates," said he, " it is so 
much your custom to ask questions when you 
are not ignorant of the matter in hand, that I 
do not wonder at your doing so now. Let us, 
however, have done for the present with your 
trifling interrogatories." 

" But what if some young man, as he passes 
along, should ask me in haste, « Where lives 
Charicles? where's Critias gone V Must I not 
answer him?" 

* It is hardly intended to prohibit such 
things," returned Charicles : when Critias in- 
terrupting them ; « And I, Socrates, I can in- 
form thee of something more thou hast to re- 
frain from : keep henceforth at a proper distance 
from the carpenters, smiths, and shoemakers ; 
and let us have no more of your examples from 
among them. And, besides, I fancy they are 
sufficiently tired with your bringing them in so 
often in your long discourses." 

" Must I likewise give up the consequences," 
said Socrates, " deducible from these exam- 
ples, and concern myself no longer with jus- 
tice and piety and the rules of right and 
wrong?" 

" Thou must, by Jupiter !" replied Chari- 
cles. " And, Socrates," said he, " to make all 
sure, trouble not thyself any more with the 
herdsmen, for fear thou shouldst occasion the 
loss of more cattle." 1 



» Some understand this as referring to a certain coin 
in use among the Athenians, whereon was stamped the 
figure of an ox, ae if Charicles had threatened So- 
rates with a fine ; but there are others, and seemingly 
with more reason, who think that Charicles aimed his 
menace rather at the life than wealth of Socrates, when 



Now, from this it is evident, that what So- 
crates once said concerning the cattle, being 
told these men, had greatly inflamed their rage 
against him. Hence also may be seen now 
long Critias continued to associate with So- 
crates, and what the affection they had for each 
other. I might here likewise add, how seldom 
it is we make proficiency under people who 
are not pleasing to us ; and that the conversa- 
tion of Socrates did not render him so either 
to Critias or Alcibiades, may well be supposed. 
Even at the very time they followed him, their 
chief delight was in conversing with such per- 
sons as they believed the most skilful in the 
affairs of state ; their only design being to go- 
vern the republic. And, agreeably to this, 
they tell us that Alcibiades, when under the 
age of twenty, coming to Pericles his tutor, 
and at that time sole director of the Athenian 
state, entered into the following conversation 
with him concerning the laws : 

" My Pericles," said he, " can you explain to 
me what a law is ? « Undoubtedly," return- 
ed the other. " Then, I conjure you by the 
immortal gods !" said Alcibiades, « instruct me 
in this point : for when I hear men praised for 
their strict observance of the laws, it seems 
to me evident, that he can no way pretend to 
that praise who is altogether ignorant what a 
law is." ' 

" Your request," my Alcibiades, " is not 
difficult to be complied with : for that is a law, 
which the people agree upon in their public 
assemblies, and afterwards cause to be promul- 
gated in a proper manner ; ordaining what 
ought or ought not to be done." 

" And what do they ordain ; to do good, or 
to do evil ?" 

«Not evil, most assuredly, my young 
man." 

" But what do you call that," said Alci- 
biades, which in states where the people have 
no rule, is advised and ordained by the few who 
may be then in power?" 

" I call that likewise a law," replied Peri- 
cles ; « for the laws are nothing but the in- 
junctions of such men as are in possession of 
the sovereign authority." 

" But when a tyrant is possessed of this 



he thus turns his own words upon him, and bids him 
take care " that he himself does not occasion the loss of 
more cattle." It seems a witticism, too, well suiting 
such a man. 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



527 



sovereign authority, are the things he ordains 
to be received as laws !" 

•< As laws," returned Pericles. 
" What then is violence and injustice 1" said 
Alcibiadcs. " Is it not when the strong com- 
pel the more weak, not by mildness and per- 
suasion, but force, to obey them 1" 
« I think it is." 

« Will it not then follow, that what a tyrant 
decrees, and compels the observance of, not 
only without, but contrary to the will of the 
people ; is not law, but the very reverse to it V 
" I believe it may," answered Pericles ; 
« for I cannot admit that as a law, which a 
tyrant enacts, contrary to the will of the 
people." 

" And when the few impose their decrees 
on the many, not by persuasion, but force, are 
we to call this also violence !" 

» We are : and truly, I think," said Pericles, 
« that whatever is decreed and enforced with- 
out the consent of those who are hereafter to 
obey, is not law, but violence." 

« Then ought that also, which is decreed by 
the people, contrary to the will of the nobles, 
to be deemed violence, rather than law V? 

« No doubt of it," replied Pericles : " But, 
my Alcibiades," continued he, " at your age we 
were somewhat more acute in those subtilties, 
when we made it our business to consider 
them, as we now see you." 

To which, it is said, Alcibiades returned 
answer : " Would to the gods then, my Peri- 
cles, I might have conversed with you at the 
time when you best understood these sorts of 
things !" In consequence, therefore, of this 
most ambitious disposition, no soone/ did 
these men suppose they had acquired some 
advantages over the persons then employed in 
the administration,' but they forbore to associ- 
ate any longer with Socrates : for, besides that 
his company was no way pleasing to them, on 
other considerations, they could still less brook 
his frequent remonstrances for the many irre- 
gularities of their lives : therefore they plunged 
at once into business, and the affairs of the 
commonwealth ; the only end for which they 
had ever been among his followers. 

But Crito, Chaerephon, Chserecrates, Sim- 
mias, Cebes, Phsedo, and many others, were 
continually with him; not from the hope of 
becoming, by his means, better orators, whether 
at the bar, or before the people ; but better 
men : capable of discharging all those duties 



which they owed to themselves, to their coun- 
try, to their families, their friends, their fellow- 
citizens. And, so far were these men from 
practising what was dishonest, that whether in 
youth or in age, not one of them ever incurred 
even the suspicion of any crime. 

But, saith his accuser, « Socrates encourag- 
eth his followers to despise their parents ; in- 
asmuch as he persuades them that he is able 
to make them wiser than they ; declaring still 
farther, that as it is lawful for a son to confine 
his father in chains when convicted of madness, 
so ought the ignorant also to be confined by him 
who is possessed of superior knowledge." 

Now, whatever his accuser might endeavour 
to insinuate, it is certain Socrates was very far 
from being of such an opinion. On the con- 
trary, it was common with him to say ; " that 
whoever pretended to confine another on the 
account of his ignorance, might himself be 
thus treated by those who were still moie 
knowing." And, to this purpose, he would 
often discourse on the essential difference be- 
tween madness, and ignorance ; saying, on such 
occasions, plainly and clearly ; " that it was in- 
deed necessary, and for the benefit of himself, 
as well as his friends, that the madman should 
be enchained ; but that he who was ignorant 
in any thing useful, should only be instructed, 
by such persons as were qualified to give him 
proper instruction." 

His accuser, however, went on to assert, « that 
Socrates not only taught the youth to have a 
contempt for their parents, but for the rest of 
their kindred ; since he would frequently de- 
clare, that when men were sick, or had a law- 
suit upon their hands, they had not recourse to 
any of their kindred for relief; but to the 
lawyer in one case, and the physician in the 
other. And, with regard to friendship, he 
would likewise say, " that a useless good-will, 
unaccompanied with the power of serving, was 
little to be accounted of; but the man to be 
esteemed and preferred, should be one who not 
only knows what is for our advantage, but can 
so explain it as to make us likewise know it : 
thereby insinuating, as was pretended, into the 
minds of the youth, that he himself was the 
friend to be chosen before any other, as being 
the best able to direct in the way of wisdom : 
while the rest of mankind, in comparison with 
him, were of small estimation. 

Now, that I myself have heard him talk after 
some such manner, concerning relations, fathers, 



528 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book I. 



ami friends, is most certain. And I remember 
him saying, " that when the soul, in which 
thought and reason alone reside, retires from 
the body, although it may be the body of 
■ father or a friend, we remove it from 
our sight as speedily as well may be. And 
whereas no man can be doubted as to the love 
he beareth to his own body, yet who is there, 
would he ask, that scruples to take away from 
it the part that is superfluous "? to cut the hair, 
or pare the nails ; or remove the whole limb, 
when mortified 1 for which purpose the sur- ( 
geon is called in, and the steel and the caustic 
not only readily submitted to, but the hand 
which applies them liberally rewarded. The 
spittle, he would say, men were glad to cast 
from them, because, remaining in the mouth, 
it was both useless and offensive. But, not- 
withstanding all this, Socrates never intended, 
though he talked in such a manner, that fathers 
were to be buried alive, or that he himself 
should have a limb taken off; but he intended 
to let us see, that whatever is useless can be 
of no estimation ; in order to excite in his 
hearers a desire to improve, and make them- 
selves, as far as may be, serviceable to others ; 
to the end, that if they wished to be regarded 
by their parents, or respected and honoured by 
their brethren or kindred, they might urge their 
claim on the account of merit, and not owe 
the whole only to consanguinity." " But," 
says his accuser, " Socrates, the better to con- 
vey, and at the same time conceal the malig- 
nity of his intentions, hath chosen many pas- 
sages from our most celebrated poets, whereby 
to convey his poison to the people, and dispose 
them the more readily to fraud and oppression ;" 
for having often cited that line of Hesiod's, 
" Employ thyself in any thing, rather than stand idle," 
it was pretended he meant to insinuate it as 
the poet's opinion, " that no employment what- 
ever could be unjust or dishonourable from 
whence profit might arise :" whereas, in truth, 
nothing could be farther from the design of 
Socrates : for, although he constantly main- 
tained that labour and employment were not 
only useful, but honourable, and idleness no 
less reproachful than pernicious to man ; yet 
he never concluded without saying, « that he 
alone could be considered as not idle who was 
employed in procuring some good to mankind ; 
but that the gamester, the debauchee, and every 
other whose end was only evil, were emphati- 
cally to be called so ; and in this sense,' he 



might, with good reason, adopt that line of 
Hesiod's, 

" Employ thyself in any thing, rather than stand idle." 
But it was still farther alledged, that Socrates 
frequently introduced these lines of Homer, 
where speaking of Ulysses, he says, 

" Each prince in name, or chief in arms approved, 
He fired with praise, or with persuasion moved : 
' Warriors like you, with strength and wisdom blest, 
By brave examples should confirm the rest :' 

" But if a clamorous vile plebeian rose, 
Him with reproof he check'd, or tamed with blows : 
' Be still, thou slave, and to thy betters yield; 
Unknown alike in council and in field !' " Pope. 

These words, it was said, he would explain 
in such a manner, as if the poet hereby meant 
to recommend roughness, severity, and stripes, 
as the only proper arguments to. be made use 
of against the vulgar and the indigent. But 
Socrates was not absurd enough to draw such 
conclusions ; for how then could he have com- 
plained, if he himself had been rudely treated 1 
But he asserted, and might strengthen his 
assertion with these lines from Homer, " that 
such as could neither council nor execute, 
equally unfit, whether for the city or the 
camp, these, and such as these, and more 
especially when insolent and unruly, ought to 
be reduced to reason, without any regard to 
the extent of their possessions." 

And it is certain nothing more could be in- 
tended ; for 'as to himself, Socrates loved the 
people : his benevolence even extended to all 
mankind ; insomuch that, although he was 
sought after by foreigners as well as Athe- 
nians, he took no reward from any who ap- 
plied to him, but freely imparted that wisdom 
he was endued with. Yet so did not others. 
On the contrary many who were become rich 
by his liberality, sold at no mean price, but a 
small part of that which had cost them no- 
thing : while, uninfluenced by his example, and 
bearing no resemblance to him in affection to 
the people, they refused to converse with any 
who were not able to pay, and that largely, for 
their instruction. 

And, indeed, by this conduct Socrates hai 
rendered the city of Athens renowned through- 
out all Greece ; so that, if it was said of Ly- 
chas the Lacedsemonian, " that he was the 
glory of Sparta," because he entertained, at 
his own expense, the strangers who resorted 
thither at one of the feasts made in honour of 
| Apollo, much rather might be said of Socrates, 
| " that he was the glory of Athens," whose 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



529 



<vhole life was one continued largess ; and 
who, dispensing with a liberal hand his in- 
estimable treasure, sent no one ever away from 
him without making him, if willing, a wiser 
and a happier man. Wherefore, it should 
seem, that had Socrates been treated by the 
Athenians according to his merit, public hon- 
ours would have been decreed him much 
rather than a shameful death. And, after all, 
for whom do the laws appoint this punishment 1 
Is it not for the thief ] for the assaulter on the 
highway 1 for the underminer of walls, and the 
committer of sacrilege 1 But where, among 
mankind, shall we find any one at so great a 
distance from any of these crimes as Socrates ] 
Who can accuse him of holding intelligence 
with the common enemy 1 of spreading sedi- 
tion and treason throughout the city 1 or of 
having been the cause of any one calamity 
whatsoever ] Where is he who, in private 
life, can say, " Socrates hath defrauded me of 
my possessions, or hath injured me in any 
kind 1" Nay, when did he incur even the 
suspicion of any of these things 1 And as to 
the points whereof he stood accused, could he 
be a denier of those very gods whom in so 
eminent a manner he worshipped 1 Could he 
be a corrupter of youth, whose only employ- 
ment was to root out of the mind of man every 
vicious inclination, and plant in their stead a 
love of that virtue, which is so amiable in it- 
self, and so becoming us as men, and which 
alone hath the power to make, whether cities 
or private families, flourishing and happy Ί 
This being so, who seeth not how much his 
country stood indebted to Socrates'! and that 
honours, not ignominy, should have been his 
reward 1 

III. Now, as I am persuaded the benefit 
arising to all those who accompanied with Soc- 
rates was not less owing to the irresistible 
force of his example than to the excellency of 
his discourses, I will set down whatever occurs 
to my memory, whether it relates to his words 
or his actions. 

And first, with respect to sacred rites and 
'institutions. In these things it was ever his 
practice to approve himself a strict observer of 
the answer the Pythian priestess gives to all 
who inquire the proper manner of sacrificing 
to the gods, or paying honours 1 to their de- 



» These honours consisted of sacrifices, libations, 
and various other rites and ceremonies, and were per- 
45 



ceased ancestors : " Follow," saith the god, 
" the custom of your country :" and therefore 
Socrates, in all those exercises of his devotion 
and piety, confined himself altogether to what 
he saw practised by the republic ; and to his 
friends he constantly advised the same thing, 
saying, it only savoured of vanity and supersti- 
tion in all those who did otherwise. 

When he prayed, his petition was only this 
— μ That the gods would give to him those 
things that were good." And this he did, for- 
asmuch as they alone knew what was good for 
man. But he who should ask for gold or sil- 
ver, or increase of dominion, acted not, in his 
opinion, more wisely than one who should pray 
for the opportunity to fight, or game, or any 
thing of the like nature, the consequence 
whereof being altogether doubtful, might turn, 
for aught he knew, not a little to his disadvan- 
tage. When he sacrificed, he feared not his 
offering would fail of acceptance in that he was 
poor ; but, giving according to his ability, he 
doubted not,, but, in the sight of the gods, he 
equalled those men whose gifts and sacrifices 
overspread the whole altar. And, indeed, he 
made no scruple to assert, that it would not be 
agreeable to the nature of the gods to respect 
the costly offerings of the rich and the great, 
whilst the poor man's gift was altogether dis- 
regarded. For by this means it might happen, 
nor yet unfrequently, that the sacrifice of the 
wicked would find the most acceptance : which, 
if so, he thought life itself would not be desi- 
rable to a reasonable creature. But Socrates 
always reckoned upon it as a mostindubitable 
truth, that the service paid the Deity by the 
pure and pious soul, was the most grateful 
sacrifice ; and therefore it was, he so much 
approved that precept of the poet, which bids 
us « offer to the gods according to our power." 
And not only on these, but on every other oc- 
casion, he thought he had no better advice to 
give his friends, than " that they should do all 
things according to their ability." Farther, 



formed on the 9th and 30th days after burial, and re- 
peated when any of their friends arrived who had 
been absent from the solemnity ; and upon all other 
occasions which required their surviving relations t) 
have the deceased in memory. On these public daye 
it was the custom to call over the names of their dead 
relations, one by one, excepting such as died underage 
or had forfeited their title to this honour by dissipating 
their paternal inheritance, or for some other crime — 
Pott. Antiq. 

3R 



530 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book I. 



whenever he supposed any intimation had 
been given him by the Deity concerning what 
ought or ought not to be done, it was no more 
possible to bring Socrates to act otherwise, 
than to make him quit the guide, clear sighted 
and well instructed in the road he was to go, 
in favour of one not only ignorant but blind. 
And to this purpose he always condemned the 
extreme folly of those, who, to avoid the ill 
opinion and reproach of men, acted not accord- 
ing to the direction of the gods ; looking down 
with contempt on all the little arts of human 
prudence, when placed in competition with 
those divine notices and admonitions which it is 
oftentimes their pleasure to communicate to man. 

As to his manner of living, it may be said, 
that whoever is willing to regulate and disci- 
pline his body and his mind after the example 
of Socrates, can hardly fail, no deity opposing, 
to procure for himself that degree of health and 
strength as cannot easily be shaken. Neither 
shall he want large sums for such a purpose. 
On the contrary, such was his moderation, that 
I question whether there ever was any man, if 
able to work at all, but might have earned suf- 
ficient to have supported Socrates. His custom 
was to eat as long as it gave him any pleasure ; 
and a good appetite was to him what delicious 
fare is to another : and as he only drank when 
thirst compelled him, whatever served to allay 
it could not fail of being grateful. So that it 
was easy for him, when present at their feasts, 
to refrain from excess, which other men find so 
much difficulty in doing. And as to such per- 
sons as gave proof how very little they could 
command themselves, to these he would counsel 
even the not tasting of those delicacies which 
might allure them to eat when they were not 
hungry, and drink when they were not dry ; 
since the fruits (he said) of so doing were not 
only pains in the head and loss of digestion, 
but disorder and confusion in the mind of man. 
And it was frequent with him to say, between 
jest and earnest, " that he doubted not its be- 
ing with charms like these that Circe turned 
the companions of Ulysses into swine ; while 
the hero himself, being admonished by Mer- 
cury, and, from his accustomed temperance, 
refusing to taste the enchanting cup, happily 
escaped the shameful transformation." 

With regard to love, his counsel always was 
to keep at a distance from beautiful persons ; 
saying, it was difficult to approach any such and 
not be ensnared. As for himself, his great 



continence was known to every one ; and it was 
more easy for him to avoid the most beautiful 
objects, than for others those who were the 
most disgusting. But although this was the 
manner in which Socrates lived, yet could he 
not be persuaded that he enjoyed less of the 
pleasures of life than the voluptuous man, who 
employed all his thoughts in the eager pursuit 
of them ; at the same time that he escaped all 
that vexation and grief so sure to attend on 
those who too freely indulge in sensual gratifi- 
cations. 

IV. Now, should there be any inclined to 
believe what some on conjecture have under- 
taken to advance, both in their conversations 
and writings, " that Socrates could indeed in- 
flame his hearers with the love of virtue, but 
could never influence them so far as to bring 
them to make any great proficiency therein :" 
let these, I say, consider what his arguments 
were, not only when his design was to refute 
such men as pretended to know every thing, 
but even in his retired and familiar conversa- 
tion, and then let them judge whether Socrates 
was not fully qualified for the bringing his 
followers and his friends to make proficiency in 
the paths of virtue. 

And, for this purpose, I will now relate the 
manner in which I once heard him discoursing 
with Aristodemus, surnamed the Little, con- 
cerning the Deity. For, observing that he 
neither prayed nor sacrificed to the gods, nor 
yet consulted any oracle, but, on the contrary, 
ridiculed and laughed at those who did, he said 
to him : 

"Tell me, Aristodemus, is there any man 
whom you admire on account of his merit V 

Aristodemus having answered, "Many." — 
" Name some of them, I pray you." 

"I admire," said Aristodemus, " Homer for 
his epic poetry, Melanippides for his dithyram- 
bics, Sophocles for tragedy, Polycletes for stat 
uary, and Xeuxis for painting." 

"But which seems to you most worthy of 
admiration, Aristodemus ; — the artist who forms 
images void of motion and intelligence ; or one 
who hath the skill to produce animals that are 
endued, not only with activity, but understand- 
ing?" 

" The latter, there can be no doubt," replied 
Aristodemus, "provided the production was 
not the effect of chance, but of wisdom and 
contrivance." 

" But since there are many things, some of 






MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



531 



which we can easily see the use of, while we 
cannot say of others to what purpose they were 
produced ; which of these, Aristodemus, do you 
suppose the work of wisdom V* 

" It should seem the most reasonable to affirm 
it of those, whose fitness and utility is so evi- 
dently apparent." 

« But it is evidently apparent, that He, who 
at the beginning made man, endued him with 
senses because they were good for him ; eyes, 
wherewith to behold whatever was visible ; and 
ears, to hear whatever was to be heard. For 
say, Aristodemus, to what purpose should 
odours be prepared, if the sense of smelling 
had been denied 1 Or why the distinctions of 
bitter and sweet, of savoury and unsavoury, 
unless a palate had been likewise given, con- 
veniently placed, to arbitrate between them, 
and declare the difference 1 Is not that Provi- 
dence, Aristodemus, in a most eminent manner 
conspicuous, which, because the eye of man is 
so delicate in its contexture, hath therefore pre- 
pared eyelids like doors, whereby to secure it ; 
which extend of themselves whenever it is 
needful, and again close when sleep approaches 1 
Are not these eyelids provided, as it were, with 
a fence on the edge of them, to keep off the 
wind and guard the eye 1 Even the eyebrow 
itself U not without its office, but, as a pent- 
house, is prepared to turn off the sweat, which 
falling from the forehead, might enter and annoy 
that no less tender than astonishing part of us ! 
Is it not to be admired that the ears should 
take in sounds of every sort, and yet are not 
too much filled by them 1 That the fore-teeth 
of the animal should be formed in such a man- 
ner as is evidently best suited for the cutting of 
its food, as those on the side for grinding it in 
pieces 1 That the mouth, through which this 
food is conveyed, should be placed so near the 
nose and the eyes, as to prevent the passing, 
unnoticed, whatever is unfit for nourishment ; 
while nature, on the contrary, hath set at a dis- 
tance, and concealed from the senses, all that 
might disgust or any way offend them 1 And 
canst thou still doubt, Aristodemus, whether a 
disposition of parts like this should be the work 
of chance, or of wisdom and contrivance 1 " 

" I have no longer any doubt," replied Aris- 
todemus : " and, indeed, the more I consider 
it, the more evident it appears to me, that man 
must be the masterpiece of some great artificer; 
carrying along with it infinite marks of the love 
and favour of Him who hath thus formed it." 



« And what thinkest thou, Aristodemus, of 
that desire in the individual which leads to the 
continuance of the species 1 Of that tender- 
ness and affection in the female towards her 
young, so necessary for its preservation ? Of 
that unremitted love of life, and dread of dis- 
solution, which take such strong possession of 
us from the moment we begin to be !" 

"I think of them," answered Aristodemus, 
" as so many regular operations of the same 
great and wise Artist, deliberately determining 
to preserve what he hath once made." 

" But, farther, (unless thou desirest to ask 
me questions), seeing, Aristodemus, thou thy- 
self art conscious of reason and intelligence, 
supposest thou there is no intelligence else- 
where 1 Thou knowest thy body to be a small 
part of that wide extended earth which thou 
everywhere beholdest : the moisture contained 
in it, thou also knowest to be a small portion 
of that mighty mass of waters whereof seas 
themselves are but a part, while the rest of the 
elements contribute, out of their abundance, to 
thy formation. It is the soul then alone, that 
intellectual part of us, which is come to thee 
by some lucky chance, from I know not where. 
If so be, there is indeed no intelligence else- 
where : and we must be forced to confess, that 
this stupendous universe, with all the various 
bodies contained therein — equally amazing, 
whether we consider their magnitude or num- 
ber, whatever their use, whatever their order — 
all have been produced, not by intelligence, but 
chance !" 

" It is with difficulty that I can suppose 
otherwise," returned Aristodemus ; " for I be- 
hold none of those gods, whom you speak of, 
as making and governing all things ; whereas 
I see the artists 'when at their work here among 
us." 

« Neither yet seest thou thy soul, Aristo- 
demus, which, however, most assuredly governs 
thy body : although it may well seem, by thy 
manner of talking, that it is chance, and not 
reason, which governs thee." 

" I do not despise the gods," said Aristode- 
mus : « on the contrary, I conceive so highly 
of their excellence, as to suppose they stand in 
no need either of me or of my services." 

" Thou mistakest the matter, Aristodemus ; 
the greater magnificence they have shown in 
their care of thee, so much the more honour 
and service thou owest them." 

" Be assured," said Aristodemus, « if I once 



532 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book I. 



could bo persuaded the gods took care of man, 
I should want no monitor to remind me of my 
duty." 

• And canst thou doubt, Aristodemus, if 
the cods take care of man ? Hath not the 
glorious privilege of walking upright been alone 
bestowed on him, whereby he may, with the 
better advantage, survey what is around him, 
contemplate with more ease those splendid ob- 
vhich are above, and avoid the numerous 
ills and inconveniences which would otherwise 
befall him 1 Other animals, indeed, they have 
provided with feet, by which they may re- 
move from one place to another ; but to man 
they have also given hands, with which he 
can form many things for his use, and make 
himself happier than creatures of any other 
kind. A tongue hath been bestowed on every 
other animal ; but what animal, except man, 
hath the power of forming words with it, 
whereby to explain his thoughts, and make 
them intelligible to others 1 And to show 
that the gods have had regard to his very plea- 
sures, they have not limited them, like those 
of other animals, to times and seasons, but 
man is left to indulge in them, whenever not 
hurtful to him. 

" But it is not with respect to tkebody alone 
that the gods have shown themselves thus 
bountiful to man ; their most excellent gift is 
that soul they have infused into him, which so 
far surpasses what is elsewhere to be found. 
For by what animal, except man, is even the 
existence of those gods discovered, who have 
produced, and still uphold, in such regular or- 
der, this beautiful and stupendous frame of the 
universe 1 What other species of creatures are 
to be found that can serve, that can adore 
them 1 What other animal is able, like man, to 
provide against the assaults of heat and cold, 
of thirst and hunger 1 That can lay up reme- 
dies for the time of sickness, and improve the 
strength nature hath given by a well-propor- 
tioned exercise 1 That can receive, like him, 
information and instruction ; or so happily keep 
in memory what he hath seen, and heard, and 
learnt 1 These things being so, who seeth not 
that man is, as it were, a god in the midst of 
this visible creation ; so far doth he surpass, 
whether in the endowments of soul or body, 
all animals whatsoever that have been produced 
therein ? For, if the body of the ox had been 
joined to the mind of man, the acuteness of the 
latter would have stood him in small stead, 



while unable to execute the well-designed 
plan ; nor would the human form have been of 
more use to the brute, so long as it remained 
destitute of understanding ! But in thee, Ar- 
istodemus, hath been joined to a wonderful 
soul, a body no less wonderful : and sayest 
thou, after this, «the gods take no thought for 
me !' What wouldst thou then more to con- 
vince thee of their care V 

" I would they should send, and inform me," 
said Aristodemus, « what things I ought or 
ought not to do, in like manner as thou sayest 
they frequently do to thee." 

" And what then, Aristodemus 1 supposest 
thou, that when the gods give out some oracle 
to all the Athenians, they mean it not for 
thee ] If, by their prodigies, they declare aloud 
to all Greece, — to all mankind, — the things 
which shall befall them, are they dumb to thee 
alone 1 And art thou the only person whom 
they have placed beyond their care 1 Be- 
lievest thou they would have wrought into the 
mind of man a persuasion of their being able 
to make him happy or miserable, if so be they 
had no such power 1 or would not even man 
himself, long ere this, have seen through the 
gross delusion 1 How is it, Aristodemus, thou 
rememberest, or remarkest not, that the king- 
doms and commonwealths most renowned as 
well for their wisdom as antiquity, are those 
whose piety and devotion have been the most 
observable ] and that even man himself is never 
so well disposed to serve the Deity, as in that 
part of life when reason bears the greatest 
sway, and his judgment supposed in its full 
strength and maturity. Consider, my Aristo- 
demus, that the soul which resides in thy body 
can govern it at pleasure ; why then may not 
the soul of the universe, which pervades and 
animates every part of it, govern it in like 
manner ? If thine eye hath the power to take 
in many objects, and these placed at no small 
distance from it, marvel not if the eye of the 
Deity can, at one glance, comprehend the whole ! 
And as thou perceivest it not beyond thy 
ability to extend thy care, at the same time, to 
the concerns of Athens, Egypt, Sicily ; why 
thinkest thou, my Aristodemus, that the pro- 
vidence of God may not easily extend itself 
throughout the whole universe 1 As, there- 
fore, among men, we make best trial of the af- 
fection and gratitude of our neighbour, by 
showing him kindness : and discover his wis- 
dom, by consulting him in our distress; do 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



533 



thou, in like manner, behave towards the gods : 
and, if thou wouldst experience what their 
wisdom, and what their love, render thyself de- 
serving the communication of some of those 
divine secrets which may not be penetrated by 
man ; and are imparted to those alone, who con- 
sult, who adore, who obey the Deity. Then shalt 
thou, my Aristodemus, understand there is a 
being whose eye pierceth throughout all nature, 
and whose ear is open to every sound ; extended 
to all places ; extending through all time ; and 
whose bounty and care can know no other 
bounds than those fixed by his own creation !" 

By this discourse, and others of the like na- 
ture, Socrates taught his friends that they were 
not only to forbear whatever was impious, un- 
just, or unbecoming before men ; but even, 
when alone, they ought to have a regard to all 
their actions ; since the gods have their eyes 
continually upon us ; and none of our designs 
can be concealed from them. 

V. And now, if temperance be a virtue con- 
ducing to the honour and happiness of man, 
let us see in what manner Socrates endeavour- 
ed to stir up his followers to the practice of it. 

" My fellow citizens ! would he say, when 
war is declared, and it becomes necessary for 
you to make choice of a general, choose ye the 
man enslaved to wine or women ; luxurious in 
his diet ; intemperate in his sleep ; incapable 
of labour ; impatient of fatigue 1 Can ye, from 
such a one, expect safety to yourselves ; or 
conquest over your enemies 1 Or, when death 
draweth nigh, and no thought remaineth but 
for the welfar* of your children, do ye then 
inquire for the debauchee wherewith to intrust 
them 1 Is it he who must direct in the virtu- 
ous education of your sons, and guard the 
chastity of your virgin daughters ; or secure to 
them the inheritance from the hand of the op- 
pressor 1 ? Do ye intrust your flocks or your 
herds to the conduct of him who is overcharged 
with drunkenness "? or expect from such a one 
despatch to your affairs ] Would even the slave 
be received, though sent as a gift, who came to 
us branded with so loathsome a vice 1 If, 
therefore, intemperance appears to us so odious 
when seen only in the slave, how should we 
dread the being ourselves degraded by it ! The 
rapacious and covetous have the pleasure of 
growing rich, and add to their own substance 
what they take from others : but the dissolute 
man injures his neighbour without profit to 
himself; nay, he injures every one, and himself 
45* 



most of all, if the ruin of his family, his health, 
his body, and his mind, may be termed inju- 
ries. Neither can such a one add to the pie•• 
sures that arise from social conversation : for 
what pleasure can he give whose only, delight 
is in eating and drinking, and, destitute of 
shame, prefers the company of the common 
prostitute to that of his best friend? Hence, 
therefore, we may see how necessary it is to 
make temperance our chief study ; since, with- 
out this as its basis, what other virtue can we 
attain 1 How can we learn what is profitable, 
or practise what is praiseworthy 1 Neither car» 
we conceive a state more pitiable, whether in 
respect to body or mind, than the voluptuary, 
given up to all the drudgery of intemperance. 
And, certainly, we should wish no worthy man 
may be encumbered with a slave of this dispo- 
sition : or, however, we are sure all slaves who 
abandon themselves to such irregularities ought 
to entreat the gods that they may fall into the 
hands of mild and gentle masters, — their only 
chance to save them from utter ruin." 

Thus would Socrates talk concerning tem- 
perance; and if the whole tenor of his dis- 
course showed his regard for this virtue, the 
whole tenor of his life served more abundantly 
to confirm it. For he was not only superior 
to the pleasures of sense, but the desire of 
gain : it being his full persuasion, that the man 
who received money bought himself a master ; 
whose commands, however humbling, could 
not honestly be rejected. 

VI. It may not be improper, nor yet to the 
discredit of Socrates, to relate a conversation 
he had with Antipho the sophist. 2 Now 
this man, having a design to draw to himself 
the followers of Socrates, came to him one 
day, and, in the presence of many of them, 
accosted him as follows : 

" I always thought," said he, « that philo- 



» These were a sort of men, who, as Socrates says, 
pretended to know, and teach every thing; geometry, 
arithmetic, astronomy, natural philosophy, eloquence, 
politics, &c. Their promises, however, always ended 
in giving some slight superficial notions of these several 
sciences; and they exercised their disciples chierly in 
idle disputations, whereby they might learn to defend 
whatever they had a mind to affirm. Those who studied 
under them, were filled with pride, and vain conceit 
of their own abilities; while the sophist, on his side, 
regarded nothing but his own gain : and it is said, that 
one Protagoras, although there were at that time many 
others of them in Greece, accumulated by this profession 
ten times the sum that Phidias, the famous slatuarv, 
could ever gain by his, trade. 



534 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book I. 



aophv sewed to make men happier; but the 
fruit Of your wisdom, Socrates, seems to be the 
very rovers• ! lor I know not that slave who 
would tarry with his master a single day, if 
compelled to live in the manner that you do. 
You eel and drink the meanest of every thing. 
Your habit is not only coarser than others, but 
you make no difference between summer and 
winter ; and your feet are always naked. You 
will take no money, though we find no little 
pleasure in accumulating wealth : and be- 
sides, when a man hath once made his fortune, 
he hath nothing more to do than to live nobly, 
and go on at his ease. Now, if all who attend 
to your instructions are to follow your example, 
as is commonly the case of pupils with their 
masters, may we not well say you only teach 
men how to be miserable 1" 

To which Socrates : " I perceive, Antipho, 
you have formed to yourself so woeful a picture 
of my manner of life, as shows you had much 
rather die than live as I do : let us therefore 
examine what it is you are so much afraid of. 
You think I am to be pitied for not taking 
money : is it because those who do, are no 
longer masters of their own time, but must per- 
form their engagements, however contrary to 
their inclinations ; while I am at liberty to talk 
or not talk, as best suits my humour 1 The 
manner in which I eat may not be to your 
mind : Doth my dinner afford less nourish- 
ment than yours 1 doth it cost more Ί or is it, 
do you think, more difficult to procure 1 And 
though I allow the things they provide for your 
table may be more delicious than those on mine, 
consider, Antipho, he who sits down with a 
good appetite hath no want of rich sauce to 
give a relish to his food : neither will he wish 
for the high-flavoured wine, who hath already 
with delight quenched his thirst with water. 
As to my habit: You know, Antipho, he 
who changes his dress, does it on account of 
the heat or cold ; and puts on shoes only that 
the ruggedness of the road may not prevent his 
passing it : but tell me, I desire you, when hath 
the cold kept me within doors 1 or where did 
you see me contend for the shade, to avoid the 
scorching heat of the sun 1 or, when was I 
hindered by the anguish of my feet from going 
wherever my fancy led me 1 Besides, you 
cannot but know many, whose constitution be- 
ing naturally weak, have brought themselves by 
the force of exercise to bear labour and fatigue 



far better than those of a more robust make, 
who through indolence and sloth have shame- 
fully neglected it. Why then should you not 
suppose that I, who have always accustomed 
myself to bear with patience whatever might 
fall to my lot, may do it at present with some- 
what more ease than you, Antipho, who per- 
haps, have not so much as once thought of the 
matter ? If I am observed to be not over deli- 
cate in my diet, if I sleep little, nor once taste 
of those infamous delights which others indulge 
in, assign no other cause than my being pos- 
sessed of pleasures in themselves far more eli- 
gible, which delight not alone for the moment 
in which they are enjoyed, but gladden with the 
hope of yielding perpetual satisfaction. Now, 
you must have remarked, Antipho, that people 
who doubt their affairs go ill, are never cheer- 
ful ; while those who think they are in the way 
to succeed, whether in agriculture, traffic, or 
whatever it may be, are happy as if they had al- 
ready succeeded. But suppose you there can 
arise from any of these a pleasure equal to 
what the mind experiences while it is con- 
scious of improving in the paths of virtue, and 
sees the wise and the good add to the number 
of its friends 1 Yet these are the purposes to 
which I think I employ myself; and this, the 
reward I have for my labour ! Besides, should 
we suppose our friends or our country wanting 
assistance, who would be judged the best able 
to bestow it ; he, Antipho, who lives as I do 1 
or he who engaged in that course of life which 
seems to you so very delightful 1 Or, when 
called on to bear arms, which would you think 
the most likely to discharge the duty of a good 
soldier ; he who sits down dissatisfied to his 
table unless loaded with delicacies, however 
difficult to be obtained ; or he who is not only 
content, but rises Well pleased from whatever 
is set before him ? And if the city is besieg- 
ed, which will be the first to advise the surren- 
dering it up to the enemy 1 It should seem 
your opinion, Antipho, that happiness con- 
sisted in luxury and profusion ; whereas, in 
truth, I consider it as a perfection in the gods 
that they want nothing ; and consequently, he 
cometh the nearest to the divine nature, who 
standeth in want of the fewest things: and 
seeing there is nothing which can transcend 
the divine nature, who ever approacheth Ke 
nearest thereto, approaches the nearest to so- 
vereign excellence." 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



535 



At another time, Antipho disputing with 
him, said, η I am willing to acknowledge you a 
just man, Socrates, but surely not a man of 
much knowledge ; and of this you seem to be 
yourself aware, since you refuse to receive any 
reward for your instructions. Now it is cer- 
tain you would not give your house, or even 
your cloak, for nothing ; nay, nor for less than 
the full worth of them ; yet you will talk, it is 
well known, for a whole day gratis ; — a plain 
proof how the case stands with you. Now it 
is for this very reason I commend your honesty, 
that will not suffer you, through desire of gain, 
to deceive any ; but then you must give up all 
pretences to knowledge, since you hereby de- 
clare you have none worth purchasing." 

To which Socrates : — " You know, Anti- 
pho, that among us it is imagined there is no 
small similarity between beauty and philosophy; 
for that which is praiseworthy in the one, is so 
likewise in the other ; and the same sort of 
vices are apt to blemish both. Now, when we 
see a woman bartering her beauty for gold, we 
look upon such a one as no other than a com- 
mon prostitute ; but she who rewards the pas- 
sion of some worthy youth with it, gains at 
the same time our approbation and esteem. 
It is the very same with philosophy : he who 
sets it forth for public sale, to be disposed of 
to the best bidder, is a sophist, a public prosti- 
tute. But he who becomes the instructor of 
some well-disposed youth, and makes thereby 
a friend of him, we say of such a one, he dis- 
charges as he ought the duty of a good citizen. 
And besides, Antipho, as there are some who 
delight in fine horses, others in dogs, and others 
in other animals, my pleasure is in the com- 
pany of my friends. If I know any thing 
whereby they may at all be profited, I commu- 
nicate it to them, or recommend them to those 
whom I think better (fualified for carrying 
them on in the paths of virtue. When we are 
together, we employ ourselves in searching 
into those treasures of knowledge the ancients 
have left us : we draw from the same foun- 
tains ; and running over whatever these sages 
have left behind them, where we find any thing 
excellent, we remark it for our use ; and think 
ourselves not to have profited a little, when we 
see mutual love begin to flourish among us." 

Thus did Socrates reply : and truly, when I 
have heard him talk in this manner, I could 
not doubt of his being a happy man ; nor yet 
of his kindling in the minds of his hearers an 



ardent love for that virtue which in him ap- 
peared so amiable. 

Being asked at another time by the same 
man, " Why he, who fancied himself so able 
to make skilful statesmen of others, did not 
himself engage in state affairs 1" — "And by 
which of these methods," said Socrates, « sup- 
posest thou I shall most advantage the com- 
monwealth 1 taking on me some office, which 
however well executed, would only be the ser- 
vice of one man ; or, by instructing all I meet, 
furnish the republic with may good citizens, 
every one capable of serving it well?" l 

VII. And now let us examine, whether, by 
dissuading his friends from vanity and arro- 
gance, he did not excite them to the practice 
of virtue. It was his custom to assert " that 
the only way to true glory, was for a man to be 
really excellent, not affect to appear so :" and 
to show this the more plainly, he would often 
make use of the following example ; " Let us 
suppose," said he, " that one altogether igno- 
rant in music desires to be thought an excellent 
musician. To this purpose he takes care to 
imitate whatever is imitable in those who are 
the greatest proficients in the art. He is un- 
commonly curious in the choice of his instru- 
ments ; and a crowd must follow him, to cry 
him up for a wonder wherever he goes, as they 
do the most admired masters ; but for all this, 
he must never venture the public with a speci- 
men of his skill, lest his ignorance, as well as 
arrogance, should instantly appear, and ridicule, 
not fame, prove the reward of his ill-judged 
expenses. The case," he would say, " is the 
same with the man who endeavours to pass for 
an able general, or a good pilot, without know- 
ing any thing of the matter. If his word is 
not taken, he is displeased ; if it is, what will 
become of him when called to preside at the 
helm, or command the army 1 -what but shame 



* Epictetus talks to the same purpose concerning his 
cynic philosopher, but in terras somewhat more haugh- 
ty than the humble Socrates. " Ask me, if you please, 
too, whether a cynic will engage in the administration 
of the commonwealth? What commonwealth do you 
inquire after, blockhead, greater than what he admi- 
nisters? Whether he will harangue among the Athe- 
nians about revenues and taxes, whose business is tu 
debate with all mankind ; with the Athenians, Corin- 
thians, and Romans equally ; not about taxes and re- 
venues, or peace and war, but about happiness and 
misery, prosperity and adversity, slavery and freedom. 
Do you ask me, whether a man engages in the adini 
nistration of the commonwealth who administers such 
a commonwealth as this!"— Carter's Epic. 



536 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book I. 



to himself, and perhaps ruin to his best friends, 
can possibly be the result of the vain under- 
taking 1 Neither will he who foolishly affects 
the character of valiant, or rich, or strong, be 
exposed to less dangeT. By the help of some 
false appearance he may be called, indeed, to 
some honourable employment ; but it is an 
employment exceeding his abilities to perform ; 
and his mistakes will not be pardoned by those 
whom he imposed on. For as the man can be 
deemed no other than a cheat who refuseth to 



return the money or the cloak, which through 
his fair demeanor, hath been lent him by his 
neighbour, much rather ought he to be stigma- 
tized as such, who, destitute of every talent 
necessary for the purpose, shall dare impose 
himself on the state, as one well qualified to 
direct in the administration." 

Thus Socrates endeavoured to make vanity 
and ostentation the more odious to his fol- 
lowers, by showing clearly how much folly at- 
tended the practice of it. 



XENOPHON'S 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 



BOOK II. 

[537] 



CONTENTS OF BOOK II. 



. The discourses of Socrates tended to make his followers temperate, and patient under fatigue— His conver- 
sation with Aristippus respecting temperance — Allegory of Sensuality and Virtue. — II. He teaches his son 
Lamprocles submission to his mother. — III. Reconciles Chaerephon and Chaerecrates.-two brothers, who were 
at variance.— IV. V. Discourse concerning friendship and the value of friends.— VI. Conversation with Cri- 
tobulus respecting the trying and finding out such friends as are worthy of affection. — VII. His plan of re- 
lieving the embarrassment of Aristarchus. — VIII. His advice toEutherus. — IX. His conversation with Crito. 
which tended to relieve the perplexities of the latter, and to secure a valuable friend.— X. Advises Diodorus 
to seek the friendship of Hermogenes. 



[638] 



XENOPHON'S 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 



BOOK II. 



I. It is likewise my opinion that Socrates con- 
tributed not a little by his discourses to make 
his followers more patient of hunger, and 
thirst, and labour ; contemn heat and cold ; 
despise sleep; with every other sensual gra- 
tification. For hearing that one of them lived 
too effeminately, he asked him, saying, " Sup- 
pose now, Aristippus, the education of two 
young men was submitted to your direction ; 
the one intended to bear rule in the state, the 
other to obey ; what method would you take 
with them 1 ? Shall we examine the matter, 
and begin with their food 1" 

" It will be right to do this, most certainly," 
replied Aristippus, " since food seems to be 
the support of life." 

" If. is probable then," said Socrates, " that 
you will accustom them both to eat and drink 
at certain stated hours 1" 

" Most probably." 

« But which would you teach to relinquish 
this stated hour of repast when urgent business 
called him away from it!" 

•< He whom I intend for sovereignty, most 
assuredly, that the affairs of the commonwealth 
may not suffer from delay." 

" And the power of enduring thirst patiently, 
ought not this likewise to be added 1" 

« Certainly." 

" And which of these would you accustom 
to rise early and go to rest late, or pass, when 
necessary, whole nights in watching 1 which to 
subdue even love itself, with every tender, in- 
clination, while fatigue and labour are not 
shunned, but with cheerfulness submitted to!" 



" The same, no doubt of it." 

" But if there is an art teaching us in what 
manner we may best subdue our enemies, 
which of these young men would you endea- 
vour to make master of it V* 

" He whom I intended for rule," replied 
Aristippus ; •« since, without this art, all the 
rest will be useless." 

" One should suppose then," said Socrates, 
" that a man thus educated would not so readily 
fall into the snares that are laid for him, as 
those animals, whereof some, we know, are 
destroyed by their gluttony, while they rush 
forward, however timorous by nature, to seize 
the bait thrown out to allure them : others, 
with equal greediness, swallow down the li- 
quor which has been prepared and set for that 
very purpose ; and, intoxicated therewith, are 
easily taken; while the partridge and quail 
find their destruction in running too eagerly 
after the female's call." 

Aristippus assenting to this, Socrates went 
on : « But is it not then most shameful, 
Aristippus, when men do fall into the same 
snares with which those foolish animals are 
taken 1 Yet so doth the adulterer. He meanly 
submits to be shut up like a prisoner in the 
chamber of the man whom he seeketh to in- 
jure. Neither the rigour of the laws, 1 nor the 
fear of a discovery, though sensible how many 
evils besides that of infamy must attend it, 
are sufficient to restrain him; but, regardless 
of the danger, and neglecing those many ra- 



See Potter's Antiq. b. iv. ch. 12. 



539 



540 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book II. 



tional and creditable amusements which are 
still within his power, and might serve to di- 
■scrt him from so shameful a passion, he rushes 
headlong to his ruin. And can any other be 
f μ wretched ■ being, but that some fury 
hath possessed him ?" 

it should seem," said Aristippus. 

" But," continued Socrates, " since so many, 
and those the most important employments of 
life, — as war, husbandry, and others, — are of 
necessity to be carried on in the open fields, 
from under shelter ; do you not think, Aristip- 
pus, that mankind are much to blame in ne- 
glecting to inure themselves to the inclemen- 
cies of the air, and the changes of the seasons ? 
Above all, should not he endeavour to bring 
himself to bear these inconveniences with pa- 
tience, who expects one day to command 
others ?" 

" I believe he should." 

« But if he who has thus brought himself to 
endure pain and inconvenience, is alone quali- 
fied for command ; they who have not done 
this, ought never to pretend to it?" 

This being granted, Socrates went on : — 
" Seeing then you so well perceived, Aristippus, 
the rank to which each of these properly be- 
long ; in which would you rather we should 
place you V 

" Not with those, Socrates, who are intend- 
ed to command ; I envy not these : and, in- 
deed, since men are obliged to take so much 
pains to provide for their own wants, I see no 
great wisdom in undertaking to supply the 
wants of a whole community. For, while he 
who does this is forced to relinquish many of 
the things he most ardently desires ; it will be 
held highly criminal, if, during his administra- 
tion, any one wish of the capricious multitude 
remains ungratified : these behaving towards 
their governors exactly in the manner I do to 
my slaves. I expect them to prepare what 
I am to eat and drink, and all other necessaries•; 
but suffer them to take no part for themselves. 
The people likewise require that plenty and 
abundance should flow in upon them from 
every quarter ; but permit not the person, 
to whose care they owe this, even to taste of 
those indulgences he hath so amply provided 
for others. Such, therefore, Socrates, as are 
fond of employment, and have been educated 
in the manner you mentioned, may do very 
well to make governors ; but, as for me, I am 
lor a life of more ease and tranquillity ?" 



" Let us see then, Aristippus, which of the 
two leads a life of the greatest tranquillity and 
ease ; those who govern, or they who obey ? 
Among the nations that are known to us ; in 
Asia, the Syrians, Phrygians, and Lydians are 
subject to the Persians ; in Europe, the Meo- 
tians to the Scythians ; and, in Africa, the 
Carthaginians lord it over all the rest ; which 
of these do you take to be in the most eligible 
situation ? Or here, in Greece, where you 
are placed, which seem to you the most 
happy ; they who are possessed of the sove- 
reign power, or those who are compelled to 
submit to it]" 

" I do not desire to be ranked among slaves," 
returned Aristippus ; " but there is a station 
equally remote from sovereignty and servitude : 
this is the true path of liberty ; and in this 
I would walk as the surest road to happiness." 

" This path," replied Socrates, " which lieth 
so equally clear, whether of sovereignty or 
servitude, might perhaps be supposed to have 
some existence in nature, could we place it be- 
yond the bounds of human society : But, how, 
Aristippus, to live among men without govern- 
ing or being governed? Do you not see 
that the strong will always oppress the weak ; 
and compel them at last, by repeated injuries, 
both public and private, to fly, as it were, to 
slavery for refuge ! If they refuse to submit 
willingly, their lands are ravaged, their trees 
cut down, their corn ruined : till wearied out 
at last by oppression of every kind, they are 
obliged to give up the unequal combat. Also, 
in private life ; see you not how the bold and 
strong trample upon such as are weak, or want 
courage to defend themselves ?" 

" I do see it," said Aristippus : " and to the 
end it may not fall out so with me, I confine 
myself to no one commonwealth, but move 
here and there, and think it best to be a stran- 
ger every where." 

" Truly," said Socrates, « this method of 
providing for your safety hath something pecu- 
liar in it ; and it should seem, Aristippus, that 
since the days of Sinnis, Sciro, and Procrustes, l 
no man hath dared to molest the traveller. 
What, then ! those who remain continually in 
their own country have the laws to secure them 
against violence of every sort ; they have their 
relations, their friends, their dependents, to 



» Famous robbers, who infested Greece in the times 
of Theseus, and were slain by him. 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



541 



assist them ; their cities are fortified ; they have 
arms for their defence : and, to strengthen them 
still more, they make alliance with their neigh- 
bours : yet shall not all this secure them from 
falling sometimes into the snares of bad men : 
while you, destitute of all those various advan- 
tages ; exposed continually to the many dangers, 
in a manner unavoidable to those who pass 
from one place to another ; nor yet can enter 
that city whose very meanest inhabitant doth 
not surpass you in credit : you, who shall then 
be seen in that situation wherein all the world 
would wish the man whom they purposed to 
betray : will they then spare you, Aristippus, 
because you are a stranger 7 or, because the 
public faith hath been given, that neither at 
your entrance into, or going from the city, you 
shall meet with any molestation 1 But perhaps 
you think yourself of so little worth, that no 
one will be found willing to purchase you 1 : 
and in truth, Aristippus, I know not that man 
who would wish to have such a slave in his 
family, as would do nothing, and yet expect to 
live well. But shall we see how masters gene- 
rally manage such sort of people 1 If their 
appetites and passions are very outrageous, 
fasting is made use of to reduce them to order. 
If they are inclined to take what does not be- 
long to them, every thing valuable is kept care- 
fully out of their way. If escapees meditated, 
chains shall secure them : and when inclined to 
be lazy, stripes are called in, to quicken their 
motions. And you, Aristippus, if you disco- 
vered such a slave among your domestics, in 
what manner would you treat him V 

" I would certainly leave no sort of severity 
untried," said Aristippus, « till I had brought 
him to better manners. But let us return to 
our first subject, Socrates ; and tell me, if you 
please, wherein the happiness of sovereignty 
consists, which you make such account of; if 
pain and fatigue, and hunger and cold, and ten 
thousand other inconveniences, not only pave 
the way to it, but are afterwards the chosen 
portion of the man who undertakes to command 
others 1 As to my part, I see no greater dif- 
ference between the strokes of the whip which 
we give ourselves, and those laid on by the 
order of another : for, if my body is to be tor- 
tured, it matters not the hand by which it is 
done : except that folly may also be added to 



ι Those who fell into the hands of robbers were com- 
monly sold by them for slaves. 
46 



the account when the pain appears of our own 
procuring." 

« Is it so then, Aristippus, that you perceive 
no difference between the things we submit to 
voluntarily, and those we undergo, compelled 
to it by some other? Now, he who through 
choice abstains from his food may return to his 
food whenever he pleases ; and he who endures 
thirst, because he is so minded, may, when 
minded otherwise, as easily remove it : but the 
case is not the same when we have constraint 
to encounter. Besides, he who of his own 
accord engages in what may be attended with 
labour, hath the hopes of success to animate 
him in the way, and the fatigue of the chase 
never discourages the hunter. 

" But, if the prospect of acquiring what he is 
in pursuit of, however worthless in itself, is 
sufficient to make him regard neither thirst nor 
hunger ; what may not he, whose aim is to 
procure the friendship of the good, conquer his 
enemies, gain the command over himself, and 
wisely govern his own family, benefit his friends, 
serve his country 1 Will such a one shrink at 
fatigue and pain 1 Rather, will he not court 
them, while they add to the delight arising from 
his own consciousness, and the united appro- 
bation of those who best know him ? And, to 
show still farther how necessary labour and 
pain are judged for all who would perform any 
thing laudable ; it is a maxim of those who in- 
struct youth, to regard the exercises that are 
gone through with ease, or give pleasure on 
their first performance, as of little worth ; 
whether in forming the body or improving the 
mind: whereas those which require patience, 
application, and labour, these are they which 
prepare the man for illustrious deeds and noble 
undertakings, as many who were excellent 
judges have told us ; and, among the rest, 
Hesiod, for he speaks somewhere or other 
after the following manner : 

" See Vice, preventing even thy wish, appears 
To lead through downhill paths and gay parterres 
Where Pleasure reigns ; while Virtue, decent maid, 
Retires from view in yon sequester'd shade. 
Craggy and steep the way to her abodes; 
Fatigue and pain, by order of the gods, 
Stern sentry keep. But, if nor pain, nor toil, 
Can check the generous ardour of thy soul, 
Exert thy powers, nor doubt thy labour's meed ; 
Conquest and joy shall crown the glorious deed."» 



* These lines were translated by the same hand with 
those of Theognis, in the first book. 



542 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book II 



EpicKarmus saith likewise, 

•' Earn thy reward— the gods give nought to sloth." 

And again, 

" Seek not the sweets of life, in life's first bloom ; 
They ill prepare us for the pain to come !" 

And the wise Prodicus is also of the same 
pinion ; for to him is the allegory given. Now 
this writer tells us, to the best of my remem- 
brance, " That Hercules having attained to that 
stage of life when man being left to the go- 
vernment of himself, seldom fails to give cer- 
tain indications whether he will walk in the 
paths of virtue or wander through all the in- 
tricacies of vice, perplexed and undetermined 
what course to pursue, retired into a place 
where silence and solitude might bestow on 
him that tranquillity and leisure so necessary 
for deliberation, when two women, of more 
than ordinary stature, came on towards him. 
The countenance of the one, open and amia- 
ble, and elevated with an air of conscious dig- 
nity. Her person was adorned with native 
elegance, her look with modesty, every gesture 
with decency, and her garments were alto- 
gether of the purest white. The other was 
comely, but bloated, as from too high living. 
Affecting softness and delicacy, every look, 
every action, was studied and constrained; 
while art contributed all its powers to give 
those charms to her complexion and shape 
which nature had denied her. Her look was 
bold, the blush of modesty she was a stranger to, 
and her dress was contrived, not to conceal, but 
display those beauties she supposed herself pos- 
sessed of. She would look round to see if any 
observed her ; and not only so, but she would 
frequently stand still to admire her own sha- 
dow. Drawing near to the place where the 
hero sat musing, eager and anxious for the ad- 
vantage of first accosting him, she hastily ran 
forward ; while the person who accompanied 
her moved on with her usual pace, equal and 
majestic. Joining him, she said, «I know, 
my Hercules ! you have long been deliberating 
on the course of life you should pursue ; en- 
gage with me in friendship, and I will lead you 
through those paths which are smooth and 
flowery, where every delight shall court your 
enjoyment, and pain and sorrow shall not once 
appear. Absolved from all the fatigue of 
business and the hardships of war, your em- 
ployment shall be to share in the social plea- 



sures of the table, or repose on beds of down 
no sense shall remain without its gratification , 
beauty shall delight the eye and melody the ear, 
and perfumes shall breathe their odours around 
you. Nor shall your care be once wanted for 
the procuring of these things : neither be afraid 
lest time should exhaust your stock of joys, 
and reduce you to the necessity of purchasing 
new, either by the labour of body or mind : it 
is to the toil of others that you alone shall owe 
them ! Scruple not, therefore, to seize what- 
ever seemeth most desirable -, 1 for this privilege 
I bestow on all who are my votaries.' 

" Hercules, having heard so flattering an in- 
vitation demanded her name. — ■ My friends,' 
said she, « call me Happiness ; but they who do 
not love me endeavour to make me odious, 
and therefore brand me with the name of Sen- 
suality.' 2 

" By this time the other person being arriv- 
ed, thus addressed him in her turn : 

< I also, Ο Hercules ! am come to offer you 
my friendship, for I am no stranger to your 
high descent ; neither was I wanting to remark 
the goodness of your disposition in all the ex- 
ercises of your childhood ; from whence I 
gather hopes, if you choose to follow where I 
lead the way, it will not be long ere you have 
an opportunity of performing many actions 
glorious to yourself and honourable to me. 
But I mean not to allure you with specious 
promises of pleasure, I will plainly set before 
you things as they really are, and show you in 
what manner the gods think proper to dispose 
them. Know therefore, young man, these 
wise governors of the universe have decreed, 
that nothing great, nothing excellent, shall be 
obtained without care and labour. They give 
no real good, no true happiness, on other terms. 
If, therefore, you would secure the favour of 
these gods, adore them. If you would concili- 
ate to yourself the affection of your friends, be 
of use to them. If to be honoured and re- 
spected of the republic be your aim, show your 
fellow-citizens how effectually you can serve 
them. But if it is your ambition that all 
Greece shall esteem you, let all Greece share 



ι This is finely imagined, to show how closely injus- 
tice and oppression are connected with intemperance. 

a It is hoped the having chosen to denominate this 
person by the word sensuality, rather than pleasure, 
hitherto commonly used, may be allowed, as it seemed 
that pleasure should always be considered, not as con* 
trary to, but a sure attendant on virtue. 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



543 



the benefits arising from your labours. If you 
wish for the fruits of the earth, cultivate it. If 
for the increase of your flocks or your herds, 
let your flocks and your herds have your at- 
tendance and your care. And if your design 
is to advance yourself by arms, if you wish for 
the power of defending your friends, and sub- 
duing your enemies, learn the art of war under 
those who are well acquainted with it ; and, 
when learnt, employ it to the best advantage. 
And if to have a body ready and well able to 
perform what you wish from it be your desire, 
subject yours to your reason, and let exer- 
cise and hard labour give to it strength and 
agility.' 

« At these words, as Prodicus informs us, the 
other interrupted her : — ' You see,' said she, 
• my Hercules, the long, the laborious road 
she means to lead you ; but I can conduct you 
to happiness by a path more short and easy.' 

" < Miserable wretch ! ' replied Virtue, * what 
happiness canst thou boast of] Thou, who 
wilt not take the least pains to procure it ! 
Doth not satiety always anticipate desire ] 
Wilt thou wait till hunger invites thee to 
eat, or stay till thou art thirsty before thou 
drinkest] Or, rather, to give some relish to 
thy repast, must not art be called in to sup- 
ply the want of appetite ] while thy wines, 
though costly, can yield no delight, but the ice 
in summer is sought for to cool and make them 
grateful to thy palate ! Beds of down, or the 
softest couch, can procure no sleep for thee, 
whom idleness inclines to seek for repose ; not 
labour and fatigue, which alone prepare for it. 
Nor dost thou leave it to nature to direct thee 
in thy pleasures, but all is art and shameless 
impurity. The night is polluted with riot and 
crimes, while the day is given up to sloth and 
inactivity : and, though immortal, thou art be- 
come an outcast from the gods, and the con- 
tempt and scorn of all good men. Thou 
boastest of happiness, but what happiness canst 
thou boast of] Where was it that the sweetest 
of all sounds, the music of just self-praise, 
ever reached thine ear ] Or when couldst thou 
view, with complacency and satisfaction, one 
worthy deed of thy own performing ] Is there 
any one who will trust thy word, or depend 
upon thy promise; or if sound in judgment, 
be of thy society ] For, among thy followers, 
which of them, in youth, are not altogether ef- 
feminate and infirm of body ] Which of them, 
in age, not stupid and debilitated in every 



faculty of the mind ] While wasting their 
prime in thoughtless indulgence, they preparo 
for themselves all that pain and remorse so 
sure to attend the close of such a life ! Ashamed 
of the past, afflicted with the present, they 
weary themselves in bewailing that folly which 
lavished on youth all the joys of life, and left 
nothing to old age but pain and imbecility ! 

" « As for me, my dwelling is alone with the 
gods and good men ; and, without me, nothing 
great, nothing excellent, can be performed, 
whether on earth or in the heavens ; so that 
my praise, my esteem, is with all who know 
me ! I make the labour of the artist pleasant, 
and bring to the father of his family security 
and joy ; while the slave, as his lord, is alike 
my care. In peace I direct to the most useful 
councils, in war approve myself a faithful ally ; 
and I only can tie the bond of indissoluble 
friendship. Nor do my votaries even fail to 
find pleasure in their repasts, though small 
cost is wanted to furnish out their table; for 
hunger, not art, prepares it for them; while 
their sleep, which follows the labour of the 
day, is far more sweet than whatever expense 
can procure for idleness : yet, sweet as it is, 
they quit it unreluctant when called by their 
duty, whether to the gods or men. The young 
enjoy the applause of the aged, the aged are 
reverenced and respected by the young. Equally 
delighted with reflecting on the past, or con- 
templating the present, their attachment to me 
renders them favoured of the gods, dear to their 
friends, and honoured by their country. And 
when the fatal hour has arrived, they sink not, 
like others, into an inglorious oblivion, but, 
immortalized by fame, flourish for ever in the 
grateful remembrance of admiring posterity ! 
Thus, Ο Hercules! thou great descendant of 
a glorious race of heroes ! thus mayest thou 
attain that supreme felicity wherewith I have 
been empowered to reward all those who will- 
ingly yield themselves up to my direction.' " 

" See here, my Aristippus," continued So- 
crates, " see here the advice which, Prodicus 
tells us, Virtue gave the young hero. He 
clothes it, as you may suppose, in more exalted 
language than I have attempted ; but it will be 
your wisdom if you endeavour to profit from 
what he hath said, and consider at present what 
may befall you hereafter." 1 



1 One would have thought this single conversation 
alone sufficient to have reclaimed Aristippus ; but the 



544 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book II. 



II. Socrates, seeing his eldest son Lampro- 

i raged with his mother, spoke to him 

in the following manner ; « Tell me, my son," 

said he. - did you ever hear of any who are 

called ungrateful f" 

•• Many." replied Lamprocles. 

" Did you consider what gained them this 
appellation?" 

- They were called ungrateful, because, hav- 
ing received favours, they refused to make any 
return." 

" Ingratitude, then, should seem one species 
of injustice !" 

« Most certainly." 

" Have you ever examined thoroughly what 
this sort of injustice is ? Or do you think, 
Lamprocles, because we are only said to be 
unjust when we treat our friends ill, not so when 
we injure our enemies ; therefore we are in- 
deed unjust when we are ungrateful to our 
friends, but not so when only ungrateful to our 
enemies 1" 

" I have considered it thoroughly," replied 
Lamprocles ; " and am convinced, that to be 
ungrateful, is to be unjust ; whether the object 
of our ingratitude be friend or foe." 

" If then," continued Socrates, " ingratitude 
is injustice, it will folbw, that the greater the 
benefit of which we are unmindful, the more 
we are unjust 1 ?" 

" Most assuredly." 

« But where shall we find the person who 
hath received from any one, benefits so great 
or so many, as children from their parents 1 
To them it is they owe their very existence ; 
and, in consequence of this, the capacity of 
beholding all the beauties of nature, together 
with the privilege of partaking of those various 
blessings which the gods have so bountifully 
dispensed to all mankind. Now these are ad- 
vantages universally held so inestimable, that 
to be deprived of them exciteth our very strong- 
est abhorrence ; an abhorrence well under- 
stood, when the wisdom of the legislator 
made death to be the punishment of the most 



badness of his disposition, like to that of Critias and 
Alcibiades, prevailed over the precepts of Socrates, 
illustrated as they were by the beautiful picture bor- 
rowed from* Prodicus. He became afterwards the 
founder of a sect of philosophers, whose leading tenet 
was, " that man was born for pleasure, and that virtue 
is only so far laudable as it conduces thereto." One 
of his disciples taught publicly, that there were no 
gods : — a short and easy transition from vice and sensu- 
ality to atheism. 



atrocious crimes : rightly judging, that the ter 
ror wherewith every one beheld it, would serve 
the most powerful to deter from the commis- 
sion of such offences, as they saw must bring 
upon them this greatest of all evils. Neither 
shouldst thou suppose it sensuality alone which 
induceth mankind to enter into marriage, since 
not a street but would furnish with other means 
for its gratification ; but our desire is to find 
out one wherewith to unite ourselves, from 
whom we may reasonably expect a numerous 
and a healthful progeny. The husband then 
turneth his thoughts in what manner he may 
best maintain the wife whom he hath thus 
chosen, and make ample provision for his chil- 
dren yet unborn ; while she, on her part, with 
the utmost danger to herself, bears about with 
her, for a long time, a most painful burden. 
To this she imparts life and nourishment, and 
brings it into the world with inexpressible an- 
guish : nor doth her task end here ; she is still 
to supply the food that must afterwards support 
it. She watches over it with tender affection ; 
attends it continually with unwearied care, al- 
though she hath received no benefit from it ; 
neither doth it yet know to whom it is thus in- 
debted. • She seeks, as it were, to divine its 
wants : night or day her solicitude and labour 
know no intermission ; unmindful of what here- 
after may be the fruit of all her pain. After- 
ward, when the children are arrived at an age 
capable to receive instruction, how doth each 
parent endeavour to instil into their minds the 
knowledge which may best conduce to their fu- 
ture well-doing 1 And if they hear of any bet- 
ter qualified than themselves for this important 
task, to these they send them, without regard 
to the expense ; so much do they desire the 
happiness of their children !" 

" Certain it is," replied Lamprocles, " al- 
though my mother had done this, and a thou- 
sand times more, no man could bear with so 
much ill humour." 

" Do not you think it easier to bear the anger 
of a mother, than that of a wild beast?" 

" No, not of such a mother." . 

" But what harm hath she done you ? Hath 
she kicked you, or bit you, as wild beasts do 
when they are angry ?" 

" No, but she utters such things as no one 
can bear from any body." 

" And you, Lamprocles, what have you not 
made this mother bear, with your continual 
cries and untoward restlessness V what fatigue 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



545 



in the day ! what disturbance in the night ! and 
what pangs when sickness at any time seized 
you !" 

¥ But, however, I never did or said any thing 
to make her ashamed of me." 

"It is well. But why, Lamprocles, should 
you be more offended with your mother, than 
people on the stage are with one another? 
There is nothing so injurious or reproachful 
that these do not often say, yet no one becomes 
outrageous against the man whom he hears 
threaten and revile him, because he well knows 
he intends him no real injury : but you, although 
you as well know that no hurt is designed you, 
but on the contrary, every kindness, you fly 
out into rage against your mother ; or, perhaps, 
you suppose she intended you some harm ?" 

" Not at all," replied Lamprocles ; " I never 
once suspected any such matter." 

" What ! a mother who thus loves you ! who, 
when you are sick, spareth no means, no pains 
for your recovery : whose care is to supply your 
every want ; and whose vows to the gods are 
so frequent on your behalf! Is she harsh and 
cruel ? Surely the man who cannot bear with 
such a mother, cannot bear with that which is 
most for his advantage. But tell me," con- 
tinued Socrates, « doth it seem to you at all 
necessary to show respect or submission to any 
one whatsoever 1 Or are you indeed conscious 
of such a degree of self-sufficiency, as makes it 
needless to pay any regard, whether to magis- 
trate or general 1" 

" So far from it," said Lamprocles, « I en- 
deavour all I can to recommend myself to my 
superiors." 

" Perhaps, too, you would cultivate the good- 
will of your neighbour, that he may supply you 
with fire from his hearth, when you want it ; or 
yield you ready assistance, when any accident 
befalls you?" 

" I would, most surely." 

" And if you .were to go a journey, or a 
voyage with any one, it would not be indifferent 
to you, whether they loved or hated you ?" 

" No, certainly !" 

" Wretch ! to think it right to endeavour to 
gain the good-will of these people ; and suppose 
you are to do nothing for a mother, whose love 
for you so far exceeds that of any other ! Surely 
you have forgot, that while every other kind of 
ingratitude is passed over unnoticed by the 
magistrate, those who refuse to return good 
offices, in any other case, being only punished 
46* 



with the contempt of their fellow-citzens ; the 
man who is wanting in respect to his parents, 
for this man public punishments are appointed :' 
the laws yield him no longer their protection ; 
neither is he permitted any share in the ad- 
ministration, since they think no sacrifice of- 
fered by a hand so impious, can be acceptable 
to the gods, or beneficial to man : and conclude 
the mind so altogether degenerate, equally in- 
capable of undertaking any thing great, or exe- 
cuting any thing justly. For such, too, as 
neglect to perform the rites of sepulture for 
their parents, for these, the same punishments 
have been allotted by the laws: and particular - 
regard is had to these points, when inquiry is 
made into the lives and behaviour of those who 
offer themselves candidates for any public em- 
ployment. You, therefore, Ο my son ! will 
not delay, if wise, to entreat pardon of the 
gods; lest they, from whom your ingratitude 
cannot be hid, should turn away their favour 
from you : and be you likewise careful to con- 
ceal it from the eyes of men, that you find not 
yourself forsaken by all who know you ; for no 
one will expect a return to his kindness, how- 
ever considerable, from him .who can show 
himself unmindful of what he oweth to his 
parents." 

III. Socrates having observed that Chajre- 
phon and Chsrecrates, two brothers, with whom 
he was acquainted, were at variance, he wished 
very much to reconcile them to each other. To 
which end, meeting one of them, he said to 
him, " What, are you then, Chaerecrates, one 
of those mercenary kind of people, who prefer 
riches to a broiher, and forget that these being 
only inanimate things, require much vigilance 
and care £o protect them ; whereas a brother 
endued with reason and reflection, is able to 
give assistance and protection to you 1 And, be- 
sides, brothers are somewhat less plentiful than 
gold ! It is strange a man should think himself 
injured because he cannot enjoy his brother's 
fortune ! Why not equally complain of injury 
done him by the rest of his fellow-citizens, be- 
cause the wealth of the whole community doth 
not centre in him alone Ί But in this case they 
can argue right, and easily see that a moderate 
fortune secured by the mutual aid of society, is 
much better than the riches of a whole city 



* Neither was this confined to their immediate pa 
rents, but equally understood of their grandfathers, 
grandmothers, and other progenitors.— Potter's Antiq 
3T 



546 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book II. 



attended with the dangers to which solitude 
would expose them, yet admit not this reason- 
ing in regard to a brother. If rich, they buy 
- in abundance to serve them : they en- 
deavour all they can to gain friends to support 
them ; but make at the same time no account 
of a brother, as if nearness in blood disqualified 
for friendship ! But, surely to be born of the 
same parents, and educated in the same house, 
ought rather to be considered as so many 
powerful cements, since even wild beasts them- 
selves show some inclination to animals they 
are brought up with. And besides, Chsere- 
crates, he who hath a brother, is much more 
regarded than he who hath none ; his enemies 
too will be less forward to molest him." 

" I will not deny," replied Chserecrates, 
" that a brother, when such as he should be, 
is, as you say, an inestimable treasure, and 
therefore we ought to bear long with one an- 
other, so far from quarrelling on every slight 
occasion ; but when this brother fails in every 
particular, and is indeed the very reverse of all 
he ought to be, to keep on terms with such a 
one, is next to an impossibility." 

"Your brother then, my Chserecrates, is 
displeasing to every one 1 Or are there some 
to whom he can make himself very agreeable V 

" Therefore he the more deserves my ha- 
tred," said Chserecrates, " because wherever 
he comes he fails not to make himself pleasing 
to others ; whereas, he «seems to aim at nothing 
but displeasing me." 

" But may not this happen, Chserecrates, 
from your not knowing how to converse pro- 
perly with a brother ? As the horse, not un- 
tractable to others, becomes altogether un- 
manageable to the unskilful rider." 

" And why should I, who well know how 
to return any kindness shown me either in 
words or actions, be supposed ignorant in what 
manner to behave properly to a brother 1 No : 
but when I see a man catch at every oppor- 
tunity to vex and disoblige me, shall I, after 
this, show kindness to such a one ! I cannot, 
Socrates ; nor will I even attempt it !" 

" You surprise me, Chserecrates ! Suppose 
you had a dog who watched and defended your 
sheep diligently ; this dog fawns and caresses 
your shepherds, but snarls at you whenever 
you come near him. What do you on this 
occasion 1 Fly out into rage 1 Or endeavour, 
by kindness, to reconcile him to you 1 You 
acknowledge a brother, when such as he ought 



to be, an invaluable treasure : you say you are 
not unacquainted with the arts of conciliating 
favour and affection, but yet are resolved to 
employ none of them to gain the love of Chse 
rephon !" 

" I do not believe, Socrates, I have arts suf- 
ficient to succeed in such an attempt." 

" And yet I should imagine," said Socrates, 
" no new one necessary : practise only those 
you are already master of, and you will find 
them sufficient to regain his affection." 

" If you know what these are, of favour in- 
form me," replied Chserecrates ; " for they are 
unknown to me." 

" Suppose, Chserecrates, you wished some 
friend to invite you to his feast when he of- 
fered sacrifice ; what means would you take to 
induce him thereto." 

" Invite him to one of mine." 

* And if you wanted him, in your absence, 
to manage your affairs, what then V 

" I would try what I could to engage his 
gratitude, by first rendering him the service I 
wished to receive." 

" But, suppose you desired to secure for 
yourself an hospitable reception in some foreign 
country, what would you do 1 

" When any of that place came to Athens, 
I would invite them to my house," said Chse- 
recrates ; " and would spare no pains to assist 
them in despatching the business they came 
for, that they, when I went thither, might help 
me in return to expedite mine." 

" Is it so then !" replied Socrates ; " and 
are you so well skilled in all the arts of con- 
ciliating favour and affection, yet know no- 
thing of the matter? But you are afraid, 
Chserecrates, of making the first advances to 
your brother, lest it should degrade you in the 
opinion of those who hear it 1 Yet surely it 
ought not to be less glorious for a man to anti- 
cipate his friends in courtesy and kind offices, 
then get the start of his enemies in injuries 
and annoyance ! Had I thought Chserephon 
as well disposed as you towards a reconcilia- 
tion, I should have endeavoured to have pre- 
vailed on him to make the first advances ; but 
you seemed to me the better leader in this 
affair ; and I fancied success the most likely to 
ensue from it." 

" Nay, now, Socrates," cried out Chserecrates 
" you certainly speak not with your usual wis 
dom. What ! would you have me, who am 
the youngest, make overtures to my brother ; 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



547 



when in all nations it is the undoubted privilege 
of the first-born to lead the way !" 

" How !" replied Socrates ; " is it not the 
custom every where for the younger to yield 
precedency to the elder ? Must not he rise at 
his approach and give to him the seat which is 
most honourable ; and hold his peace till he 
hath done speaking 1 Delay not therefore, my 
Chaerecrates, to do what I advise : use your 
endeavour to appease your brother ; nor doubt 
his readiness to return your love. He is am- 
bitious of honour ; he hath a nobleness of dis- 
position : sordid souls, indeed, are only to be 
moved by mercenary motives ; but the brave 
and liberal are ever best subdued by courtesy 
and kindness." 

« But suppose, my Socrates, when I have 
acted as you advise, my brother should behave 
no better than he has done V 

" Should it prove so, Chserecrates, what 
other harm can arise to you from it, than that 
of having shown yourself a good man, and a 
good brother to one whose badness of temper 
makes him undeserving of your regard 1 But I 
have no apprehension of so unfavourable an 
issue to this matter : rather, when your brother 
shall see it your intention to conquer by cour- 
tesy, he himself will strive to excel in so noble 
a contest. As it is, nothing can be more de- 
plorable than your present situation ; it being 
no other than if these hands, ordained of God 
for mutual assistance, should so far forget their 
office, as mutually to impede each other : or 
these feet, designed by providence for a re- 
ciprocal help, should entangle each other to the 
hinderance of both. But surely, it shows no 
less our ignorance and folly, than works 
our harm, when we thus turn those things into 
evil which were not created but for our good. 
And, truly, I regard a brother as one of the 
best blessings that God hath bestowed on us ; 
two brothers being more profitable to each 
other than two eyes or two feet, or any other 
of those members which have been given to us 
in pairs, for partners and helps, as it were, to 
each other by a bountiful Providence. For, 
whether we consider the hands or feet, they 
assist not each other unless placed at no great 
distance : and even our eyes, whose power evi- 
dently appears of the widest extent, are yet un- 
able to take in, at one and the same view, the 
front and the reverse of any one object whatso- 
ever, though placed ever so near them : but no 
situation can hinder brothers, who live in 



amity, from rendering one another the most 
essential services." 

IV. I also remember a discourse that So- 
crates once held concerning friendship ; which 
I think could not but greatly benefit his 
hearers ; since he not only taught us how 
we might gain friends, but how to behave 
towards them when gained. On this occa- 
sion he observed, " that although the gener- 
ality of mankind agreed in esteeming a firm 
and virtuous friend an invaluable possession, 
yet were there very few things about which 
they gave themselves less trouble. They were 
diligent, he said, to purchase houses and lands, 
and slaves, and flocks, and household goods ; 
and when purchased, would take no little pains 
to preserve them ; but were no way solicitous 
either to purchase or preserve a friend, however 
they might talk of the advantages of having 
one. Nay, he had seen people, who, if they 
had a friend and a slave sick at the same time, 
would send for the physician, and try every means 
to recover the slave, while the friend was left 
to take care of himself; and, if both died, it 
was easy to see how each stood in their esti- 
mation. Of all their possessions this alone 
was neglected : they would even suffer it to be 
lost for want of a little attention. 1 Their es- 
tates here and there they could with readiness 
point out to you : but ask them of their friends, 
how many and what they are, and you reduce 
them to some difficulty. The number, though 
acknowledged small, is more than they can well 
make out to you ; so little do these people con- 
cern themselves about the matter. And yet, 
what possession shall be placed in competition 
with a friend 1 What slave so affectionate to 
our persons, or studious of our interest 1 What 
horse able to render us such service ? From 
whence, or from whom, can we at all times and 



« One proof we have of this want of attention, even 
in Pericles himself; and which possibly Socrates might 
have in his eye, though out of respect to his memory, 
he forbore to mention it ; for he suffered Anaxagoras, 
to whom he' stood indebted for so much useful know- 
ledge both in philosophy and politics, to be reduced to 
such distress, that, partly from want, and partly from 
vexation, he determined to starve himself to death ; and 
having muffled up his head in his cloak, he threw him- 
self on the ground to expect its coming.i Indeed, Peri- 
cles no sooner heard of this but he flew to his assistance ; 
begging him to live, and bewailing his own loss, in case 
he was deprived of so wise a counsellor. When, open- 
ing hie cloak, the philosopher, in a feeble and low voice, 
said to him, " Ah, Pericles 1 they who need a lamp, do 
not neglect to supply it with oil !" A gentle reproof; but 
therefore the more piercing to an ingenuous mind. 



M8 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book II. 



on every occasion receive so many and such 
essential benefits ! Arc we at a loss in our own 
private affairs, or in those the public have in- 
trusted to our management? A friend will 
supply every deficiency. Do we wish for the 
pleasure of giving assistance to some other? A 
friend will furnish us with the power. Are we 
threatened with danger? He flies to our as- 
sistance ; for he not only dedicates his fortune 
to our service, but his life to our defence. — 
Do we purpose to persuade ? His eloquence 
is ever ready to second all we say. — Are we 
compelled to contend ? His arm is ever found 
among the foremost to assist us. He doubles 
the joy which prosperity brings, and makes the 
load of affliction less heavy. Our hands, our 
feet, our eyes, can yield us small service in 
comparison to that we receive from a friend ; 
for what we are not able to do for ourselves : 
that which we neither see, nor hear, nor think 
of, when our own interest is the question, a 
friend will perceive, and perform for us. And 
yet, this friend, whilst the plant that promiseth 
us fruit shall be carefully cultivated, this friend 
we neglect to nourish and improve; though 
where else the tree from whence such fruit is 
to be found !" 

V. I remember likewise another discourse 
of his, wherein he exhorteth his hearers to look 
well into themselves, and see in what estima- 
tion they might reasonably hope their friends 
should hold them. For, having observed one 
of his followers desert a friend when op- 
pressed with penury, he thus questioned An- 
tisthenes in the presence of the man, together 
with many others : « Pray, say, Antisthenes, 
is it allowable to value our friends as we do 
our slaves : for one of these we perhaps rate at 
five mina ; J while we think another dear at two ; 
these again we will give ten for ; and for some, 
it may be, twenty ; nay, it is said that Nicias, 
the son of Nicerates, gave no less than a whole 
talent 2 for one he intended to set over his 
mines. May we estimate our friends in the 
same manner ?" 

" I think we may," replied Antisthenes ; 
" for, while I know some whose affection I 
would purchase at no mean price, there are 
others whom I would scarcely thank for theirs, 
if I might have it for nothing. And there are, 
my Socrates, whose favour and friendship I 



ι The Attic mina, worth three pounds sterling. 
* The talent, worth sixty mina. 



should be glad to secure, though at the expense 
of the last farthing." 

" If this be the case," replied Socrates, « it 
behoves us not a little to consider of how much 
worth we really are to our friends ; at the same 
time that we use our diligence to raise our 
value with them as much as we can, that they 
may not lay us aside like useless lumber. For 
when I hear this man cry out, 'My friend 
hath deserted me ;' and another complain, 
< that one whom he thought most strongly at- 
tached to him, had sold his friendship for some 
trifling advantage,' I am inclined to ask, 
Whether, as we are glad to get rid of a bad 
slave at any rate, so we may not wish to do 
the same by a worthless friend? since, after all, 
we seldom hear of the good friend being for- 
saken, any more than of the good slave wanting 
a master." 

VI. And here, on the other hand, I will re- 
late a conversation Socrates once had with 
Critobulus ; from whence we may learn to try 
our friends, and find out such as are worthy of 
our affection. 

" Suppose," said he, " Critobulus, we want- 
ed to choose a worthy friend, what should be 
our method of proceeding in this matter 1 
Should we not beware of one much addicted 
to high living ? to wine or women ? or of a lazy 
disposition ? since, enslaved to such vices, no 
man could be of use either to himself, or any 
other." 

« Certainly." 

" Suppose we met with a man whose posses- 
sions being small, he is yet most lavish in his 
expenses : who stands daily in need of his 
friend's purse, as a necessary supply for his own 
profusion ; with whom, however, all that is lent 
is lost ; yet, whom to refuse is most deadly to 
offend : Would not such a one prove rather 
troublesome, think you?" 

" No doubt, Socrates." 

" And if there was a person, provident in- 
deed enough, but withal so covetous, as never 
to be content unless he hath the advantage of 
you on every occasion ?" 

" I think of him worse than of the other." 

" But what do you say to the man, Critobu- 
lus, who is so much bent on making a fortune, 
as to mind nothing but what serves to that 
end?" 

" I say, leave him to himself," returned Cri- 
tobulus ; " since it is sure he will never be of 
use to any other." 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



549 



" And suppose one of so turbulent a dispo- 
sition, as to be daily engaging his friends in 
some quarrel on his account ?" 

" I would keep clear of such a one, most 
certainly, my Socrates." 

« But what if the man were free from these 
defects, and had only such a sort of selfishness 
belonging to him, as made him always ready to 
receive favours, not at all solicitous about re- 
turning any 1" 

" Why certainly," replied Critobulus, " no 
person would wish to have any thing to say to 
such a one. But, my Socrates," continued he, 
" since none of these people will serve our 
purpose, show mite, I desire you, what sort of 
man he must be whom we should endeavour to 
make a friend of ?" 

« I suppose," said Socratejs, " he should be 
the very reverse of all we have been saying : 
moderate in his pleasures, a strict observer of 
his word, fair and open in all his dealings ; and 
who will not suffer even his friend to surpass 
him in generosity ; so that all are gainers with 
whom he hath to do." 

" But how shall we find such a one," said 
Critobulus ; " or make trial of these virtues 
and vices, without running some hazard by the 
experiment!" 

" When you are inquiring out the best statu- 
ary, Critobulus, you trust not to the pretences 
of any, but examine the performances of all ; 
and conclude that he who hath hitherto excel- 
led, gives the best grounded assurance of ex- 
celling for the future." 

" So you would have us infer, Socrates, that 
he who hath already discharged the duties of a 
good friend towards those with whom he hath 
been formerly connected, will not fail to do the 
same when connected with you ?" 

" Undoubtedly, my Critobulus : just as I 
should infer, that the groom who hath taken 
proper care of your horses, will do the same by 
mine, whenever I send him any." 

« But, my Socrates, when we have found 
out a man whom we judge proper to make a 
friend of, what means may we use to engage 
his affection V* 

" In the first place," returned Socrates, " we 
must consult the gods, whether it be agreeable 
to their will that we engage in friendship with 
him." 

" But suppose the gods disapprove not of 
our choice, what way shall we take to obtain 
his favour ?" 



" Not hunt him down, Critobulus, as we do 
hares ; nor catch him by stratagem, as we do 
birds ; neither are we to seize him by force, as 
we are wont to serve our enemies ; for it would 
prove an arduous task to make a man your 
friend in spite of inclination. To shut him up 
like a criminal might create aversion, but would 
never conciliate favour and esteem." 

" But what must we do then?" 

" I have heard," said Socrates, " of certain 
words that have all the force in them of the 
most powerful charms. There are likewise 
other arts, wherewith such as know them sel- 
dom fail to allure to themselves whomsoever 
they please." 

" And where can we learn these words ?" 
said Critobulus 

" You know the song the Syrens used to 
charm Ulysses ? It begins with, 

" Ο stay, Ο pride of Greece, Ulysses stay !" 

Pope's Odyssey. 

" I do know it, Socrates. But did they not 
mean to detain others by these charms, as well 
as Ulysses ?" 

" Not at all, Critobulus ; words like these 
are only designed to allure noble souls, and 
lovers of virtue." 

« I begin to understand you," said Critobu- 
lus ; « and perceive the charm which operates 
so powerfully, is praise : but, in order to make 
it effectual, we must bestow it with discretion, 
lest ridicule should seem intended by us, rather 
than applause. And, indeed, to commend a 
man for his beauty, his strength, or his stature, 
who knows himself to be weak, little, and de- 
formed, would be to incur his resentment, not 
conciliate his affection ; and make mankind not 
seek but shun our society. — But do you know 
of no other charms f* 

« No : I have heard, indeed, that Pericles 
had many, wherewith he charmed the city, and 
gained the love of all men." 

" By what means did Themistocles procure 
the affection of his fellow-citizens?" 

" By no incantations, most certainly," re- 
plied Socrates ; « if you except that of serving 
the state." 

" You would insinuate then, my Socrates, 
that, in order to obtain a .virtuous friend, we 
must endeavour first of all to be ourselves vir- 
tuous ?" 

" Why, can you suppose, Critobulus, that a 
bad man can gain the affection of a good one V 

" And yet," said Critobulus, » I have seen 



550 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book II. 



many a sorrv rhetorician live in great harmony 
with the host orator in Athens : and a general, 
perfectly well skilled in the art of war, shall 
admit others to his intimacy, who know no- 
thing of the matter." 

•• But did you ever see a man, Critobulus, 
who had no one good quality to recommend 
him ; — for that is the question ; — did you ever 
see such a one gain a friend of distinguished 
abilities Γ 

'• I do not know I ever did. But if it is so 
clear, Socrates, that those who have much merit, 
and they who have none, can never unite to- 
gether in friendship ; are the virtuous equally 
sure of being beloved by all the virtuous 1" 

" You are led into this inquiry, my Critobu- 
lus, from observing that the great and the good, 
although alike enemies to vice, and equally en- 
gaged in the pursuit of glory, are so far from 
expressing their mutual good-will, that enmity 
and opposition sometimes prevail among them ; 
and are with more difficulty reconciled to each 
other, than even the most worthless and vile of 
all mankind. This you see, and are concern- 
ed at." 

" I am so," replied Critobulus ;" and the 
more, as I observe this not confined to parti- 
culars, but communities : those, too, where 
vice finds its greatest discouragement, and vir- 
tue its best reward ; even these shall engage in 
hostilities against each other ! Now when I 
see this, my Socrates, I almost despair to find 
a friend ; for where shall I seek one 1 Not 
among the vicious ; for, how can one who is 
ungrateful, profuse, avaricious, idle, intempe- 
rate, faithless, be a friend 1 He may hate, but 
cannot love. Neither yet is it more possible 
for the virtuous and the vicious to unite in the 
bonds of amity ; since, what concord can sub- 
sist between those who commit crimes, and 
them who abhor them 1 And if, after this, we 
are to add the virtuous ; if ambition can sow 
enmity among the best of men ; if these, de- 
sirous all of the highest places, can envy and 
oppose each other, where can friendship be 
found 1 or where the asylum on earth for 
fidelity and affection V 

« My Critobulus," answered Socrates, « we 
shall find it no easy matter to investigate this 
point. Man is made up of contrarieties. In- 
clined to friendship from the want he finds in 
himself of friends, he compassionates the suf- 
ferer ; he relieves the necessitous ; and finds 
complacency and satisfaction, whether his turn 



is to receive or confer an obligation. But as 
one and the same thing may be an object of de- 
sire to many ; strife, enmity, and ill-will, be- 
come thereby unavoidable : benevolence is ex- 
tinguished by avarice and ambition ; and envy 
fills the heart, which till then was all affection . 
But friendship can make its way, and surmount 
every obstacle, to unite the just and good. For 
virtue will teach these to be contented with 
their own possessions, how moderate soever: 
nay, infinitely prefer them to the empire of the 
world, if not to be had without hatred and con- 
tention. Assisted by this, they willingly en- 
dure the extreme of thirst and hunger, rather 
than injure, or bear hard on any ; nor can love 
itself, even when the most violent, transport 
them beyond the rules of decency and good 
order. They are satisfied with whatever the 
laws have allotted them : and so far from de- 
siring to encroach on the rights of others, they 
are easily inclined to resign many of their own. 
If disputes arise, they are soon accommodated, 
to the contentment of each party : anger never 
rises so high, as to stand in need of repentance ; 
nor can envy once find admission into the 
minds of those who live in a mutual communi- 
cation of their goods ; and plead a kind of right 
in whatever a friend possesses. Hence, there- 
fore, we may be very sure, that virtuous men 
will not oppose, but assist each other in the 
discharge of the public offices. Those, indeed, 
who only aim at highest honours, and posts of 
the greatest power, that they may accumulate 
wealth, riot in luxury, and oppress the people, 
are too profligate and unjust to live in concord 
with any : but he who aspires to an honourable 
employment, for no other end than to secure 
himself from oppression, protect his friends, and 
serve his country ; what should hinder his 
uniting with those whose intentions are no 
other 1 Would it render him less able to ac- 
complish these designs Ί Or would not his 
power become so much the more extensive, 
from having the wise and good associate in the 
same cause with him Ί In the public games," 
continued Socrates, « we permit not the skilful 
and the strong, to unite themselves together, 
as knowing that in so doing they must bear 
away the prize in every contention ; but here, 
in the administration of the public affairs, we 
have no law to forbid the honest from joining 
with the honest ; who are generaMy, too, the 
most able ; and on that account to be chosen 
rather for associates than opponents. Be- 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



551 



sides, since contentions will arise, confederates 
should be sought for ; and the greater number 
will be necessary, if those who oppose us have 
courage and ability. For this purpose, and to 
make those whom we engage the more zealous 
in serving us, favours and good offices are to be 
dispensed with a liberal hand : and even pru- 
dence will direct us to prefer the virtuous, as 
not being many : besides, evil men are always 
found insatiable. But however this may be, 
my Critobulus, take courage ; make yourself, 
in the first place, a virtuous man, and then 
boldly set yourself to. gain the affection of the 
virtuous : and this is a chase wherein I may be 
able to assist you, being myself much inclined 
to love. Now, whenever I conceive an affec- 
tion for any, I rest not till it becomes recipro- 
cal ; but, borne forward towards them by the 
most ardent inclination, I strive to make my 
company equally desirable. And much the 
same management will you find necessary, my 
Critobulus, whenever you would gain the 
friendship of any : conceal not, therefore, from 
me the person whose affection you most desire. 
For, as I have made it my study to render my- 
self pleasing to those who are pleasing to me, 
I believe I am not ignorant of some of the arts 
best calculated for such a purpose." 

" And I," replied Critobulus, " have long 
been desirous of receiving some instructions 
herein ; and more especially if they will help 
me to gain the affection of those who are de- 
sirable on account of the beauty of their persons 
as well as the graces of their minds." 

" But all compulsion is entirely excluded my 
scheme," continued Socrates ; " and I verily 
believe," says he, « that the reason why all men 
fled the wretched Scylla, was, from her em- 
ploying no other means : since we see them 
easily detained by the Syren's song ; and, for- 
getful of every thing, yield themselves up to 
the enchanting harmony." 

« Be assured, Socrates," said Critobulus, " I 
shall never think of taking any man's affection 
by storm : of favour, therefore, proceed, I be- 
seech you, to your instructions." 

" You must promise me, likewise, to keep 
at a proper distance, and not give way to over- 
much fondness." 

" I shall make no great difficulty to promise 
you this, Socrates, provided the people are not 
very handsome." 

« And those who are so will be in less 



danger, as far less likely to suffer you than 
those who are more plain." 

" Well, I will not transgress in this point," 
said Critobulus ; «« only let me know how I 
may gain a friend." 

" You must permit me then," said Socrates, 
" to tell him how much you esteem him, and 
how great your desire to become one of his 
friends." 

" Most readily, my Socrates ; since I never 
knew any one displeased with another for think- 
ing well of him." 

" And that your observation of his virtue 
hath raised in you great affection of his person ; 
Would you think I did amiss, and might hurt 
you in the man's opinion V 

" The very reverse, I should imagine ; for I 
find in myself a more than ordinary affection 
towards those who express an affection for 
me. 

" I may go then so far in speaking of you to 
those you love : but will you allow me to pro- 
ceed, Critobulus, and assure them, that the 
sweetest pleasure you know is in the conversa- 
tion of virtuous friends 1 That you are constant 
in your care of them 1 That you behold their ho- 
nourable achievements with no less satisfaction 
and complacency than if you yourself had per- 
formed them, and rejoice at their prosperity in 
like manner as at your own 1 That, in the ser- 
vice of a friend, you can feel no weariness, and 
esteem it no less honourable to surpass him in 
generosity than your enemy in arms ] By this, 
or something like this, I doubt not to facilitate 
your way to the forming of many very excel- 
lent friendships." 

" But why do you ask my leave, Socrates, as 
if you were not at liberty to say what you 
please of me 1" 

" Not so," returned Socrates ; « for I have 
often heard Aspasia 1 declare, that matchmakers 
succeed pretty well if they keep to the truth in 



» A person well known on the account of her eloquence 
and her illustrious pupils ; for both Pericles and Socrates 
attended her lectures. Her conversation was not more 
brilliant than solid; uniting the symmetry arising from 
art, with the vehemence and warmth which flows from 
nature. She is generally allowed to have composed the 
famous Funeral Oration which Pericles pronounced 
with so much applause, in Jionour of those who fel. in 
the Samian war. She was likewise well, versed io 
many other parts of useful knowledge ; particularly 
politics and natural philosophy. — Plutarch'» JCiAj q,' 
Pericles. 



5 ,V2 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book II. 



what they say of each party ; whereas, if false- 
hood is employed, nothing but vexation can en- 
sue ; for they who have been deceived hate one 
another, and those most of all who brought 
them together. Now, I hold this observation 
of Aspasia to be right, and not less to concern 
the point in question : and, therefore, I think 
I cannot urge any thing in your behalf, Cri- 
tobulus, which strict truth will not make 
good." 

" Which is as much as to say," replied Cri- 
tobulus," that if I have good qualities sufficient 
to make myself beloved, I may then have your 
helping hand : but, otherwise, you are not so 
very much my friend as to be at the trouble to 
feign any for me." 

" And by which of these methods shall I 
best serve you, Critobulus 1 Bestowing on you 
some praise, which, after all, is not your due, 
or exhorting you to act in such a manner as 
may give you a just claim to it, and that from 
all mankind Ί Let us examine the matter, if 
you are still doubtful. Suppose I should re- 
commend you to the master of a ship, as a 
skilful pilot, and on this you were admitted to 
direct at the helm, must not destruction to 
yourself, as well as the loss of the ship, be the 
inevitable consequence 1 Or suppose I spoke 
of you everywhere as a great general, or able 
statesman, and you, on the credit of this false 
representation, were called to determine causes, 
preside in the council, or command the army, 
would not your own ruin be involved in that of 
your country ? Nay, were I only to commend 
you as a good economist to my neighbour, and 
thereby procure for you the management of his 
affairs, and the care of his family, would not 
you expose yourself to much ridicule, at the 
same time that you were exposing him to ruin 1 
But the surest, as the shortest way, to make 
yourself beloved and honoured, my Critobulus, 
is to be indeed the very man you wish to ap- 
pear. Set yourself, therefore, diligently to the 
attaining of every virtue, and you will find, on 
experience, that no one of them whatsoever 
but will flourish and gain strength when pro- 
perly exercised. This is the counsel I have 
to give you, my Critobulus. But, if you are 
of a contrary opinion, let me know it, I en- 
treat you." 

" Far from it," replied Critobulus ; « and I 
should only bring shame upon myself by con- 
tradicting you, since thereby I should contra- 
iic* the sure principles of truth and virtue." 



VII. Socrates had the greatest tenderness 
for his friends. Had ignorance or imprudence 
brought them into difficulties, Socrates, by his 
good advice, would often set them at ease. 
Or, if sinking under poverty, he would pro- 
cure to them relief, by pressing upon others 
the duty of mutual assistance. 

I will give some instances of his sentiments 
on such occasions. 

Perceiving on a time a deep melancholy on 
the countenance of one of his friends, " You 
seem oppressed," said he, " Aristarchus ; but 
impart the cause of it to your friends ; they may 
be able to relieve, you." 

" I am indeed," said Aristarchus, " oppressed 
with no small difficulty : for since our late 
troubles,many of our men being fled for shelter to 
the Piraeus, the women belonging to them have 
ail poured down upon me ; so that I have at pre- 
sent no less than. fourteen sisters, and aunts, and 
cousins, all to provide for ! Now, you know, 
my Socrates, we can receive no profit from our 
lands ; for these our enemies have got into their 
possession : nor yet from our shops and houses 
in the city : since Athens hath scarcely an in- 
habitant left in it. Nobody to be found neither 
to purchase our wares ; nobody to lend us mo- 
ney, at what interest soever : so that a man may 
as well hope to find it in the very streets as to 
borrow it any where. Now, what am I to do, my 
Socrates, in this case 1 It would be cruel not 
to relieve our relations in their distress ; and 
yet, in a time of such general desolation, it 
is impossible for me to provide for so great a 
number." 

Socrates having patiently heard out his com- 
plaint, — " Whence comes it," said he, " that 
we see Ceramo not only provide for a large 
family, but even become the richer by their 
very means ; while you, Aristarchus, are af/aid 
of being starved to death, because some addition 
hath been lately made to yours 1" 

" The reason is plain," replied Aristarchus , 
" Ceramo's people are all slaves; whereas those» 
with me are every one of them free." 

" And which, in your opinion, do you rate 
the highest 1 Ceramo's slaves, or the free people 
your house is filled with 1" 

" There can be no comparison." 

" But is it not then a shame," said Socrates, 
" that your people, who so far exceed in worth, 
should reduce you to beggary, whilst those with 
Ceramo make him a rich man? " 

" Not at all," replied Aristarchus : " the 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



553 



slaves with him have been brought up to trades ; 
but those I speak of had a liberal education." 

" May we be said to be masters of some 
trade when we understand how to make things 
which are useful ?" 
" No doubt of it." 
" Is flour or bread useful?" 
" Certainly." 

a 4 And clothes, whether for men or women, 
are they useful 1 !" 

" Who doubts it?" said Aristarchus. 
" But the people with you are altogether ig- 
norant of these things ?" 

« So far from it," replied Aristarchus, « that 
I question not their being able to perform any 
one of them." 

" But of what are you afraid then, my Aris- 
tarchus. Nausycides with one of these can 
maintain himself and family ; and not only so, 
but buy flocks and herds, and accommodate the 
republic with a round sum on occasion ; Cy- 
ribes also supports his household in ease and 
affluence by making bread : Demeas, the Col- 
lytensian, his, by making cassocks : Menon, 
his, by making of cloaks : and the Megaren- 
sians theirs, by making of short jackets." 

«That is true," interrupted Aristarchus, 
«for the way with these is to buy Barbarians, 
whom they can compel to labour : But I can 
do no such thing with the women who live 
with me ; they are free, they are my relations, 
Socrates." 

" And so, because they are free, and related 
to you, they are to do nothing but eat and 
sleep ! Do you suppose, Aristarchus, that 
such as live in this manner are more content 
than others ? or enjoy more happiness than 
they, who by their labour earn bread for their 
families ? Suppose you that idleness and in- 
attention can gain any useful knowledge, or 
preserve in the memory what hath been already 
gained ? That they can keep the man in health, 
add strength to his body, and gold to his stores, 
or give security to what he hath already in his 
possession ; and shall labour and industry stand 
him in no stead? To what purpose, I pray 
you, did your relations learn any thing ? Did 
they resolve at the time to make no use of 
their knowledge ? Or, rather, did they not 
intend from it some advantage to themselves, 
or benefit to others ? Surely we give small 
proof of our wisdom when we thus decline all 
employment. For, which is most reasonable 
— procuring to ourselves the things that are 
47 



useful, by exerting the powers which nature 
hath bestowed ; or, with arms across, sit list 
less and musing, considering only the means 
by which others may provide for us ? And 
verily, if I may speak my mind to you freely, 
I should suppose, Aristarchus, you cannot have 
any great love for your guests, in your present 
situation ; nor they for you. You think them 
a burthen ; end they perceive you think them 
so : and it will be well if discontent does not 
increase daily, till all gratitude and affection 
are compelled tp give way. But show them 
once in what manner they may become useful ; 
and you will henceforth regard them with com- 
placency and satisfaction ; while they, perceiv- 
ing it, will hardly be wanting in affection to 
you. They will be able to look back with 
pleasure, not pain, on all you have done for 
them : and the sweet familiarity of friendship, 
together with all the tender charities arising 
from the sacred ties of consanguinity, will 
again be restored to your happy society ! Were 
the employments indeed of that nature as would 
bring shame along with them, death itself were 
to be chosen rather than a subsistence so ob- 
tained : but such as they are skilled in, are, as 
I suppose, decent and honorable; to be per- 
formed with pleasure, since they can perform 
them with so much ease. Delay not then, my 
Aristarchus, to propose what may be of so 
much advantage both to them and you ; and 
doubt not their compliance with what they must 
perceive to be so very reasonable." 

" Ο heavens ! " cried Aristarchus ; " what 
truths have I now heard ! But your advice, 
my Socrate, shall be regarded as it ought; 
hitherto I have been afraid to borrow money 
of my neighbors, as not knowing, when spent, 
by what means to repay it ; but my scruples 
are now over : this moment I will buy such 
materials as may be wanted." 

Nor did he at all cool in his resolutions. 
Wool, with whatever was necessary for the 
working of it, were sent in by Aristarchus ; 
and each one was employed from morning to 
night. Melancholy gave way to continual 
cheerfulness ; and mutual confidence took the 
place of that mutual suspicion, which, till then, 
had possessed the minds of Aristarchus and his 
guests. They consider him now as their gen- 
erous protector; and his love for them in- 
creased in proportion to their usefulness. 

Some time afterward, Aristarchus coming to 
see Socrates, related with much pleasure in 
3U 



554 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book II. 



what manner they went on : " But my guests," 
said he, " begin now to reproach me, for being, 
as they say, the only idle person in the whole 
family." 

" Acquaint them," answered Socrates, " with 
the fable of the dog. You must know," con- 
tinued he, " that in the days of yore, when 
brutes could talk, several of the sheep coming 
to their master, « Is it not strange, sir !' say 
they to him, < that we, who provide -you with 
milk, and wool, and lambs, have nothing at all 
given us but what we can get off the ground 
ourselves ; while the dog there, who cannot so 
much as help you to one of them, is pampered 
and fed with the very bread you eat of?' — 
<■ Peace !' cries the dog, who overheard their 
complaint ; £ it is not without reason I am 
taken most care of ; for I secure you from the 
thief and the wolf ; nor would you, wretches ! 
dare to eat at all, if I did not stand sentinel, to 
watch and defend you.' The sheep, saith the 
fable, on hearing this, withdrew, convinced that 
the dog had reason on his side : and do you, 
Aristarchus, convince your guests that it is by 
your care they are protected from harm ; and 
enjoy a life of security and pleasure." 

VIII. At another time, Socrates meeting 
his old friend Eutherus, whom he had not seen 
for many years, asked him, « Where he came 
from ?" 

« From no great distance at present," replied 
Eutherus. " Towards the end of our late de- 
structive war, I returned, indeed, from a loug 
journey ; for, being dispossessed of all the estate 
I had on the frontiers of Attica, and my fa- 
ther dying, and leaving me nothing here, I was 
obliged to gain a subsistence by my labour 
wherever I could : and thought it better to do 
so, than beg of any one ; and borrow I could 
not, as I had nothing to mortgage." 

" And how long," said Socrates, « do you 
imagine your labour will supply you with ne- 
cessaries V 

" Not long." 

" And yet age increases the number of our 
wants, at the same time that it lessens our pow- 
er of providing for them V* 

" It does so." 

« Would it not then be more advisable, my 
Eutherus, to seek out for some employment, 
which might enable you to lay up some little 
tor old age 1 What if you were to go to some 
wealthy citizen, who may want such a person, 
to assist him in gathering in his fruits ; inspect- 



ing his affairs ; and overlooking his labourers , 
whereby you might become a mutual benefit 
to each other?" 

" But slavery, my Socrates, is a thing I can 
ill submit to." 

" Yet magistrates, Eutherus, and those who 
are employed in public affairs, are so far from 
being considered as slaves on that account, 
that, on the contrary, they are held in the high- 
est estimation." 

" It may be so, Socrates, but I never can bear 
the being found fault with." 

" And yet," saith Socrates, " you will be 
hard set to do any one thing whose every cir- 
cumstance is secure from blame. For it is dif- 
ficult so to act, as to commit no error ; which 
yet if we could, I know of no security against 
the censure of ill judges : and truly I should 
wonder, Eutherus, if what you are at present 
employed about could be performed in such a 
manner as to escape all blame. It seems there- 
fore to me, that all you can do, is only to take 
care, as far as may be, to keep clear of those 
people who seem glad to find fault ; and seek 
out such as are more candid. Which done, 
pursue with steadiness and alacrity whatever 
you undertake, but beware how you undertake 
any thing beyond your power. Thus will your 
indigence find relief, without the hazard of 
much blame to you. Certainty shall take the 
place of a precarious subsistence, and leave you 
to the full enjoyment of all the peaceful plea- 
sures of old age !" 

IX. I remember one day Crito complaining 
how difficult it was at Athens for a man who 
loved quiet to enjoy his fortune in security : 
« For," said he, " I have now several lawsuits 
on my hands, for no other reason, that I can 
guess at, but because they know I would rather 
pay my money than involve myself in business 
and perplexity." 

Socrates asked, " If he kept never a dog, to 
defend his sheep from the wolves ?" 

" I keep several," said Crito, " as you may 
imagine ; and they are of no small use to me." 

" Why then," said Socrates, " do you not 
engage some person in your 'service, whose vi- 
gilance and care might prevent others from 
molesting you ?" 

" So I would, my Socrates, did I not fear 
that this very man might, at last, turn agains 
me." 

" But wherefore should you fear this Ί Are 
you not pretty certain, that it may be more for 



^EMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



555 



the interest of people who keep on good terms 
with you, than have you for an enemy. Be- 
lieve me, my Crito, there is many a man 
in Athens who would think himself very much 
honoured by your friendship." Saying this, 
Archidemus came immediately into their mind ; 
a man able and eloquent, and, withal, well 
versed in business ; but poor, as being one of 
those few who are not for having whatever they 
can lay hands on. He loved honest men ; 
though he would often say, nothing was more 
easy than to grow rich by calumny. To this 
man, Crito, in consequence of what Socrates 
had said to him, would send corn, or wool, or 
wine or oil, or any other produce of his estate, 
when they brought him those things from the 
country : and when he sacrificed to the gods, 
he sent for him to the feast, nor ever omitted 
any opportunity of showing respect to him. 
Archidemus seeing this, began to detach him- 
self from all other dependencies, and consider 
Crito's house as the place that would shelter 
him from every want. He therefore gave 
himself entirely to him : and discovering that 
Crito's false accusers were guilty of many 
crimes, and had made themselves many ene- 
mies, he undertook to manage them. He 
therefore summoned one of them to answer 
for an offence, which, if proved against him, 
must subject him at least to a pecuniary mulct, 
if not to corporal punishment. The man, 
knowing how little he could defend his mal- 
practices, endeavoured by every art to make 
Archidemus withdraw his prosecution, but to 
no purpose ; for he would never lose sight of 
him till he had compelled him not only to leave 
Crito in peace, but purchase his own with no 
inconsiderable sum of money. Archidemus 
having conducted this affair, and many others 
of the same nature, successfully, Crito was 
thought not a little happy in having his as- 
sistance : and as the shepherds ofttimes avail 
themselves of their neighbour's dog, by send- 
ing their sheep to pasture near him, Crito's 
friends would entreat him to lend Archidemus 
to them. He, on his side, was glad of an op- 
portunity to oblige his benefactor ; and it was 
observed, that not only Crito himself, but all 
his friends, lived free, for the future, from any 
molestation. Likewise, when any reproached 
him with having made his court to Crito for 



his own interest : « And which," said he, « do 
you think the most shameful 1 serving the good 
who have already served you, and joining with 
them in their opposition to the wicked ; or, 
confederating with the bad, assist them the 
more effectually to oppress the virtuous, and 
thereby make every honest man your enemy 1" 

From this time Archidemus lived in the 
strictest intimacy with Crito ; nor did Crito's 
friends less honour and esteem him. 

X. I remember Socrates once saying to 
Diodorus, « Suppose, Diodorus, one of your 
slaves ran away from you, would you be at any 
pains to recover him 1" 

« Yes, certainly," said the other ; " and I 
would even go so far as to publish a reward for 
whoever would bring him to me." 

" And if any of them were sick, you would 
take care of them, I imagine, and send for a 
physician to try to save them V* 

« Undoubtedly." 

« But what if a friend, something of more 
worth to you than a thousand slaves, were 
reduced to want, would it not become you, 
Diodorus, to relieve him ? You know him for 
a man incapable of ingratitude ; nay, one who 
would even blush to lie under an obligation 
without endeavouring to return it. You know 
too, that the service of him who serves from 
inclination — who not only can execute what 
you command, but of himself find out many 
things that may be of use to you — who can 
deliberate, foresee, and assist you with good 
counsel — is infinitely of more value than many 
slaves 1 Now good economists tell us, it is % 
right to purchase when things are most cheap ; 
and we can scarcely recollect the time, at 
Athens, when a good friend might be had for 
such a pennyworth.'' 

" You are in the right," said Diodorus ; " there- 
fore you may bid Henaogenes come to me." 

" Not so neither," returned Socrates ; "for, 
since the benefit will be reciprocal, it seems 
just as reasonable that you go to him, as he 
come to you." 

In consequence of this discourse, Diodorus 
went himself to Hermogenes, and, for a small 
consideration, secured a valuable friend, whose 
principal care was to approve his gratitude, and 
return the kindness shown him with many real 
services. 



XENOPHON'S 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 



BOOK III. 

[557] 



47* 



CONTENTS OF BOOK III. 



I. Socrates converses with his friends respecting the duties of a general.— Shows the ignorance of Dionysidorus, 
a professed teacher of the military art.— II. His idea of a good prince. — III. His instructions to a young gen- 
eral of the horse.— IV. V. Conversation with Nichomachides ahout the proper ordering of an army— With 
Pericles respecting the Athenian character. — VI. Shows Glauco his ignorance of ruling. — VII. Stimulates 
Charmidas, a man of abilities, to lay aside his timidity. — VIII. Aristippus, having been silenced by Socrates, 
endeavours to retaliate. — IX. Socrates discourses on the nature of courage and wisdom. — X. Converses with 
Parrhasius the painter, Clito the statuary, and Pistias the armourer, concerning their different arts.— XI. His 
ronveaation with Theodota the courtezan.— XII. Reproves Epigenes for neglecting the exercises which 
formedw large partof a liberal education. — XIII. Corrects the faults of various persons. — XIV. Regulates the 
taking of eupper among the Grecians when they assembled. 

[558] 



XENOPIION'S 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 



BOOK III. 



I. We will now relate in what manner Socrates 
was useful to such of his friends as aimed at 
any honourable employment, by stirring them 
up to the attainment of that knowledge which 
alone could qualify them for discharging it 
properly. 

Being told that one Dionysidorus was come 
to Athens, and there made public profession 
of teaching the military art, Socrates from 
thence took occasion to address the following 
discourse to a young man of his acquaintance, 
whom he knew at that very time soliciting for 
one of the principal posts in the army: — " Is 
it not," said he, " a most scandalous thing, for 
one who aims at commanding the forces of his 
country, to neglect an opportunity of gaining 
the instructions necessary for it 1 And does 
he not deserve to be more severely treated, than 
he who undertakes to form a statue without 
having learnt the statuary's art 1 In time of 
war, no less than the safety of the whole com- 
munity is intrusted to the general : and it is in 
his power either to procure to it many and 
great advantages, by a prudent discharge of the 
duties of his station, or involve his country, 
through misconduct, in the very deepest distress ; 
and therefore that man must be worthy of no 
small punishment, who whilst he is unwearied 
in his endeavours to obtain this honour, takes 
little or no thought about qualifying himself 
properly for executing a trust of such vast im- 
portance." 

This reasoning wrought so powerfully upon 
the mind of the young man, that he immediately 
applied himself to the gaining of instruction. 



And coming a little time after where Socrates 
was standing with others of his friends, So- 
crates, on his approach, said to them laughing, 
" You remember, sirs, that Homer, speaking of 
Agamemnon, styles him venerable. Do you 
not think our young man here has acquired 
new dignity, and looks far more respectable, 
now he hath learnt the art of commanding 1 
For, as he who is a master of music, will be a 
master of music, though he touches no instru- 
ment ; and he who hath the skill of a physician, 
will be a physician, though not actually employ- 
ed in the practice of his art ; so, no doubt of 
it, this young man, now that he hath gained 
the knowledge of a general, is incontestably a 
general, though he never should be chosen to 
command the army : whereas it would be to 
very little purpose for an ignorant pretender to 
get himself elected, since this could no more 
make a general of him, than it would make a 
man a physician, to call him one. But," con- 
tinued Socrates, turning towards him, « since 
it may fall out that some of us may command 
a company, or a cohort under you, inform us, I 
pray you, with what point your master began 
his instructions, that we may not be altogether 
ignorant of the matter 1 " 

" With the very same point with which he 
ended," replied the other ; " the right ordering 
of an army, whether in marching, righting, or 
encamping." 

" Surely," answered Socrates, « this is but a 
small part of the office of a general : for he 
must likewise take care that none of the ne- 
cessaries of war be wanting, and that his sol- 

559 



560 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book III. 



IN Mlpptied with every thing needful, as 
\n ο Π for their health as daily subsistence. He 
should be diligent, patient, fruitful in expedients, 
quick of apprehension, unwearied in labour ; 
mildness and severity must each have their place 
in him : equally able tcr secure his own, and 
t;ike away that which belongeth to' another. 
Open, yet reserved ; rapacious, yet profuse ; 
generous, yet avaricious ; cautious, yet bold ; 
besides many other talents, both natural and 
acquired, necessary for him who would dis- 
charge properly the duties of a good general. 
Yet I do not esteem the right disposition of an 
army a slight thing : on the contrary," said he, 
" nothing can be of so much importance ; since, 
without order, no advantage can arise from num- 
bers any more than from stones, and bricks, 
and tiles, and timbers, thrown together at ran- 
dom : but when these are disposed of in their 
proper places ; when the stones and the tiles, 
as least perishable, are made use of for the 
foundation and covering ; the bricks and tim- 
ber, each likewise in their order ; then we may 
see a regular edifice arising, which afterward 
becomes no inconsiderable part of our pos- 
sessions." 

" Your comparison," interrupted the other, 
" makes me recollect another circumstance, 
which we were told the general of an army 
ought to have regard to ; and that is, to place 
the best of his soldiers in the front and in the 
rear; whilst those of a doubtful character being 
placed in the middle, may be animated by the 
one, and impelled by the other, to the perform- 
ance of their duty." 

" Your master then," said Socrates, « taught 
you how to know a good soldier from a bad 
one ; otherwise this rule could be of no use : 
for if he ordered you, in the counting of money, 
to place the good at each end of the table, and 
that which was adulterated in the middle, with- 
out first instructing you by what means to dis- 
tinguish them, I see not to what purpose his 
orders could be." 

" I cannot say," replied the other ; « but it is 
very sure my master did no such thing : we must 
therefore endeavour to find it out ourselves." 

" Shall we consider this point then a little 
farther," said Socrates, " that so we may the 
better avoid any mistake in this matter ] Sup- 
pose," continued he, " the business was to 
seize some rich booty ; should we not do well 
to place in the front, those whom we thought 
♦lie most avaricious V* 



" Certainly." 

" But where the undertaking is attended 
with peril, there, surely, we should be careful 
to employ the most ambitious, the love of glory 
being sufficient to make men of this stamp 
despise all danger : neither shall we be at a loss 
to find out these people ; since they are always 
forward enough to make themselves known. 
But this master of yours," continued Socrates, 
" when he taught you the different ways of 
ranging your forces, taught you at the same 
time the different use you were to make of 
them. " 

" Not at all, I do assure you." 

"And yet a different disposition of the army 
should be made, according as different occasions 
require." 

" That may be," replied the other ; " but he 
said not a word to me of the matter." 

" Then return to him," said Socrates, " and 
question him concerning it ; for if he is not 
either very ignorant, or very impudent, he will 
be ashamed of having taken your money, and 
sent you away so little instructed." 

II. Meeting with one who had been newly 
elected general, Socrates asked him, " Why 
hath Agamemnon the title of pastor of the 
people given him by Homer 1 Must it not be 
for this reason, think you, that like as a shep- 
herd looks carefully to the health of his flock, 
and provides them pasture ; so he, who hath 
the command of the army, should provide his 
soldiers with all things necessary; and procure 
those advantages to them for which they endure 
the hardships of war, conquest over their ene- 
mies, and to themselves more happiness 1 
Why also doth the same poet praise Agamem- 
non for being, 

" Great "a the war ; and great in arts of sway," 

Pope. 

but to show in him, that personal bravery, how- 
ever remarkable, is not enough to constitute 
the general, without he animates his whole 
army with courage, and makes every single 
soldier brave 1 Neither," continued he, " can 
that prince be celebrated for the arts of sway, 
however successful he may be in regulating his 
domestic affairs, who doth not cause felicity and 
abundance to be diffused throughout his whole 
dominion. For kings are not elected that their 
cares should afterwards centre in their own 
private prosperity ; but to advance the happi- 
ness of those who elect them, are they called 
to the throne. As, therefore, the only motive 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



561 



for submitting to war, is the hope of rendering 
our future lives more secure and happy ; and 
commanders are chosen for no other purpose, 
than to lead the way to this desirable end ; it 
is the duty of a general to use his utmost en- 
deavours not to disappoint the people therein : 
for, as to answer their expectations will bring 
to him the highest glory ; so, to fail through 
misconduct, must be attended with the greatest 
shame." 

We may here see, from what hath been just 
said, that Socrates designed to give us his idea 
of a good prince ; passing over every other 
consideration ; confines it to him alone, who, 
diligently promotes the happiness of his people. 

III. Meeting at another time with a person 
who had been chosen general of the horse, So- 
crates said to him, " As I doubt not my young 
man, your being able to give a good reason 
why you desired the command of the cavalry, 
I should be glad to hear it : for I cannot sup- 
pose yon asked it only for an opportunity of ri- 
ding before the rest of the army, as the archers 
on horseback must go before you : neither could 
it be, to make yourself the more taken notice 
of; for madmen will still have the advantage 
of you there. But your design, I conclude, 
was to reform the cavalry, in hopes of making 
them of more service to the republic." 

* I did design this, most certainly." 

" A noble intention !" replied Socrates, " if 
you can but accomplish it. But your station 
obliges you to have an eye to your horses, as 
well as men." 

« undoubtedly." 
. « Pray tell us then," said Socrates, " what 
method you will take to get good horses 1" 

" Ο that," answered the general, " belongs 
not to me : the rider himself must look to that 
particular." 

" Very well," said Socrates. " But suppose 
you wanted to lead them on to charge the ene- 
my : and you found some of them lame ; and 
others so weak, from being half-starved, that 
they could not come up with the rest of the 
army : while others again were so restive and 
unruly, as to make it impossible to keep them 
in their ranks : of what use would such hor- 
ses be to you ? or you to the republic'!" 

" You are in the right," said the other ; " and 
I will certainly take care what sort of horses 
are in my troop." 

" And what sort of men too, I hope," replied 
Socrates. 



" Certainly." 

" Your first endeavour, I suppose then, will 
be, to make them mount their horses readily V* 

" It shall," said the other, " to the end they 
may stand a better chance to escape, if they 
are thrown off them." 

" You will likewise take care," said Socrates, 
" to exercise them often : sometimes in one 
place, and sometimes in another ; particularly 
there where it seems the most like to that in 
which you expect to meet the enemy, that your 
troops may be equally dexterous in all : for you 
cannot, I suppose, when going to engage, or- 
der your enemies to come and fight you on the 
plain, because there alone you were accustomed 
to exercise your army 1 You will likewise in- 
struct them in throwing the dart : and if you 
would indeed make good soldiers, animate 
them with the love of glory, and resentment 
against their enemies : but, above all, be care- 
ful to establish your authority ; since neither 
the strength of your horses, nor the dexterity 
of the riders, can be of much use to you with- 
out obedience 1 " 

" I know it, Socrates : but what must I do 
to bring them to this obedience V* 

" Have you not observed," said Socrates, 
" that all men willingly submit to those whom 
they believe the most skilful ; in sickness, to 
the best physician ; in a storm, to the best pi- 
lot ; and in agriculture, to him whom they con- 
sider as the best husbandman f" 

" I have," replied the other. 

" If so, may we not well conclude, that he 
who is known to have the most skill in con- 
ducting the cavalry, will always find himself 
the most willingly obeyed V 

" But need I do no more than convince them 
of my superior abilities 1" 

" Yes ; you must likewise convince them 
that both their glory and safety depend on their 
obedience." 

" But how shall I be able to convince them 
of this V> 

" With less trouble," replied Socrates, " than 
you can prove to them it is better and more for 
their advantage to be vicious than virtuous." 

" But, at this rate, it will be necessary for a 
general to add the study of the art of speaking 
to all his other cares." 

" And do you imagine," said Socrates, « he 

can discharge his office without speaking 1 It 

is by the medium of speech the laws are made 

known to us for the regulation of our conduct; 

3V 



562 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book III. 



and whatsoever is useful in any science, we be- 
come acquainted with it by the same means ; 
the best method of instruction being in the way 
of conversation: and he who is perfectly mas- 
ter of his subject will always be heard with the 
greatest applause. But have you never observ- 
ed," continued Socrates, " that throughout all 
Greece, the Athenian youth bear away the prize 
in every contention, from those sent by any oth- 
er republic 1 Even a chorus of music going 
from hence to Delos, exceeds, beyond all com- 
parison, whatever appears from any other places. 
Now the Athenians have not, naturally, voices 
more sweet, or bodies more strong, than those 
of other nations, but they are more ambitious 
of glory, which always impels to generous 
deeds and noble undertakings. Why, there- 
fore, may not our cavalry be brought in time to 
excel any other ; whether in the beauty of their 
horses and arms; whether in their discipline, 
order, and courage ; were they but shown that 
conquest and glory would almost prove the in- 
fallible result of it!" 

" I see not why, indeed," answered the other, 
" if we could but convince them this would be 
the event." 

" Lose no time, then," said Socrates ; " but 
go, excite your soldiers to the performance of 
their duty ; that while you make them of use 
to you, they may likewise make you of some 
use to your country." 

« I certainly shall make the attempt," replied 
the general. 

IV. Seeing, at another time, Nichomachides 
return from the assembly of the people, where 
they had been choosing the magistrates, So- 
crates asked, whom they had fixed upon to 
command the army 1 " Could you have thought 
it !" said the other, " the Athenians, my So- 
crates, paid no regard to me, who have spent 
my whole life in the exercise of arms ! passed 
through every degree, from that of common 
sentinel to colonel of the horse, covered with 
these scars (showing them on his bosom,) my 
whole strength wasted with fighting in de 
fence of them ! while Antisthenes, one who 
never served among the infantry, nor ever did 
any thing remarkable among the horse, him 
they have elected, though all his merit seems to 
consist in being able to get money." 

" No bad circumstance," replied Socrates ; 
" we may hope, at least, to have our troops well 
piid." 

'* But a merchant can get money as well as 



Antisthenes ; doth it follow from thence that a 
merchant is a fit man to command an army Ί" 

" You overlook, Nichomachides, that Antis- 
thenes is likewise a lover of glory, and seeks 
to excel in whatever he undertakes ; — a quality 
of some worth in the commander of an army. 
You know, whenever he led the chorus, he al- 
ways took care to carry off the prize." 

"But, surely, there is some difference be- 
tween commanding an army and ordering the 
chorus!" 

" And yet," replied Socrates, " Antisthenes 
has no great knowledge himself either in mu- 
sic or the laws of the theatre 1 but as he had 
penetration sufficient to find out those who ex- 
celled in them, you see how, by their assis- 
tance, he came off conqueror." 

" He must have somebody then to fight, and 
give out his orders, when at the head of his 
army?" 

" Be that as it may," returned Socrates, " it is 
certain that he who follows the counsel of such 
as are best skilled in any art, let it be war ox 
music, or any thing else, is pretty sure of sur- 
passing all who are engaged in the same pur- 
suit with him. Neither is it probable that he 
who so liberally expends his money, when the 
affair is no more than to amuse the people, and 
purchase a victory which only brings honour 
to himself and to his own tribe, 1 will be more 
sparing when the point is to gain a conquest 
far more glorious over the enemies of his coun- 
try, and in which the whole republic are equally 
concerned." 

" We are to conclude, then," returned the 
other, " that he who knows how to preside 
properly at a public show, knows in like man- 
ner how to command an army." 

" It is certain," said Socrates, " so much may 
be concluded, that he who has judgment 
enough to find out what things are best for him, 
and ability to procure them, can hardly fail of 
success, whether his design be to direct the 
stage or govern the state, — manage his own 
house or command the army." 

" Truly," replied Nichomachides, " I scarce- 
ly expected to hear from you, Socrates, that a 
good economist and a good commander was the 
same thing." 

"Do you think sol" answered Socrates: 
" Let us inquire then if you please, into the 



» The citizens of Athens were all divided into tribes, 
which had their peculiar customs and honour. 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



563 



duty of each ; and see what agreement we can 
find between them. Ts it not the business of 
them both to endeavor to make the people 
who are placed under them tractable and sub- 
missive?" 

« It is." 

" Must they not see that every person be 
employed in the business he is most proper 
for ? Are they not, each of them, to punish 
those who do wrong, and reward those wbo do 
right? Must they not gain the love of the 
people who are placed under their authority, 
and procure to themselves as many friends as 
may be, to strengthen and stand by them in 
time of need ? Should they not know how to 
secure their own ? And, in short, should not 
each of them be diligent and unwearied in the 
performance of his duty?" 

" So far," replied Nichomachides, " it may 
be as you say ; but surely the comparison can 
scarcely hold, when the case is to engage an 
enemy." 

" Why so?" said Socrates, «have they not 
each of them enemies to engage ?" 

" Certainly." 

« And would it not be for the advantage of 
both, to get the better of these enemies ?" 

" No doubt of it, Socrates ! But I still see 
not of what use economy can be to a general, 
when the hour is come for his soldiers to fall on." 

" The very time," said Socrates, " when it 
will be the most ; for, as economy will show 
him his greatest gain must arise from conquest, 
his greatest loss from being overcome ; he will 
for that reason be very careful hot to take any 
one step whatsoever which may hazard a de- 
feat ; wisely declining an engagement while in 
want of any thing ; but equally ready to seize 
the hour, when, provided with all that is 
necessary, victory seems to him no longer 
doubtful. Thus you see of what use economy 
may be to a general; nor do you, Nichoma- 
chides, despise those who practise it, since the 
conduct of the state, and that of a private 
family, differ no otherwise than as greater and 
less ; in every thing else there is no small 
similarity. The business is with men in either 
case : neither do we know of one species of 
these, whereby to manage the affairs of govern- 
ment, and another for carrying on the common 
concerns of life; but the prince at the helm,. 
and the head of his family, must serve them- 
selves from the same mass. And, to complete 
tixe parallel, be assured, Nichomachides, that 



whoever hath the skill to use these instruments 
properly, hath also the best secret for succeed- 
ing in his design ; whether his aim be to direct 
the state, or limit his care to the concerns of 
his own household ; while he who is ignorant 
of this point must commit many errors, and of 
course meet with nothing but disappointments." 

V. Being in company with Pericles, son to 
the great Pericles, Socrates said, to him, — "I 
hope, my young man, when you come to com- 
mand the forces of the republic, the war may 
be carried on with more glory and success than 
we have lately known it." 

" I should be glad if it were so," replied the 
other ; " but how it is to be done I cannot 
easily see." 

" Shall we try," said Socrates, " to get some 
light into this matter? You know the Boeo- 
tians are not more numerous than we." 

" I know they are not." 

<• Neither are they stronger or more valiant." 

" They are not." 

" But the Boeotians, it may be, are more 
united among themselves ?" 

" So far from it," said Pericles, " that the 
Boeotians hate the Thebans on account of their 
oppression ; whereas we can have nothing of 
this sort in Athens." 

" But then we must own," said Socrates, 
" that the Boeotians are not only the most 
courteous of all mankind, but the most am- 
bitious ; and they who are so, the love of glory 
and of their country, will impel to undertake 
any thing." 

" But I knew not," replied Pericles, « that 
the Athenians are deficient in any of these 
particulars." 

" It must be acknowledged," said Socrates, 
" if we look back to the actions of our fore- 
fathers, and consider either the lustre or the 
number of their glorious deeds, no nation can 
exceed us : and having such examples, taken 
out too from among ourselves, they cannot but 
inflame our courage, and stir us up to a love of 
valour and of virtue." 

" And yet you see," answered Pericles, 
" how much the glory of the Athenian name 
is tarnished since the fatal defeat of Lubea, 
wherein Tolmides lost more than a thousand 
men ; and that other at Delium, where Hippo- 
crates was slain : for whereas, till then, the 
Boeotians feared to make head against us, 
though in defence of their own country, with 
out the assistance of the Lacedaemonians and 



564 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book III. 



the rest of Peloponnesus, they now threaten to 
invade us, and that with their own forces only ; 
while the Athenians, instead of ravaging, as 
formerly, Bceotia at pleasure, when not de- 
fended by foreign troops, are made to tremble 
in their turn, lest Attica itself should become 
the scene of slaughter." 

« The case," said Socrates, " is, I fear, as 
you have stated it; but for that reason it 
seemeth to me, my Pericles, the very time 
wherein to desire the command of our armies. 
It is of the nature of security to make men 
careless, effeminate, and ungovernable ; while 
fear, on the contrary, awakens their diligence, 
renders them obedient, and reduces them to 
order. We may see this among our seamen. 
So long as they are under no apprehension of 
danger, they give themselves over to riot and 
disorder ; but at the sight of a pirate, or the 
appearance of a storm, become immediately 
other men : not only diligent in performing 
whatever is commanded, but even watching, in 
silence, the master's eye, ready to execute, as 
in a well ordered chorus, whatever part he 
shall think proper to assign them." 

« Supposing," replied Pericles, " the people 
of Athens were at present in such a state as 
might dispose them to obedience, what way 
shall we take to rouse them to an imitation of 
our ancestors, that, with their virtues, we may 
restore the happiness and the glory of the times - 
they lived inl" 

" Was it our desire," answered Socrates, 
" to stir up any one to regain an inheritance 
now in the» possession of another, what more 
should we need than to tell them it was theirs 
by long descent from their progenitors 1 If 
therefore, my Pericles, you wish our Athe- 
nians to hold the foremost rank among the 
virtuous, tell them it is their right, delivered 
down to them from the earliest ages ; and that, 
so long as they are careful to maintain this 
pre-eminence in virtue, pre-eminence in power 
cannot fail to attend it. You would likewise 
do well to remind them, how highly the most 
ancient of their forefathers were esteemed and 
honoured on. account of their virtue." 

" You mean when, in the time of Cecrops, 
the people of Athens were chosen in p/efe- 
ience to all others, to arbitrate in the dispute 
which had arisen among the gods 1" l 

*■ Alluding to the fabled coDtcst between Neptune and 
Minerva for the patronage of Athens, which was deter- 
mined by the Athenians in favor of Minerva. 



" I do," said Socrates ; " and I would have 
you go on, and relate to them the birth and the 
education of Erictheus, the wars in his time 
with all the neighbouring nations ; together 
with that undertaken in favour of the Hera- 
clides against those of Peloponnesus. That 
also, in the days of Theseus, when our an- 
cestors gained the reputation of surpassing all 
their contemporaries both in conduct and cou- 
rage, ought not to be passed over. After 
which it may not be amiss to recall to their 
minds what the descendants of these heroes 
have performed in the ages just before us. 
Show them the time when, by their own 
strength alone, they made head against the 
man who lorded it over all Asia, and whose 
empire extended even into Europe itself, as 
far as Macedonia ; inheriting from his fore- 
fathers a formidable army, as well as wide 
dominions, that had already made itself famous 
for many noble undertakings. Tell them at 
other times of the many victories, both by sea 
and land, when in league with the Lacedemo- 
nians ; men no less famous than themselves on 
the account of military courage : and, although 
innumerable have been the revolutions through- 
out the rest of Greece, whereby many have 
been compelled to change their habitations, 
show them the Athenians still in possession 
of their ancient territories ; and not only so, 
but oftentimes made arbiters of the rights of 
other people, while the oppressed, on every 
side, have had recourse to them for protec- 
tion." 

« When I think of these things, my Socrates, 
I marvel by what means our republic hath sunk 
so low." 

" I suppose," replied Socrates, " the Athe- 
nians acted in this respect like men, who, see- 
ing themselves exalted above the fear of a 
competitor, grow remiss, and neglect discipline, 
and become thereby more despicable than the 
people whom they once despised ; for, no 
sooner had our virtue set us above the rest of 
our contemporaries but we sunk into sloth, 
which ended, as you see, in a total degeneracy." 

« But how shall we recover the lustre of the 
ancient virtue ?" 

" Nothing more easy to point out," replied 
Socrates ; " let but our people call to mind 
what were the virtues and discipline of their 
forefathers, and diligently endeavour to follow 
their example, and the glory of the Athenian 
name may rise again as high as ever! But, if 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



565 



this is too much for them, let them copy at 
least the people, whom, at present, they are 
compelled to consider as far above them : let 
them apply themselves with the same diligence 
to perform the same things, and let them not 
doubt of becoming again their equals : trieir 
superiors, if so be they will but surpass them 
in virtue." 

« You speak, my Socrates, as if you thought 
our Athenians at no little distance from it. 
And, indeed," continued Pericles, " when do 
we see them, as at Sparta, reverencing old age 1 
Or, rather, do we not see them showing their 
contempt of it even in the person of a father ? 
Can they be expected to imitate that republic 
in the exercises which render the body health- 
ful, who make sport of those who do 1 Will 
people who even glory in despising their rulers, 
submit readily to their commands'! Or will 
concord and unanimity subsist among men, 
who seek not to help, but injure one another, 
and bear more envy to their fellow-citizens 
than to any other of mankind 1 Our assem- 
blies, both public and private, are full of quar- 
rels and contentions, whilst we harass each 
other with perpetual suits at law ; choosing by 
that means some trifling advantage, though 
with the ruin of our neighbour, rather than 
content ourselves with an honest gain, where- 
by each party might be equally profited. The 
magistrate's aim is altogether his own interest, 
as if the welfare of the community no way 
concerned him. Hence that eager contention 
for places and power, that ignorance and mu- 
tual hatred among those in the administration, 
that animosity and intrigue which prevail among 
private parties. So that I fear, my Socrates, 
lest the malady should rise to such a height, 
that Athens itself must, ere long, sink under it." 

" Be not afraid, my Pericles, that the dis- 
temper is incurable. You see with what rea- 
diness and skill our people conduct themselves 
in all naval engagements : how regular in obey- 
ing those who preside over their exercises, lead 
the dance, or direct the chorus." 

" I am sensible of this," said Pericles : " and 
hence, my Socrates, is the wonder, that, being 
so complying on all such occasions, our sol- 
diers, who ought to be the choice and flower 
of this very people, are so frequently disposed 
to mutiny and disobedience." 

" The senate of the Areopagus," said So- 
crates, « is not this likewise composed of per- 
sons of the greatest worth?" 
48 



" Most certainly." 

" Where else do we see judges who act in 
such conformity to the laws, and honour to 
themselves 1 Who determine with so much 
uprightness between man and man ; or dis- 
charge, with such integrity, whatever business 
is brought before them 1" 

Μ I cannot reproach them," said Pericles, 
" with having failed in. any thing." 

" Therefore, let us not give up our Athe- 
nians, my Pericles, as a people altogether de- 
generate." 

" Yet in war," replied Pericles, « where de- 
cency, order, and obedience, are more especially 
required, they seem to pay no regard to the 
command of their superiors." 

" Perhaps," returned Socrates, " some part 
of the blame may belong to those who under- 
take to command them 1 You hardly know of 
any man, I believe, pretending to preside over 
a chorus, directing the dance, or giving rules 
to the athletics, whilst ignorant of the matter. 
They who take upon them to do any of these 
things, must tell you where, and by whom they 
were instructed in the art they now pretend to 
teach others ; whereas the greater part of our 
generals learn the first rudiments of war at the 
head of their armies. But I know, my Peri- 
cles, you are not of that sort of men ; but have 
made it your employment to study the military 
art ; and have gone through all the exercises so 
necessary for a soldier. In the memorials of 
your father, that great man ! I doubt not your 
having remarked, for your own advantage, many 
of those refined stratagems he made use of; 
and can show us many more of your own col- 
lecting. These you study : and to the end 
that nothing may be omitted by one who hopes 
to command our armies, when you find your- 
self either deficient or doubtful, you are not 
unwilling to own your ignorance ; but seek out 
for such as you imagine more knowing ; while 
neither courtesy of behaviour, nor even gifts, 
are wanting, whereby to engage them to give 
you assistance." 

" Ah, Socrates !" cried Pericles, interrupt- 
ing him, " it is not that you think I have done 
these things, but wish me to do them, that you 
talk in this manner." 

" It may be so," replied Socrates. " But to 
add a word or two more. You know," con- 
tinued he, " that Attica is separated from Boeo- 
tia by a long chain of mountains, through which 
the roads are narrow and craggy ; so that all 






MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book III. 



access to our country from that side, is both 
difiicuh ami clangorous." 

•• I know it." said Pericles. 

« It has been tokl you too, I imagine, how 
the Mvsians ami Pisidians, having seized for 
themselves several considerable places, and a 
tract of land, in the territories of the king 
ot Persia, are able, from the advantages of their j 
situation, not only to secure their own liberty, j 
but with their light armed horse greatly annoy j 
their enemies, by making perpetual inroads 
upon them I" 

» Yes, I have heard this," replied the other.' 

'• Why then may it not be supposed," said 
Socrates, " that if we secured those passes on 
the mountains which divide us from Boeotia, 
and sent there our youth properly armed for 
making incursions, we might in our turn give 
some annoyance to our enemies; while these 
mountains, as so many ramparts, secured us 
from their hostilities 1" 

" I agree with you, v said Pericles, " this 
might turn to our advantage, and that all you 
have said hath been much to the purpose." 

" If you think so," replied Socrates, " and 
that my observations may be of service, you 
have nothing more to do than to carry them 
into execution. Should success be the con- 
sequence, you, my friend, will have the honour, 
and the republic much gain. If you fail through 
want of power, no great mischief can ensue ; 
Athens will not be endangered; nor shall you, 
my Pericles, incur either shame or reproach, 
for having engaged in such an undertaking." 

VI. Glauco, the son of Aristo, was so 
strongly possessed with the desire of governing 
the republic, that, although not yet twenty, he 
was continually making orations to the people : 
neither was it in the power of his relations, 
however numerous, to prevent his exposing 
himself to ridicule ; though sometimes they 
would drag him, by very force, from the tri- 
bunal. Socrates, who loved him on the ac- 
count of Plato and Charmidas, had alone the 
art to succeed with him. For meeting him, 
he said, " Your design then, my Glauco, is to 
be at the very head of our republic 1" 

« It is so," replied the other. 

" Believe me," said Socrates, " a noble aim ! 
For, this once accomplished, and you become, 
as it were, absolute ; you may then serve your 
friends, aggrandize your family, extend the 
limits of your country, and make yourself re- 
nowned, not only in Athene, but throughout 



all Greece : nay, it may be, your fame will 
spread abroad among the most barbarous na- 
tions, like another Themistocles : while ad- 
miration and applause attend wherever you go !" 

Socrates having thus fired the imagination of 
the young man, and secured himself a favour- 
able hearing, went on : " But if your design is 
to receive honour from your country, you in- 
tend to be of use to it ; for nothing but that 
can secure its applause." 

" Undoubtedly," replied Glauco. 

" Tell me then, I entreat you, what may be 
the first service you intend to render the re- 
public?" 

Glauco remaining silent, as not knowing 
what to answer : " I suppose," said Socrates, 
" you mean to enrich it 1 for that is generally 
the method we take, when we intend to aggran- 
dize the family of some friend." 

« This is indeed my design," returned the 
other. 

" But the way to do this," said Socrates, 
« is to increase its revenues." 

« It is so." 

" Tell me then, I pray you, whence the re- 
venues of the republic arise, and what they 
annually amount to ; since I doubt not of your 
having diligently inquired into each particular, 
so as to be able to supply every deficiency ; 
and when one source fails, can easily have re- 
course to some other." 

" I protest to you," said Glauco, " this is a 
point I never considered." 

« Tell me then only its annual expenses ; 
for I suppose you intend to retrench whatevei 
appears superfluous V 

" I cannot say," replied Glauco, " that I 
have yet thought of this affair any more than 
of the other." 

" We must postpone then our design of en- 
riching the republic to another time," said So- 
crates : " for I see not how a person can exert 
his endeavours to any purpose so long as he 
continues ignorant both of its income and ex- 
penses." 

" Yet a state may be enriched by the spoils 
of' its enemies." 

"Assuredly," replied Socrates: "But, in 
order to this, its strength should be superior, 
otherwise it may be in danger of losing what it 
hath already. He, therefore, who advises war, 
ought to be well acquainted not only with the 
forces of his own country, but those of the 
enemy ; to the end, that if he finds supe 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



5βτ 



riority on his side, he may boldly persist in his 
first opinion, or recede in time, and dissuade 
the people from the hazardous undertaking." 

" It is very true," returned the other. 

" I pray you, then, tell me what are our for- 
ces by sea and land; and what the enemy's?" 

" In truth, Socrates, I cannot pretend to tell 
you, at once, either one or the other." 

" Possibly you may have a list of them in 
writing 1 If so, I should attend to your reading 
it with pleasure." 

« No, nor this," replied Glauco, « for I have 
not yet begun to make any calculation of the 
matter." 

" I perceive then," said Socrates, " we shall 
not make war in a short time ; since an affair 
of such moment cannot be duly considered at 
the beginning of your administration. But I 
take it for granted," continued he, " that you 
have carefully attended to the guarding our 
coasts ; and know where it is necessary to place 
garrisons ; and what the number of soldiers to 
be employed for each : that while you are dili- 
gent to keep those complete which are of ser- 
vice to us, you may order such to be withdrawn 
as appear superfluous." 

" It is my opinion," replied Glauco, " that 
every one of them should be taken away, since 
they only ravage the country they were ap- 
pointed to defend." 

" But what are we to do then," said So- 
crates, « if our gar-risons are taken away Ί How 
shall we prevent the enemy from overrunning 
Attica at pleasure 1 And who gave you this 
intelligence, that our guards discharge their 
duty in such a manner 1 Have you been among 
them 1" 

« No : but I much suspect it." 

" As soon then," said Socrates, " as we can 
be thoroughly informed of the matter, and have 
not to proceed on conjecture only, we will 
speak of it to the senate." 

" Perhaps," replied Glauco, " this may be 
the best way." 

« I can scarcely suppose," continued So- 
crates, " that you have visited our silver mines 
so frequently, as to assign the cause why they 
have fallen off so much of late from their once 
flourishing condition V' 

<• I have not been at all there," answered 
Glauco. 

" They say, indeed," answered Socrates, 
" that the air of those places is very unhealth- 
ful ; and this may serve for your excuse, if the 



affair at any time should be brought under de- 
liberation." 

" You rally me, Socrates, now," said the 
other. 

μ However," said Socrates, " I question not 
but you can easily tell us how much corn our 
country produces ; how long it will serve the 
city ; and what more may be wanted to carry 
us through the year, that so you may be able 
to give out your orders in time ; that scarcity 
and want may not come upon us unawares." 

" The man," replied Glauco, " will have no 
little business on his hands, who pretends to 
take care of such a variety of things." 

" Yet so it must be, my Glauco," said So- 
crates : " you see even here, in our own pri- 
vate families, it is impossible for the master to 
discharge the duties of his station properly, un- 
less he not only inquires out what is necessary 
for those who belong to him, but exerts his 
utmost endeavors to supply whatever is 
wanted. In the city there are more than ten 
thousand of these families to provide for ; and 
it is difficult to bestow on them, at one and 
the same time, that attention and care which is 
necessary for each of them. I therefore think 
you had better have given the first proof of 
your abilities in restoring the broken fortunes 
of one in your own family, from whence, if 
succeeding, you might afterwards have gone on 
to better those of the whole community ; or 
finding yourself unable to do the one, thought 
no longer of the other ; for surely the absurdity 
of the man is most apparent, who knowing 
himself not able to raise fifty pound weight, 
shall nevertheless attempt the carrying of five 
thousand." 

" But I make no doubt," replied Glauco, 
" of my having been able to have served my 
uncle, and that very considerably, if he would 
have followed my advice." 

" Alas !" returned Socrates, « if you could 
not to this hour prevail on so near a relation as 
your uncle to follow your counsel, how can 
you hope that all Athens, this very man too 
among others, should submit to your direction 1 
Beware then, my Glauco ; beware lest a too 
eager desire of glory should terminate in shame. 
Consider how much they hazard who under- 
take things, and talk on subjects of which they 
are ignorant. Call to mind those of your ac- 
quaintance who have thus talked and thus done, 
and see whether the purchase they made for 
themselves had not more of censure than ap- 



568 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book III. 



plause in it; of contempt than admiration. 
Consider, on the oilier hand, with what credit 
ir. who have made themselves mas- 
ters of the point in question: and when you 
have done this I doubt not your seeing that 
approbation and glory are alone the attendants 
of eapaeity and true merit; while contempt 
and shame are the sure reward of ignorance 
and temerity. If, therefore, you desire to be 
admired and esteemed by your country beyond 
all others, you must exceed all others in the 
knowledge of those things which you are am- 
bitious of undertaking : and thus qualified, I 
shall not scruple to insure your success, when- 
ever you may think proper to preside over the 
commonwealth." 

VII. On the other hand, having observed 
that Charmidas, the son of Glauco, and uncle 
to the young man of whom we have been 
speaking, industriously declined any office in 
the government, though otherwise a man of 
sense, and far greater abilities than many who 
at that time were employed in the administra- 
tion; Socrates said to him, "I pray you, 
Charmidas, what is your opinion of one, who 
being able to win the prize at the Olympic 
games, and thereby gain honour to himself and 
glory to his country, shall nevertheless, decline 
to make one among the combatants V* 

" I should certainly look upon him," said 
Charmidas, " as a very effeminate and mean- 
spirited man." 

" And suppose there may be one who hath 
it in his power, by the wisdom of his counsels, 
to augment the grandeur of the republic, and 
raise at the same time his own name to no 
common pitch of glory, yet timorously refusing 
to engage in business ; should not this man be 
deemed a coward 1" 

" I believe he should," replied Charmidas : 
» but wherefore this question to me ?" 

" Because," said Socrates, « you seem to be 
this very man ; since, able as you are, you avoid 
all employment ; though, as citizen of Athens, 
you are certainly a member of the common- 
wealth, and consequently, ought to take some 
share in serving it." 

" But on what do you ground your opinion 
of my ability 7" 

«* I never once doubted it," said Socrates, 
- since I once save you in conference with 
tome of our leading men : for, when they im- 
parted any of their designs to you, you not only 
counselled what was best to be done, but ex- 



postulated freely and judiciously, when you 
thought they were mistaken." 

" But surely there is some difference," said 
Charmidas, " between discoursing in private 
and pleading your own cause before a full as- 
sembly." 

" And yet," said Socrates, a good arithme- 
tician will not calculate with less exactness be- 
fore a multitude than when alone : and he, 
who is a master of music, not only excels 
while in his own chamber, but leads the con- 
cert with applause in presence of the full au- 
dience." 

" But you know, Socrates, the bashfulness 
and timidity nature hath implanted, operates 
far more powerfully in us when before a large 
assembly, than in a private conversation." 

« And is it possible," said Socrates, « that 
you, who are under no sort of concern when 
you speak to men who are in power, and men 
who have understanding, should stand in awe 
of such as are possessed of neither? For, af- 
ter all, Charmidas, who are the people you are 
most afraid of? Is it the masons, the shoe- 
makers, the fullers, the labourers, the retailers 1 
Yet these are the men who compose our as- 
semblies. But to converse thus at your ease, 
before people• who hold the highest rank in the 
administration, (some of them, perhaps, not 
holding you in the highest estimation,) and yet 
suffer yourself to be intimidated by those who 
know nothing of the business of the state, nei- 
ther can be supposed at all likely to despise 
you, is, certainly, no other than if he, who was 
perfectly well skilled in the art of fencing, 
should be afraid of one who never handled a 
file. But you fear their laughing at you V 

" And do «they not often laugh at our very 
best speakers ?" 

" They do," replied Socrates ; " and so do 
the others — those great men whom you con- 
verse with daily. I therefore the rather mar- 
vel, Charmidas, that you who have spirit and 
eloquence sufficient to reduce even these last to 
reason, should stand in awe of such stingless 
ridiculers ! But endeavour, my friend, to 
know yourself better ; and be not of the num- 
ber of those who turn all their thoughts to the 
affairs of others, and are, the meanwhile, utter 
strangers at home. Be acquainted with your 
own talents, and lose no occasion of exerting 
them in the service of your country ; and make 
Athens, if it may be, more flourishing than it 
is at present. The returns they bring will be 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



50$ 



glorious ! Neither is it the commonwealth 
alone that shall be advantaged by them ; your- 
self, my Chavmidas, and your best friends, shall 
share the benefit." 

VIII. Aristippus being desirous to retaliate 
in kind for having been formerly put to si- 
lence by Socrates, proposed a question in so 
artful a manner, as he doubted not would pose 
him. Socrates, however, was at no loss for an 
answer ; though regardful rather of the im- 
provement of his hearers than the ordering of 
his speech. The question was, "If he knew 
any thing that was good 1" — Now, had it been 
said of food, money, health, strength, courage, 
or any thing else of the like nature, that they 
were good, Aristippus could with ease have 
demonstrated the contrary, and shown that 
each, and all of them", were oftentimes evil : 
but Socrates was better provided with a reply ; 
for, knowing with what eagerness we wish to 
be relieved from whatever molests us — "What," 
said he, " Aristippus, do you ask me if I know 
any thing good for a fever I" 

<< No, not so," returned the other. 

« For an inflammation in the eye 1" 

" Nor that, Socrates." 

" Do you mean any thing good against a 
famine V 

" No, nor against a famine." 

« Nay then," replied Socrates, « if you ask 
me concerning a good, which is good for noth- 
ing, I know of none such ; nor yet desire it." 

Aristippus still urging him : "But do you 
know," said he, " any thing beautiful V* 

" A great many," returned Socrates. 

" Are these all like one another?" 

" Far from it, Aristippus : there is a very 
considerable difference between them." 

" But how can beauty differ from beauty ?" 

" We want not many examples of it," replied 
Socrates ; " for the same disposition of the 
body which is beautiful in him who runs, is not 
beautiful in the wrestler ; and while the beauty 
of the shield is to cover him well who wears it, 
that of the dart is to be swift and piercing." 

« But you return," said Aristippus, " the 
same answer to this question as you did to the 
former." 

« And why not, Aristippus 1 for do you sup- 
pose there can be any difference between beau- 
tiful and good ? Know you not, that whatever 
is beautiful, is, for the same reason, good ? And 
we cannot say of any thing, — of virtue, for ex- 
ample, — that on this occasion it is good, and 
48 * 



on the other, beautiful. Likewise, in describing 
the virtuous character, say we not of it, " It is 
fair and good?" Even the bodies of men are 
said to be fair and good, with respect to the 
same purposes : and the same we declare of 
whatever else we meet with, when suited to the 
use for which it was intended." 

" You would, perhaps, then call a dung-cart 
beautiful Γ 

" I would," said Socrates, " if made proper 
for the purpose ; as I would call the shield 
ugly, though made of gold, that answered not 
the end for which it was designed." 

" Possibly you will say too," returned Aris- 
tippus, » that the same thing is both handsome 
and ugly." 

" In truth I will," said Socrates ; " and I 
will go still farther, and add, that the same 
thing may be both good and evil : for I can 
easily suppose, that which is good in the case 
of hunger, may be evil in a fever; since what 
would prove a cure for the one, will certainly 
increase the malignity of the other ; and in the 
same manner will beauty, in the wrestler, 
change to deformity in him who runneth. For 
whatsoever," continued he, " is suited to the end 
intended, with respect to that end it is good and 
fair ; and contrariwise, must be deemed evil 
and deformed, when it defeats the purpose it 
was designed to promote." 

Thus, when Socrates said that " beautiful 
houses were ever the most convenient," he 
showed tls plainly in what manner we ought 
to build. To this end he would ask, " Doth 
not the man who buildeth a house intend, prin- 
cipally, the making it useful and pleasant ?" 

This being granted, Socrates went on : " But, 
to make a house pleasant, it should be cool in 
summer and warm in winter." This also was 
acknowledged. " Then," said he, " the building 
which looketh towards the south will best serve 
this purpose : for the sun, which by that means 
enters and warms the rooms in winter, will, in 
summer, pass over its roof. For the same rea- 
son, these houses ought to be carried up to a 
considerable height, the better to admit the 
winter sun ; whilst those to the north should 
be left much lower, that they may not be ex- 
posed to the bleak winds which blow from that 
quarter : for in short," continued Socrates, 
" that house is to be regarded as beautiful, where 
a man may pass pleasantly every season of the 
year, and Ipdge with security whatever belongs 
to him." As for paintings, and other orna 
3 W 



570 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book III. 



ments, he thought they rather impair than im- 
prove our happiness. 

With regard to temples and altars, Socrates 
thought the places best fitted for these were 
such as lay at some distance from the city, 
and were open to the view ; for, when withheld 
from them, we should pray with more ardour, 
while in sight of those sacred edifices ; and 
being sequestered from the resort of men, holy 
souls would approach them with more piety 
and devotion. 

IX. Socrates being once asked, " Whether 
he took courage to be an acquisition of our 
own, or the gift of Nature 1" — " I think," said 
he, " that, as in bodies some are more strong, 
and better able to bear fatigue than others ; 
even so among minds, may be discerned the 
same difference ; some of these, being by Na- 
ture endued with more fortitude, are able to 
face dangers with greater resolution. For we 
may observe," continued he, " that all who live 
under the same laws, and follow the same cus- 
toms, are not equally valiant. Nevertheless, 
I doubt not but education and instruction may 
give strength to that gift Nature hath bestowed 
on us : for, from hence it is we see the Thra- 
cians and the Scythians fearing to meet the 
Spartans with their long pikes and large buck- 
lers ; while, on the contrary, the Spartans are 
not less afraid of the Scythians with their 
bows, or of the Thracians with their small 
shields and short javelins. The same differ- 
ence is likewise observable in every *bther in- 
stance ; and so far as any man exceedeth an- 
other in natural endowments, so may he, pro- 
portionably, by exercise and meditation, make 
a swifter progress towards perfection. From 
whence it follows, that not only the man to 
whom Nature hath been less kind, but likewise 
he whom she hath endowed the most liberally, 
ought constantly to apply himself, with care 
and assiduity, to whatsoever it may be he 
wishes to excel in." 1 

Socrates made no distinction between wis- 
dom and a virtuous temperature ; for he judged, 
that he who so discerned what things were 
laudable and good, as to choose them, what evil 
and base, as to avoid them, was both wise 
and virtuously tempered. And being asked, 



» Though I am sorry to lessen the merit of this ex- 
cellent philosopher, yet I cannot but wish the reader 
rnizht see how much more usefully this subject hath 
been treated by a Christian moralist, in Number 106 of 
Tke Adventurer. 



" Whether those persons who knew their duty 
but acted contrary to it, were wise and virtu- 
ously tempered 1" his answer was, " that they 
ought rather to be ranked among the ignorant 
and foolish ; for that all men whatever do those 
particular things, which having first selected 
out of the various things possible, they imagine 
to be well for their interest. I am of opinion, 
therefore," added Socrates, " that those who do 
not act right, are, for that very reason, neither 
wise nor virtuously tempered." 

Agreeable to this, Socrates would often say, 
" That justice, together with every other vir- 
tue, was wisdom ; for that all their actions 
being fair and good, must be preferred as such 
by all who were possessed of a right discern- 
ment ; but ignorance and folly could perform 
nothing fair and good ; because, if attempted, 
it would miscarry in their hands. Whence it 
follows, that as whatever is just and fair must 
be the result of sound wisdom ; and as nothing 
can be fair and just where virtue is wanting ; 
therefore, justice, and every other virtue, is 
wisdom." 

And although Socrates asserted that mad- 
ness was the very reverse of wisdom, yet did 
he not account all ignorance madness. But 
for a man to be ignorant of himself, and erect 
those things into matters of opinion, belief, or 
judgment, with which he was totally unac- 
quainted, this he accounted a disorder of the 
mind bordering on madness. He farther said, 
that " the vulgar never deemed any one mad, 
for not knowing what was not commonly 
known ; but to be deceived in things wherein 
no other is deceived, as when he thinks him- 
self too tall to pass upright through the gates of 
the city, or so strong as to carry the house on 
his shoulders, in these, and such like cases, 
they say at once, « the man is mad ;' but pass 
over, unnoticed, mistakes that are less striking. 
For, as they only give the name of love to that 
which is the very excess of the passion, so they 
confine their idea of madness to the very high- 
est pitch of disorder that can possibly arise in 
the human mind." 

Considering the nature of envy, he said, 
" It was a grief of mind which did not arise 
from the prosperity of an enemy, or the misfor- 
tunes of a friend ; but it was the happiness of 
the last the envious man mourned at." And 
when it seemed strange that any one should 
grieve at the happiness of his friend, Socrates 
showed them, " It was no uncommon thing 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



571 



for the mind of man to be so fantastically dis- 
posed, as not to be able to bear either the pains 
or the pleasures of another ;*but that while it 
spared for no labour to remove the first, it 
would sicken and repine on seeing the other: 
but this," he said, " was only the punishment 
of minds ill-formed : the generous soul was 
above such weaknesses." 

As to idleness, Socrates said he had observed 
very few who had not some employment ; for 
the man who spends his time at the dice, or in 
playing the buffoon to make others laugh, may 
be said to do something : but, with Socrates, 
these, and such as these, were in reality no 
better than idlers, since they might employ 
themselves so much more usefully. He add- 
ed, that no one thought himself at leisure to 
» quit a good occupation for one that was other- 
wise : if he did, he was so much less excusable, 
as he could not plead the want of employment. 

Socrates likewise observed, that a sceptre in 
the hand could not make a king ; neither were 
they rulers in whose favour the lot or the voice 
of the people had decided, or who by force or 
fraud had secured their election, unless they 
understood the art of governing. And although 
he would readily allow it not less the province 
of the prince to command, than the subjects to 
obey, yet he would afterwards demonstrate, 
that the most skilful pilot would always steer 
the ship ,• the master, no less than the mariners, 
submitting to his direction. " The owner of 
the farm left the management of it," he said, 
" to the servant whom he thought better ac- 
quainted than himself with the affairs of agri- 
culture. The sick man sought the advice of 
the physician ; and he, who engaged in bodily 
exercises, the instructions of those who had 
most experience. And whatever there may 
be," continued Socrates, " requiring either 
skill or industry to perform it, when the man is 
able, he doth it himself; but if not, he hath 
recourse, if prudent, to the assistance of others, 
since in the management of the distaff a woman 
may be his instructor : neither will he content 
himself with what he can have at hand ; but 
inquireth out with care for whoever can best 
serve him." 

It being said by some present, " that an ar- 
bitrary prince was under no obligation to obey 
good counsel." — " And why so," replied So- 
crates ; " must not he himself pay the penalty 
of not doing it 1 Whoever rejects good coun- 
sel commits a crime ; and no crime can pass 



unpunished." It being farther said, " That zyi 
arbitrary prince was at liberty to rid himself 
even of his ablest ministers." — " He may,"• 
returned Socrates : " but do you suppose it no 
punishment to lose his best supporters 1 or think 
you it but a slight one ? For, which would this 
be ; to establish him in his power, or the most 
sure way to hasten his destruction V* 

Socrates being asked, " What study was the 
most eligible and best for man!" answered, 
« To do well." And being asked by the same 
person, « If good fortune was the effect of 
study ?" " So far from it," returned Socrates, 
" that I look upon good fortune and study as 
two things entirely opposite to each other : for 
that is good fortune, to find what we want, 
without any previous care or inquiry: while 
the success which is the effect of study, must 
always be preceded by long searching and much 
labour, and is what I call doing well : and I 
think," added Socrates, " that he who diligently 
applies himself to this study, cannot fail of suc- 
cess ;! at the same time that he is securing to 
himself the favour of the gods and the esteem 
of men. They, likewise, most commonly ex- 
cel all others in agriculture, medicine, the bu- 
siness of the state, or whatever else they may 
engage in ; whereas they who will take no 
pains, neither can know any thing perfectly, or 
do any thing well, they please not the gods, 
and are of no use to man." 

X. But all the conversations of Socrates 
were improving. Even to the artists while 
engaged in their several employments, he had 
always somewhat to say which might prove in- 
structive. Being on a time in the shop of 
Parrhasius the painter, he asked him, « is not 
painting, Parrhasius, a representation of what 
we see 1 By the help of canvass and a few 
colours, you can easily set before us hills and 
caves, light and shade, straight and crooked, 
rough and plain, and bestow youth and age 
where and when it best pleaseth you : and 



ι " Since but to wish more virtue, is to gain :" 
He has virtually attained his end, at the very time that 
he seems only busied about the means. As the terra 
Eu7r f αξία, which is here translated, to do well, is equi- 
vocal, and implies in it rectitude of conduct, as well as 
prosperity and success, as commonly understood by 
these words : it seems to be chiefly, in respect to the 
first of these, viz. rectitude of conduct, that Socrates 
here promises success to those who diligently make it 
their study and endeavour ; not omitting to point out 
to us the favourable influence care and industry com- 
monly have on whatever we engage in. 






MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book III. 



when you would give us perfect beauty, (not 
being able to find in any one person what an- 
vour idea,) you copy from many what is 
.'ul in each, in order to produce this per- 
fect f.irm." 

•• We do so," replied Parrhasius. 

■ But can you show us, Parrhasius, what is 
still more charming, — a mind that is gentle, 
amiable, affable, friendly 1 Or is this inimit- 
able ?" 

•• And how should it be otherwise than ini- 
mitable, my Socrates, when it hath neither co- 
lour, proportion, nor any of the qualities of 
those things you mentioned, whereby it might 
be brought within the power .of the pencil 1 In 
short, when it is by no means visible ?" 

« Are men ever observed to regard each 
other with looks of kindness or hostility 1" 

<• Nothing more frequently observed," re- 
plied Parrhasius. 

" The eyes, then, discover to us something V 

" Most undoubtedly." 

" And, in the prosperity or adversity of 
friends, is the countenance of him who is anx- 
iously solicitous, the same with theirs who are 
indifferent about the matter 1" 

" Far otherwise, Socrates : for he who is so- 
licitous, hath a countenance all cheerfulness 
and joy, on the prosperity of a friend; pensive 
and dejected, when this friend is in affliction." 

"And can this also be represented 1" 

« Certainly." 

" Likewise, where there is any thing noble 
and liberal ; or illiberal and mean ; honest, pru- 
dent, modest ; bold, insolent, or sordid ; are 
any of these to be discovered in the countenance 
and demeanour of a man, when he sits, stands, 
or is in motion ?" 

« It may." 

"And imitated 1" 

" Imitated, no doubt of it." 

" And which yields the most pleasure, Par- 
rhasius — the portrait of him on whose counte- 
nance the characters of whatever is good, vir- 
tuous and amiable, are impressed ; or his, who 
wears in his face all the marks of a base, evil, 
and hateful disposition 1" 

" Truly," returned Parrhasius, « the differ- 
ence is too great, my Socrates, to admit of any 
comparison." 

Entering another time into the shop of Clito 
the statuary, he said to him : " I marvel not, 
my Clito, at your being able to ritark out to us 
even the difference between the racer and the 



wrestler, the pancratiast and gladiator ; but your 
statues are very men ! Tell me, I pray, by what 
means you effecD*this1" 

Clito hesitating, as at a loss how to reply ; 
Socrates went on : " But, perhaps, you are par- 
ticularly careful to imitate persons who are 
living ; and that is the reason why your statues 
are so much alive 1" 

« It is," returned Clito. 

" Then you have certainly remarked, and 
that with no little exactness, the natural dispo- 
sition of all the parts, in all the different pos- 
tures of the body : for, whilst some of these 
are extended, others remain bent ; when that 
is raised above its natural height, this sinks be- 
low it ; these are relaxed, and those again con- 
tracted, to give the greater force to the medita- 
ted blow ; and the more these sort of things 
are attended to, the nearer you approach to 
human life." 

" You are right, my Socrates." 

" But it undoubtedly gives us the greatest 
pleasure when we see the passions of men, as 
well as their actions, represented V 

" Undoubtedly." 

" Then the countenance of the combatant 
going to engage the enemy, must be menacing 
and full of fire ; that of the conqueror, all com- 
placency and joy !" 

" They must." 

" Therefore," concluded Socrates, « he will 
ever be deemed the best sculptor, whose statues 
best express the inward workings of the mind." 

Socrates entering the shop of Pistias the 
armourer, was shown some corslets that were 
thought well made. 

" I cannot but admire," said Socrates, " the 
contrivance of those things which so well cover 
that part of the body which most wants de- 
fending, and yet leave the hands and arms at 
liberty. But tell us, Pistias. why you sell 
your armour so much dearer than any other, 
when it is neither better tempered, stronger, 
nor the materials of it more costly 1" 

<; I make it better proportioned," said Pis- 
tias ; " and therefore I ought to have a better 
price." 

" But how are we to find out this proportion, 
Pistias 1 Not by weight or measure ; for as 
you make for different people, the weight and 
the size must likewise differ, or they will not 
fit." 

" We must make them to fit," said Pistias , 
" otherwise the armour would be of little use." 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



573 



1 And are you aware that all bodies are not 
justly proportioned V 

« I am." φ 

« How can you make a well-proportioned 
suit of arms for an ill-proportioned body V 

" I make it fit ; and what fits is well-propor- 
tioned." 

« Then you are of opinion, that when we 
declare any thing well-proportioned, it must be 
in reference to the use for which it was intend- 
ed : as when we say of this shield, or this 
cloak, it is well-proportioned, for it fits the 
person for whom it was made? But I think," 
added Socrates, " there is still another advan- 
tage, and that no small one, in having arms 
made .to fit the wearer." 

« Pray, what is that!" 

" Armour which fits," replied Socrates, 
" doth not load the wearer so much as that 
which is ill made, although the weight may be 
the same: for that which doth not fit hangs 
altogether upon the shoulders, or bears hard 
upon some other part of the body ; and be- 
comes, thereby, almost insupportable ; whereas 
the weight of that which is well made, falls 
equally on all ; — the shoulders, breast, back, 
loins ; — and is worn with ease, not carried as a 
burthen." 

« It is for this very same reason," said Pis- 
tias, " that I set such a value on those I make : 
nevertheless, my Socrates, there are who pay 
more regard to the gilding and carving of their 
arms than to any other matter." 

" And yet," answered Socrates, " these peo- 
ple will make but a bad bargain with all their 
gilding and various colours, if they buy such 
arms as do not sit easy. But," continued So- 
crates," since the position of the body is not 
always the same, being sometimes stooping and 
sometimes erect, how can the arms, that are 
made with such exactness, be at all times 
easy?" 

« Neither can they," replied the other. 

" You think then, Pistias, the arms which 
are well made are not those which are exact, 
or sit close to the body, but give the least trou- 
ble to him who wears them V 

« You think so," said Pistias ; " and have 
certainly taken the matter right." 

XI. There was a courtezan at Athens, called 
Theodota, of great fame on the account of 
her many lovers. It being mentioned in com- 
pany that her beauty surpassed all description, 
that painters came from all parts to draw her 



picture, and that one was now gone to hex 
lodgings for that very purpose, — " We should 
do well," said Socrates, « to go ourselves and 
see this wonder, for we may then speak with 
more certainty when we speak from our own 
knowledge, and do not depend on the report of 
others." 

The person who first mentioned this second- 
ing the proposal, they went that instant to the 
lodgings of Theodota, and found her, as was 
said, sitting for her picture. The painter be- 
ing gone, Socrates said to those who came 
along with him : " What say you, sirs, which 
of the two ought to think themselves the most 
obliged : we to Theodota for the sight of so 
much beauty ; or she to us, for coming to see 
it 1 Now, if the advantages of showing her- 
self are found to be altogether on her side, 
then certainly is she indebted to us for this 
visit ; if otherwise, indeed, we must thank her." 

The reasonableness of what was said being 
assented to by the rest, Socrates proceeded — 
" The praises we bestow at present, ought not 
even these to be had in some estimation by 
Theodota 1 But when we come to blaze 
abroad the fame of her beauty, what manifold 
advantages may not arise to her from it ! while 
all our gain from the sight of so many charms 
can terminate in nothing but fruitless longing ! 
We take our leave with hearts full of love and 
anxiety, and are henceforth no other than so 
many slaves to Theodota, with whom she has 
no more to do than to show them her plea- 
sure !" 

" If this is the case," replied Theodota, " I 
am to thank you for coming to see me." 

Socrates, during this conversation, had ob- 
served how sumptuously she was adorned, and 
that her mother was the same ; her attendants, 
of whom there was no small number expen- 
sively clothed, and all the furniture of her 
apartment elegant and costly : he therefore 
took occasion from thence to ask her concern- 
ing her estate m the country ; adding, it must 
of necessity be very considerable 1 

Being answered, " she had not any." 

" You have houses then," said he, « in the 
city, and they yield you a good income ?" 

" No, nor houses, Socrates." 

" You have certainly many slaves, then, 
Theodota, who by the labour of their, hands 
supply you with these riches !" 

" So far,* replied Theodota, " from having 
many, that I have not one." 






574 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book III. 



» But whence then," said Socrates, " can all 
this come ?" 

•• From my friends," returned Theodota. 
" A fair possession, truly J" replied So- 
; •• and a herd of friends we find to be 
a far better thing than a flock of sheep or a 
herd of cattle. But tell me, pray, do you trust 
fortune to bring these friends home to you, as 
liu-s fall by chance into the spider's web, or do 
vou employ some art to draw them in?" 

•• But where, Socrates, shall I be furnished 
with this art?" 

- You may procure it," said Socrates, « with' 
far greater ease than the spider her web. You 
see how this little animal, who lives only. upon 
her prey, hangs her nets in the air, in order to 
entangle it?" 

" You advise me, then, to weave some arti- 
ficial nets," said Theodota, " in order to catch 
friends?" 

" Not so neither," returned Socrates ; " it is 
necessary to go a little less openly to work in a 
pursuit of such importance. You see what 
various arts are employed by men to hunt down 
hares, which, after all, are of little value. As 
these are known to feed chiefly in the night, 
they provide dogs to find them out at that sea- 
son : and as they lie concealed in the day, the 
sharp-scented hound is employed to trace them 
up to their very forms : being swift of foot, 
the greyhound is let loose upon them, as more 
swift of foot than they ; and, lest all this 
should not be sufficient for the purpose, they 
spread nets, in the paths to catch and entangle 
them." 

" Very well," replied Theodota ; « but what 
art shall I make use of to catch friends ?" 

" Instead of the hunter's dog," said Socrates, 
" you must set somebody to find out those who 
are rich and well-pleased with beauty, whom 
afterwards they shall force into your toils." 

" And what are my toils ?" replied Theo- 
dota. 

" You are certainly mistress of many," sard 
Socrates, " and those not a little entangling. 
What think you of that form of yours, Theo- 
dota, accompanied as it is with a wit so pierc- 
ing, as shows you at once what will be most 
for your advantage ? It is this which directs 
the glance, tunes the tongue, and supplies it 
with all the shows of courtesy and kindness. 
It is this which teaches you to receive with 
transport him who assiduously courts your 
favour, and scorn such as show you no regard. 



If your friend is sick, you spare for no pains in 
your attendance upon him ; you rejoice in all 
his joy, and give every proof of having be- 
stowed your heart on him who seems to have 
given his to you. In short, I make no doubt 
of your being well versed in all the arts of 
allurement, and dare venture to say, the friends 
you have, if true, were not gained by cempli- 
ments, but substantial proofs of kindness." 

" But," said Theodota, " I never practise 
any of the arts you mention." 

" And yet," answered Socrates, « some 
manegement is necessary, since a friend is a 
sort of prey that is neither to be catched nor 
kept by force ; a creature no otherwise to be 
taken and tamed, but by showing it kindness, 
and communicating to it pleasure." 

" You say right, Socrates ; but why will you 
not help me to gain friends ?" 

" And so I will," said Socrates, " if you can 
find out how to persuade me to it." 

" But what way must I take to persuade 
you?" 

"Do you ask that 1 " returned Socrates: 
" You will find out the way, Theodota, if you 
want my assistance." 

" Then come to me often." 

Socrates, still joking with her, said laugh- 
ing : — « But it is not so easy for me to find 
leisure : I have much business both in public 
and private, and have my friends too, as well 
as you, who will not suffer me to be absent 
night or day, but employ against me the very 
charms and incantations that I formerly taught 
them." 

« You are then acquainted with those 
things?" 

" Verily !" returned Socrates ; " for what 
else can you suppose, Theodota, engaged 
Apollodorus arid Antisthenes to be always 
with me ? Or Cebes and Simmias to leave 
Thebes for my company, but the charms I 
speak of ?" » 



» Antisthenes lived at the port Piraeus, about five 
miles from Athens, and came from thence every day 
to see Socrates. Cebes and Simmias left their native 
country for his sake ; and almost the whole of what 
we know of Apollodorus is the violence of his affection 
for Socrates. But the μ /oof which Euclides gave of his 
was the most extraordinary; for, when the hatred of 
the Megareans was so great, that it was forbidden on 
pain of death for any one of them to set foot in Attica, 
and the Athenians obliged their generals to take an 
oath, when they elected them, to ravage the territories 
of Megara twice every year, Euclides used to disguise 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



575 



« Communicate these charms to me," said 
Theodota, " and the first proof of their power 
shall be upon you." 

" But I would not be attracted to you, Theo- 
dota ; I would rather you should come to me." 

" Give me but a favourable reception," said 
Theodota, " and I will certainly come." 

" So I will," replied Socrates, " provided I 
have then no one with me whom I love better." 

XII. Socrates having taken notice how very 
awkward Epigenes, one of his followers, was 
in all his actions, and that he was moreover 
of a sickly constitution, both which he attri- 
buted to a neglect of those exercises which 
make so large a part of a liberal education, 2 he 
reproved him for it, saying, " How unbecom- 
ing it was in him to go on in such a manner !" 
Epigenes only answered, " He was under no 
obligation to do otherwise." 

" At least as much," replied Socrates, " as 
he who hath to prepare for Olympia. Or do 
you suppose it, Epigenes, a thing of less con- 
sequence to fight for your life against the ene- 
mies of your country, whenever it shall please 
our Athenians to command your service, than 
to contend for a prize at the Olympic games 1 
How many do we see, who, through feebleness 
and want of strength, lose their lives in battle ; 
or, what is still worse, -save themselves by 
some dishonourable means ! How many fall 
alive into the enemy's hand, endure slavery of 
the most grievous kind for the remainder of 
their days, unless redeemed from it by the ruin 
of their families ! Whilst a third procures 
himself an evil fame ; and the charge of cow- 
ardice is given to imbecility. But, perhaps, 
Epigenes, you despise all the ills which at- 
tend on bad health, or account them as evils 
that may easily be borne V* 

" Truly," replied the other, " I think them 
rather to be chosen, than so much fatigue and 
labour for the purchase of a little health." 

" It may be, then," answered Socrates, " you 



himself in the habit of an old woman, and covering his 
head with a veil, set out in the evening from Megara ; 
and arriving in the night-time at the house of Socrates, 
staid till the next evening with him, and then returned 
in the same manner; so much stronger was his affec- 
tion than the fear of death. And when, to friends like 
these, we may still add many others, Plato, Chaerephon, 
Crito. and to mention no more, our amiable Xenophon — 
almost all of them the wisest as well as the best men of 
their age — who can suspect the virtue of Socrates; — 
who can doubt his beini a happy man ! 

« No slaves were allowed 1o anoint, or perform 
exercises in the Palaestra.— Pott. Antiq. 



equally contemn all the advantages arising 
from a contrary complexion ; yet, to me, they 
seem to be many and great ; since he who is 
possessed of a good constitution, is healthful, 
strong, and hardy, and may acquit himself with 
honour on every occasion. By the means of 
this he ofttimes escapes all the dangers of war ; 
he can assist his friends, do much service to 
his country, and is sure of being well received 
wherever he shall go. His name becomes il- 
lustrious : he makes his way to the highest 
offices ; passes the decline of life in tranquillity 
and honour ; and leaves to his children the fair 
inheritance of a good example. Neither ought 
we to neglect the benefits arising from military 
exercises, though we may not be called upon 
to perform them in public, since we shall find 
ourselves not the less fitted for whatever we 
may engage in, from having a constitution 
healthful and vigorous : and as the body must 
bear its part, it imports us much to have it in 
good order; for who knoweth not," continued 
Socrates, « that even there — where it seems to 
have least to do — who knoweth not how much 
the mind is retarded in its pursuits after know- 
ledge, through indisposition of the body ; so 
that forgetfulness, melancholy, fretfulness, and 
even madness itself, shall sometimes be the 
consequence, so far as to destroy even the very 
traces of all we have ever learned. But he 
whose constitution is rightly tempered, need 
fear none of these evils ; and, therefore, he 
who hath a just discernment will choose with 
pleasure whatever may best secure him from 
them. Neither doth an inconsiderable shame 
belong to the man who suffers himself to sink 
into old age, without exerting. to the utmost 
those faculties nature hath bestowed on him ; 
and trying how far they will carry him towards 
that perfection, which laziness and despondence 
can never attain to ; for dexterity and strength 
are not produced spontaneously." 

XIII. A certain man being angry with an- 
other for not returning his salutation, Socrates 
asked, « Why was he not enraged when he met 
one who had less health than himself, since it 
would not be more ridiculous, than to be angry 
with one who was less civin" 

Another bemoaning himself because he 
could not relish his food ; " There is an ex- 
cellent remedy for this complaint," answered 
Socrates ; " fast often. By this means you 
will not only eat more pleasantly, but likewise 
better your health, and save your money." 



576 



Μ 



EMOIRS OF SOCRATES. [book hi. 



Another complaining that the water which 
ran by his b(MM was too warm to drink; " You 
m lucky, however." said Socrates. « in having 
a hath thus ready prepared for you." 

•• But it is too cold to hathe in," replied the 
other. 

«• Do your domestics complain of it when 
they drink or bathe V 

•• So far from it," answered the man, " that 
it is often my wonder to see with what plea- 
sure they use it for both these purposes." . 

" Which do you account," said Socrates, 
« the warmest ; this water you speak of, or that 
in the temple of Esculapius V 

" Ο ! that in the temple," replied the other. 

" And how is it," said Socrates, μ that you 
do not perceive yourself more froward and 
harder to please, not only than your own ser- 
vants, but even people who are sick 1" 

Socrates seeing one beat his servant immo- 
derately, asked him, " What offence the man 
had committed V 

" I beat him," replied the other, « because 
he is not only a drunkard and a glutton, but 
avaricious and idle." 

" You do well," said Socrates ; " but judge 
for yourself which deserves the most stripes, 
your servant or you." 

Another dreading the length of the way to 
Olympia ; Socrates asked him, " What he was 
afraid of] For is it not your custom," said he, 
« to walk up and down in your own chamber, 
almost the whole day 1 You need therefore 
but fancy you are taking your usual exercise 
between breakfast and dinner, and dinner and 
supper, and you will find yourself, without much 
fatigue, at the. end of your journey ; for you 
certainly walk more in five or six days, than is 
sufficient to carry you from Athens to Olym- 
pia. And as it is pleasanter to have a day to 
spare, than to want one, delay not, I advise 
you ; but set out in time, and let your haste 
appear, not at the end, but the beginning of 
your journey." * 

" A certain person complaining of being tired 
with travelling, Socrates asked, " If he had 
carried any thing 1" 

" Nothing but my cloak," replied the other. 

" Was you alone!" said Socrates. 

il No ; my servant went along with me." 



* Many of the circumstances here mentioned seem as 
if• they should not be so much considered as things 
spoken by Socrates, as Socrates ; but by Socrates whom 
Xenophon most tenderly loved. 



" And did he carry any thing V 

" Yes, certainly, he carried all I wanted." 

" And how did he bear the journey V 

« Much better than I." 

" What, if you had carried the burthen 1 how 
then Γ 

" I could not have done it," replied the 
other. 

" What a shame," said Socrates, " for a man 
who hath gone through all his exercises not to 
be able to bear as much fatigue as his servant !" 

XIV. It being generally the custom, when 
they met together, for every one to bring 
his own supper; 2 Socrates observed, that 
whilst some of them took such care of them- 
selves, as to have more than was sufficient; 
others were compelled to be content with less. 
He, therefore, so ordered the matter, that the 
small portion of him who brought little should 
be offered about to all the company in such a 
manner, that no one could, civilly, refuse to 
partake of it ; nor exempt himself from doing the 
like with what .he brought: by which means a 
greater equality was preserved among them. 
There was also this farther advantage arising 
from it ; the expenses of the table were con- 
siderably abridged : for when they saw, that 
whatever delicacy they brought thither, the 
whole company would have their share of it, 
few chose to be at the cost to procure it : and 
thus luxury was in some degree put a stop to 
in these entertainments. 

Having observed at one of these meetings, 



* The feasts or entertainments of the Grecians, were 
of different sorts. In the primitive ages, entertainments 
were seldom made but on the festivals of their gods; 
for it was not customary with them to indulge in the 
free use of wine, or delicacies, unless they did it on a 
religious account. Afterwards, when a more free way 
of living was introduced, they had three distinct sorts of 
entertainments, of which the marriage entertainment 
was one. Of the other two, one was provided at the 
sole expense of one person ; the other was made at the 
common expense of all present. Hither also may be re- 
ferred those entertainments wherein some of the guests 
contributed more than their proportion ; and that other, 
(which is, I believe, what Socrates had in this place 
more particularly in his eye,) in which it was the cus- 
tom for any man, after be had provided his supper 
(the Grecian's best meal) to put it in a basket, and go 
and eat it in another man's house. — Pott. Antiq. 

The Greek name for an entertainment defined by 
Plutarch, "a mixture of seriousness and mirth, dis- 
courses and actions." 

They who forced themselves into other men's enter- 
tainments were called flies ; a general name of reproach 
for such as insinuated themselves into company where 
they were not welcome. 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



577 



a young man who ate his meat without any 
bread ; and the discourse turning at that time 
on the cause why this or that person had pro- 
cured to themselves some particular appellation. 
— « Can you tell me, sirs," said^ocrates, " why 
they call a man a gormandizer, since not one 
of us here but takes part of whatever is set be- 
fore him; and therefore we cannot suppose 
this to be the reason 1 ?" 

" I suppose it cannot," replied one of the 
company. 

" But," continued Socrates, « when we see 
any one greedily swallowing down his meat 
without mixing any bread with it, may we not 
call this man a gormandizer 1 For, if other- 
wise, I know not where we shall meet with 
one." And being asked by another who was 
present, What he thought of him who ate a 
little bread to a great deal of meat 1 « The 
same," answered Socrates, « as I did of the 
other ; and while the rest of mankind suppli- 
cate the gods to find them plenty of corn, these 
men must pray for an abundance of the well- 
mixed ragout." 

• The young man whom this discourse glanced 
at, suspecting it was meant for him, thought 
proper to take a little bread, but, at the same 
time continued to cram down his meat as for- 
merly ; which Socrates observing, called to one 
who sat near him, to take notice " whether his 
neighbour ate his meat for the sake of the 
bread, or his bread for the sake of the meat." 

At another time, seeing a person dip a piece 
of bread into several different sauces, Socrates 
asked — " whether it was possible to make a 
sauce so costly, and at the same time so little 
good as this person had made for himself] 
For, as it consisted of a greater variety, there 
could be no doubt of its costing more ; and as 
he had mixed such things together as no cook 



ever once thought of, who could doubt his 
having spoiled all Ί Besides," said Socrates, 
what folly to be curious in searching after 
cooks, if a man is to undo at once all they have 
done for us !" Moreover, he who is accustom- 
ed to indulge in variety, will feel dissatisfied 
when not in his power to procure it ; but the 
man who generally restrains himself to one 
dish, will rise well satisfied from every table. 
He used also to say, that the compound verb, 
which in the Attic dialect signified to feast, or 
fare well, 1 meant to eat ; and that the term 
well was added to express the eating in such a 
manner as neither to disorder the body nor op- 
press the mind ; and with such plainness thaf 
the food could not be difficult to come at : so 
that this Attic verb was only applicable to such 
persons as ate with decency and temperance, 
and agreeably to the nature of social rational 
beings. *■ 



»The verb here mentioned by Socrates is £υω%Ε?ο-δ*<, 
to feast, or make one at a banquet, which comes from 
ίΰω%.'«, a feast or banquet. Of this last word we have 
two etymologies ; the first deduces it from eo, bene, and 
ίχίι, cibus, because those who attend feasts are well fed, 
the second deduces it from «u ?%t<v, benesese habere, be- 
cause those who attend feasts are well off; they find 
their advantage in being there, from faring so sumptu- 
ously and well. Whichever etymology we admit, the 
ingenuity of Socrates remains the same ; who by trans- 
ferring the term «« in ela>%sT<r6*i,fr6m its vulgar and 
gross meaning into a moral and rational one, has the 
address to transform a verb of luxury and excess into a 
verb of temperance and decorum. This method of con- 
veying knowledge, by discussing the meanings of words 
and their etymologies was much practised by Socrates 
Many instances occur in this work ; in particular see 
lib. iv. cap. 2, where SiaKiyta-Sxt is etymologized. Pla 
to wrote an entire dialogue, called Cratylus, upon this 
subject. From these early philosophers the Stoics took 
the practice, as may be seen in Cicero de Natura De- 
or. and also Arrian, lib. i. cap. 17 ; where the learned 
editor, Mr. Upton, has fully illustrated his author, and 
given a multitude of similar passages.— Mr. Harris. 



49 



3X 



XENOPHON'S 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 



BOOK IV. 



[579] 



CONTENTS OF BOOK IV 



I. Xenophon gives an account of the improving nature of Socrates' conversation.— II. Socrates discourses witii 
Euthedemus respecting the method of obtaining wisdom, and what constitutes goodness. — III Disquisition 
concerning the goodness of the gods. — IV. Socrates and Hippias discuss the nature of justice. — V. Argu- 
ments which Socrates employed in order to make his hearers able to practise what was right.— VI. In what 
manner he improved his friends in this method of reasoning. — VII. His anxiety to have his friends become 
capable of performing their own business.— VIII. His behaviour and conversation when in prison. 



[580] 



XENOPHON'S 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 



BOOK IV. 



I. In this manner would Socrates make him- 
self useful to all sorts of men, of whatsoev- 
er employment. Indeed no one can doubt the 
advantages arising from his conversation, to 
those who associated with him whilst living ; 
since even the remembrance of him, when 
dead, is still profitable to his friends. Whether 
serious or gay, whatever he said carried along 
with it something which was improving. He 
would frequently assume the character and the 
language of a lover ; but it was easy to per- 
ceive it was the charms of the mind, not those 
of the body, with which he was enamoured, as 
the objects he sought after were always such as 
he saw naturally inclining towards virtue. Now 
he thought an aptness to learn, together with a 
strength of memory to retain what was already 
learned, accompanied with a busy inquisitive- 
ness into such things as might be of use for 
the right conduct of life, whether as head only 
of a single family or governor of the whole 
state, indicated a mind well fitted /or instruc- 
tion, which, if duly cultivated, would render 
the youth in whom they were found not only 
happy in themselves, and their own families, 
but give them the power of making many oth- 
ers the same ; since the benefits arising from 
thence would be diffused throughout the whole 
community. His method, however, was not the 
same with all ; but whenever he found any who 
thought so highly of themselves on the account 
of their talents as to despise instruction, he 
would endeavour to convince them, that of all 
mankind they stood in the greatest want of it : 
like to the high-bred horse, which having more 
49* 



strength and courage than others, might be made 
for that very reason of so much the more use, 
if properly managed ; but, neglected while 
young, becomes thereby the more vicious and 
unruly. Also those dogs which are of the no- 
bler kind : these, being trained to it, are excel- 
lent in the chase ; but, left to themselves, are 
good for nothing. And it is the same, would he 
say, with respect to men ; such of them to whom 
nature hath dealt the most liberally, to whom 
she hath given strength of body and firmness 
of mind, as they can execute with greater 
readiness and facility whatever they engage in, 
so they become more useful than others, and 
rise to nobler heights of virtue, if care is taken 
to give them a right turn : but, this not being 
done, they excel only in vice ; and become, by 
the means of these very talents, more hurtful 
to society ; for, through ignorance of their duty, 
they engage in a bad cause, and make them- 
selves parties in evil actions ; and, being haugh- 
ty and impetuous, they are with difficulty re- 
strained and brought back to their duty ; so 
that many and great are the-evils they occasion. 
As to those men who relied upon their riches, 
and imagined they stood in no need of instruc- 
tion, as their wealth would be sufficient to sup- 
ply all their wants, and procure them every 
honour: these Socrates would endeavour to re- 
duce to reason, by showing how foolish it was 
to imagine they could of themselves distinguish 
between things that were useful, and those 
which were hurtful, without having first been 
shown the difference. Or, wanting this power 
of discriminating, still vainly supposed, that be- 

581 



689 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book IV. 



cause thev could purchase the things they had 
■ mind to, thev could therefore perform what- 
ever would be to their advantage ; or, if not, 
could yet live safe and easy, and have all things 
go well with them. " Neither was it," he said, 
•• le>s absurd in them to suppose that wealth 
could supply the want of knowledge, and make 
vhe possessor of it pass for a man of abilities ; 
or at least procure for him that esteem which is 
only acquired by true merit." 

II. But, on the other hand, when he met 
with any who valued themselves on account of 
their education, concluding they were qualified 
for every undertaking ; we see the method So- 
crates took to chastise their vanity, from the 
manner in which he treated Euthedemus, sur- 
named the Fair. — This young man having col- 
lected many of the writings of the most cele- 
brated poets and sophists, was so much elated 
by it, as to fancy himself superior to any other 
of the age, both in knowledge and abilities ; 
and doubted not to see himself the very first 
man in Athens, whatever the business ; whether 
to manage the affairs of the state, or harangue 
the people. Being, however, as yet too young 
to be admitted into the public assemblies, his 
custom was to go into a bridle-cutter's shop, 
which stood near to the forum, when he had 
any business depending : which Socrates ob- 
serving, he also went in thither, accompanied 
by some of his friends ; and one of them ask- 
ing, in the way of conversation, " Whether 
Themistocles had been much advantaged by 
conversing with philosophers ; or whether it 
were not chiefly the strength of his own natu- 
ral talents which had raised him so far above 
the rest of his fellow-citizens, as made them 
not fail to turn their eyes towards him when- 
ever the state stood in need of a person of un- 
common ability 1" Socrates, willing to pique 
Euthedemus, made answer : " It was mon- 
strous folly for any one to imagine, that whilst 
the knowledge of the very lowest mechanic art 
was not to be attained without a master ; the 
science of governing the republic, which re- 
quired for the right discharge of it all that hu- 
man prudence could perform, was to be had by 
intuition." 

Socrates went no further at that time ; but 
plainly perceiving that Euthedemus cautiously 
avoided his company, that he might not be 
taken for one of his followers, he determined 
to attack him something more openly. To 
this purpose, when he was next along with 



him, Socrates, turning to some who were pre- 
sent, " May we not expect," said he, « from 
the manner in which this young man pursues 
his studies, that he will not fail to speak his 
opinion even the very first time he appears in 
the assembly, should there be any business of 
importance then in debate ? I should suppose, 
too, that the proem to his speech, if he begins 
with letting them know that he hath never re- 
ceived any instruction, must have something in 
it not unpleasant. « Be it known to you,' will 
he say, ' Ο ye men of Athens ! I never learnt 
any thing of any man : I never associated with 
persons of parts or experience ; never sought 
out for people who could instruct me : but, 
on the contrary, have steadily persisted in avoid- 
ing all such ; as not only holding in abhorrence 
the being taught by others, but careful to keep 
clear of every the least suspicion of it : but I 
am ready, notwithstanding, to give you such 
advice as chance shall suggest to me.' — Not 
unlike the man," continued Socrates, " who 
should tell the people, while soliciting their 
voices; <It is true, gentlemen, I never once 
thought of making physic my study ; I never 
once applied to any one for instruction ; and so 
far was I from desiring to be well versed in this 
science, I even wished not to have the reputa- 
tion of it : but, gentlemen, be so kind as to 
choose me your physician ; and I will gain 
knowledge by making experiments upon you.' " 
Every one present laughed at the absurdity 
of such a preface; and Euthedemus, after this, 
never avoided the company of Socrates : but 
still he affected the most profound silence, hop- 
ing, by that means, to gain the reputation of a 
modest man. Socrates, desirous to cure him 
of his mistake, took an opportunity of saying 
to some of his friends, Euthedemus being pre- 
sent, " Is it not strange, sirs, that while such 
as wish to play well on the lute, or mount dex- 
terously on horseback, are not content with 
practising in private as often as may be, but 
look out for masters, and submit willingly to 
their commands, as the only way to become 
proficients and gain fame ; the man whose aim 
is to govern the republic, or speak before the 
people, shall deem himself aptly qualified for 
either without the trouble of any previous in- 
struction 1 Yet surely the last must be owned the 
most difficult ; since, out of the many who force 
themselves into office, so few are seen to succeed 
therein ; and therefore it should seem, that 
diligence and study are here the most needful." 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



583 



By these and the like discourses, Socrates 
disposed the young man to enter into farther 
conference, and give him a patient hearing. 
Which having observed, he took an oppor- 
tunity of going on a time alone into the bridle- 
cutter's shop, where Euthedemus then was ; 
and sitting down by him — " Is it true," said he, 
" Euthedemus, that you have collected so many 
of the writings of those men whom we call 
wise V 

« Most undoubtedly it is true," replied the 
other ; " neither shall I give over collecting till 
I have gained as many of them as I well can." 
" Truly," said Socrates, «' I admire you much 
for thus endeavouring to accumulate wisdom 
rather than wealth: for by this, Euthedemus, 
you plainly discover it to be your opinion, 
that gold and silver cannot add to our merit ; 
whereas we furnish ourselves with an inex- 
haustible fund of virtue, when we thus treasure 
up the writings of these great men." 

Euthedemus was not a little pleased with 
hearing Socrates speak in such a manner ; con- 
cluding his method of obtaining wisdom had 
met with approbation ; which Socrates per- 
ceiving, he continued the discourse. 

« But what employment do you intend to ex- 
cel in, Euthedemus, that you collect so many 
books?" 

Euthedemus returning no answer, as at a 
loss what to say : 

" You perhaps intend to study physic," said 
Socrates ; « and no small number of books 
will be wanting for that purpose." 
" Not I, upon my word." 
" Architecture, perhaps, then ? and for this 
too you will find no little knowledge necessary." 
" No, nor that," replied Euthedemus. 
" You wish to be an astrologer, or a skilful 
geometrician, like Theo V* 
« Not at all." 

" Then you possibly intend to become a 
rhapsodist, and recite verses ; for I am told you 
are in possession of all Homer's works ?" 

" By no means," replied Euthedemus, « will 
I do this ; for however ready these men may be 
with their verses, it doth not prevent their 
being thought troublesome, wherever they 
come." 

« Perhaps you are desirous of that know- 
ledge, my Euthedemus, which makes the able 
statesman or good economist ? which qualifies 
for command, and renders a man useful both to 
himself and others?" 



" This, indeed, is what I sigh for, and am in 
search of," replied Euthedemus, with no small 
emotion. 

« Verily !" answered Socrates, " a noble 
pursuit : for this is what we call the royal sci- 
ence, as it belongeth in a peculiar manner to 
kings. But have you considered the matter, 
Euthedemus, whether it will not be necessary 
for the man to be just, who hopes to make any 
proficiency therein?" 

" Certainly, Socrates ; for I know very well, 
he who is not just cannot make even a good 
citizen." 

« Then you are a just man, Euthedemus?" 

" I think I am, as much as any other." 

« Pray say, Euthedemus, may one know 
when a just man is engaged in his proper work, 
as we can when the artist is employed in his ?" 

« Undoubtedly." 

" So that — as the architect, for example, can 
show us what he is doing ; so the just man 
likewise ?" 

" Assuredly, Socrates ; nor should there be 
any great difficulty in pointing out what is just 
or unjust, in actions about which we are con- 
versant daily." 

" Suppose, Euthedemus, we should make 
two marks ;. an A here, and a D there ; under 
which to set down the things that belong to 
justice and injustice?" 

" You may," replied Euthedemus, « if you 
think there wants any such method." 

Socrates having done this, went on. 

«Is there any such thing as lying ?" 

" Most certainly." 

" And to which side shall we place it?" 

" To injustice, surely." 

" Do mankind ever deceive each other ?" 

" Frequently." 

" And where shall we place this ?" 

« To injustice still." 

« And injury ?" 

« The same." 

« Selling those into slavery who were born 
free ?" 

" Still the same, certainly." 

« But suppose," said Socrates, " one whom 
you have elected to command your armies 
should take a city belonging to your enemies 
and sell its inhabitants for slaves ? — Shall we 
say of this man he acts unjustly ?" 

" By no means." 

« May we say he acteth justly ?" 

« We may." 



584 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book IV. 



¥ And what if, while he is carrying on the 
war, he deceiveth the enemy ]" 

« He will do right by so doing." 

•• May he not likewise, when he ravages 
their country, carry off their corn and their cat- 
tle without being guilty of injustice ]" 

" No doubt, Socrates ; and when I seemed 
to say otherwise, I thought you confined what 
was spoken to our friends only." 

" So then, whatever we have hitherto placed 
under our letter D, may be carried over, and 
ranged under A ]" 

« It may." 

" But will it not be necessary to make a fur- 
ther distinction, Euthedemus, and say, that to 
behave in such a manner to our enemies is 
just; but, to our friends, unjust: because to 
these last the utmost simplicity and integrity 
is due]" 

" iTou are in the right, Socrates." 

" But how," said Socrates, " if this general, 
on seeing the courage of his troops begin to 
fail, should make them believe fresh succours 
are at hand ; and by this means remove their 
fears ] To which side shall we assign this 
falsehood?" 

" I suppose to justice." 

" Or if a child refuseth the physic he stands 
in need of, and the father deceiveth him under 
the appearance of food — where shall we place 
the deceit, Euthedemus ]" 

«• With the same, I imagine." 

" And suppose a man in the height of des- 
pair should attempt to kill himself; and his 
friend should come and force away his sword ; 
under what head are we to place this act of 
violence ]" 

" I should think, where we did the former." 

" But take care, Euthedemus, since it seem- 
eth from your answers that we ought not al- 
ways to treat our friends with candour and in- 
tegrity, which yet we had before agreed was to 
be done." 

" It is plain we ought not," returned Euthe- 
demus ; " and I retract my former opinion, if 
it is allowable for me to do so." 

" Most assuredly," said Socrates ; « for it is 
far better to change our opinion, than to per- 
sist in a wrong one. However," continued he, 
" that we may pass over nothing without duly 
examining it ; which of the two, Euthedemus, 
appears to you the most unjust ; he who de- 
ceives his friend wittingly, or he who does it 
without having any such design ]" 



" Truly," said Euthedemus, « I am not cer- 
tain what I should answer, or what I should 
think ; for you have given such a turn to all I 
have hitherto advanced, as to make it appear 
very different to what I before thought it: 
however, I will venture so far as to declare that 
man the most unjust who deceiveth his friend 
designedly.' 

« Is it your opinion, Euthedemus, that a 
man must leam to be just and good, in like 
manner as he learneth to write and read 1 ?" 

« I believe so." 

« And which," said Socrates, « do you think 
the most ignorant, he who writes or reads ill 
designedly, or he who doth it for want of know- 
ing better!" 

" The last, certainly," replied Euthedemus ; 
"since the other can do right whenever he 
pleases." 

" It then follows that he who reads ill, from 
design, knows how to read well ; but the other 
does not 8" 

« It is true." 

" Pray tell me," continued Socrates, « which 
of the two knoweth best what justice is, and 
what he ought to do ; he who offends against 
the truth and deceives designedly, or he who 
does it without having any such design]* 

« He, no doubt, who deceives designedly," 
replied Euthedemus. 

" But you said, Euthedemus, that he who 
understands how to read, is more learned than 
one who does not]" 

«I did so, Socrates; and it is certainly 
true." 

" Then he who knows wherein justice con- 
sists, is more just than he who knows nothing 
of the matter]" 

" So it seems," said Euthedemus ; " and I 
know not how I came to say otherwise." 

" But what would you think of the man, 
Euthedemus, who, however willing he might 
be to tell the truth, never tells you twice to- 
gether the same thing : but if you ask him 
about the road, will shew you to-day to the 
east, and to-morrow to the west ; and make 
the very same sum amount sometimes to fifty, 
and sometimes to a hundred ; what would you 
say to this man, Euthedemus]" 

"That it was plain he knew nothing of 
what he pretended to know." 

Socrates still went on, and said, " Have 
you never heard people called base and servile ]" 

" Frequently." 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



585 



" And why were they so called 1 for their 
ignorance, or knowledge V 

» Not for their knowledge, certainly." 

" What then 1 for their ignorance in the 
business of a brazier"? building a house ? or 
sweeping a chimney V 

" Nor this, nor that," replied Euthedemus ; 
" for the men who are the most expert in em- 
ployments of this nature, are generally the most 
abject and servile in their minds." 

" It should seem then, Euthedemus, these 
appellatives only belong to those who are igno- 
rant of what is just and good V 

" So I imagine." 

" Doth it not then follow, that we ought to 
exert our powers to the utmost, to avoid this 
ignorance, which debases men so low V 

"O Socrates!" cried Euthedemus, with no 
little emotion, « I will not deny to you that I 
have hitherto believed I was no stranger to 
philosophy, but had already gained that know- 
ledge so necessary for the man who aspires 
after virtue. What then must be my concern 
to find, after all my labour, I am not able to 
answer those questions which most importeth 
me to know? And the more, as I see not 
what method to pursue whereby I may render 
myself more capable !" 

" Have you ever been at Delphos V* 

" I have been there twice." 

" Did you observe this inscription somewhere 
on the front of the temple — Know thyself P- 

" Yes, I read it." 

" But it seems scarcely sufficient to have 
read it, Euthedemus : did you consider it 1 ? and, 
in consequence of the admonition, set yourself 
diligently to find out what you are VI * 

" I certainly did not," said Euthedemus ; 
" for I imagined I must know this sufficiently 
already : and, indeed, it will be difficult for us 
to know any thing, if we can be supposed at a 
loss here.*' 

« But for a man to know himself properly," 
said Socrates, " it is scarcely enough that he 
knows his own name. He who desires to pur- 
chase a horse, doth not imagine he hath made 
the proper trial of his merit, till by mounting 
him he hath found out whether he is tractable 
or unruly, strong or weak, fleet or heavy, with 
every thing else, either good or bad, in him : 
so likewise we should not say, he knows him- 



» "The subject-matter," said Epictetus, "of a car- 
penter, is wood ; of a statuary, brass ; and so of the art 
of living, the subject-matter is, each person's own life." 



self as he ought, who is ignorant of his own 
powers ; or those duties which, as man, it is 
incumbent upon him to perform." 

« It must be confessed," replied Euthedemus, 
" that he who knoweth not his own powers 
cannot be said to know himself." 

" And yet, who seeth not," continued So- 
crates, « how great the advantage arising from 
this knowledge ; and what misery must attend 
our mistakes concerning it ! For he who is 
possessed of it, not only knoweth himself, but 
knoweth what is best for him. He perceiveth 
what he can and what he cannot do ; he applieth 
himself to the one, he gaineth what is neces- 
sary, and is happy ; he attempts not the other, 
and therefore incurs neither distress nor dis- 
appointment. From knowing himself he is 
able to form a right judgment of others, and 
turn them to his advantage, either for the pro- 
curing some good or preventing some evil. 
On the contrary, he who is ignorant of himself, 
and maketh a wrong estimate of his own powers, 
will also mistake those of other men : he knows 
neither what he wants or undertakes, nor yet 
the means he maketh use of: so that he not 
only fails of success, but ofttimes falls into 
many misfortunes ; while the man who sees 
his way before him, most commonly obtains 
the end he aims at ; and not only so, but secures 
to himself renown and honour. His equals 
gladly attend to his counsel and follow his 
advice ; and they who, by wrong management, 
have plunged themselves into difficulties, im- 
plore his help, and found all their hopes of 
being restored to their former ease, on the pru- 
dence of his administration ; while they who 
blindly engage in business, as they choose ill, 
so they succeed worse ; nor is the damage they 
then sustain the only misfortune they incur ; 
but they are disgraced for ever ; all men ridi- 
culing, despising, or blaming them. Neither 
doth it fare any thing better with common- 
wealths themselves," continued Socrates, 
" when mistaking their own strength, they en- 
gage eagerly in war with their more powerful 
neighbors, which ends either in the ruin of the 
state, or the loss of their liberty ; compelled to re- 
ceive their laws from the hand of the conqueror." 

" Be assured," answered Euthedemus, " that 
I am now fully convinced of the excellence of 
the precept which bids us know oursexvfj : 
but from what point shall the man set out, my 
Socrates, on so important an inquiry 1 To in- 
form me of this, is now what I hope from vou ** 
3 Υ 



586 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book IV. 



•• You know what things are good, what evil, 
Euthedemus?" 

κ Certainly," replied Euthedemus; «for 
otherwise I should know less than the very low- 
est of our slaves." 

" Show me then, I pray you, what you think 
good ; what evil." 

•• Most willingly," answered Euthedemus ; 
" and truly, I think, the task will not be diffi- 
cult. — First, then, I count sound health good ; 
and sickness evil ; and whatever conduces to 
the one, or the other, are to be estimated 
accordingly ; so that the food and exercise 
which keeps us in health, we may call good ; 
and that which brings on us sickness and dis- 
ease, evil." 

" But might it not be as well to say, Euthe- 
demus, that health and sickness are both of 
them good, when they are the cause of good ; 
and evil, when they are the cause of evil ?" 

" But when do we see," replied Euthedemus, 
" that health is the cause of evil ; or sickness 
of good?" 

"It is certainly the case," answered So- 
crates, " when levies are raising for some un- 
successful expedition; or embarkations made, 
which afterwards suffer shipwreck ; for the 
healthy and the strong being selected on these 
occasions, they are unhappily involved in the 
same common misfortune ; while the feeble and 
the infirm remain in safety." 

" That is true," replied Euthedemus : " but 
then, on the other hand, you must own, my So- 
crates, that the healthful and strong have their 
share, and that to their no small advantage, in 
more fortunate undertakings ; while the sickly 
and infirm are entirely excluded." 

" These things being so, as indeed they are, 
sometimes profitable, and sometimes hurtful, 
we should not do amiss to set them down," 
said Socrates, " as being in themselves not 
more good than evil." 

" So indeed it appears " said Euthedemus, 
" from this way of reasoning ; but knowledge, 
my Socrates, must ever remain an indubitable 
good ; since he who hath knowledge, whatever 
the business, may certainly execute it with far 
greater advantage than he who wants it." 

" Have you not heard then," said Socrates, 
« how it fared with the wretched Dajdalus, on 
the account of his excelling in so many different 
arts I 1 This man falling into the hands of 



» He was the most ingenious artist in the world : 
and hence the proverb Dedali opera, when we would 



Minos, was detained by him in Crete : at once 
torn from his country, and deprived of his free- 
dom : and when afterwards attempting to es- 
cape with his son, he was the cause of the loss 
of the miserable youth. Neither was he able 
to secure himself; but being seized by the 
Barbarians, was compelled to return, again to 
endure all the evil of slavery." 

« I have heard this," replied Euthedemus. 

" You know too," continued Socrates, « the 
unhappy fate of Palamedes, whose praises all 
men celebrated : 2 he fell a sacrifice to the envy 
of Ulysses ; and miserably perished, through 
the insidious artifices of his rival ; and how 
many are now languishing in perpetual bond- 
age, whom the king of Persia caused to be carried 
away, and still keeps near him, merely on the 
account of their superior talents ?" 

" But granting this to be as you say ; yet 
certainly," replied Euthedemus, « we may es- 
teem happiness an undoubted good ?" 

" We may," answered Socrates, " provided 
this happiness ariseth from such things as are 
undoubtedly good." 

« But how can those things which produce 
happiness, be otherwise than good ?" 

" They cannot," said Socrates, « if you admit 
not of the number, health, strength, beauty, 
riches, fame, and such like." 

" But we certainly do admit such things in- 
to the number," replied Euthedemus ; " for 
how are we to be happy without them ?" 

" Rather, how are we to be happy with 
them," returned Socrates, " seeing they are the 
source of so many evils ? For how often hath 
a beautiful form been the cause of defilement ! 
How often, from a persuasion of their strength, 
have men been induced to engage in hazardous 
undertakings which overwhelm them in ruin ! 
How many have sunk into luxury by means of 
their riches, or fallen into the snares that were 
insidiously laid for them, by the people whose 



commend the curiousness of the workmanship. H• 
invented the saw, the axe, the plummet, the auger 
glue, cement, sails, and sail-yards ; and made statues, 
with a device to make the eyes move as if living. 

a Palamedes invented-four Greek letters, and added 
them to the other sixteen already invented by Cadmus. 
He was skilful iu astrology, and the first who found out 
the cause of an eclipse ; and brought the year to the 
course of the sun, and the month to the course of the 
moon: he was skilful in ordering an army, and intro- 
duced the use of the watch-word ; both which he took 
the hint of, as was said, from the conduct and the flying 
of craDes. 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



587 



interest it was to procure their ruin! Even 
that glory, my Euthedemus, which results from 
our having well served our country, doth not 
seldom prove fatal to the man on whom it is 
bestowed." 

« If I have then erred in speaking well of 
happiness," replied Euthedemus, « I know not 
what it is for which I can yet supplicate the 
gods." 

" It may be," answered Socrates, " you have 
not duly considered the matter, from think- 
ing you were already sufficiently acquainted 
with it. But, (changing the subject,) they 
tell us, Euthedemus, you are preparing to take 
upon you the administration of our affairs. 
Now, since it is the people who bear sway in 
Athens, I doubt not your having thoroughly 
studied the nature of a popular government V 

" You do right not to doubt it." 

« Pray tell us, may we understand what a 
popular government is, without knowing who 
are the people 1" 

" I should suppose not." 

" And who are the people V* said Socrates. 

" I include under that denomination," re- 
plied Euthedemus, « all such citizens as are 
poor." 

" You know those who are so 1" 

« Certainly." 

" And who are rich ?" 

"No doubt of it." 

" Tell me then, I pray you, whom you think 
rich ; whom poor V 

" I consider those as being poor, who have 
not wherewithal to defray their necessary ex- 
penses," said Euthedemus ; « and I esteem 
those rich who possess more than they want." 

" But have you not observed, Euthedemus, 
there are people, who, although they have very 
little, have not only enough for their necessary 
expenses, but manage in such a manner as to 
lay up a part ; while others are in want, not- 
withstanding their large possessions I" 

" I own it," said Euthedemus ; « and re- 
collect some princes, whose necessities have 
compelled them to deal injuriously by their 
subjects ; even so far as to deprive them of 
their possessions." 

" It will follow then, Euthedemus, that we 
should place these princes among the poor, 
and the frugal managers of their little fortune 
among the rich, since these maj truly be said 
to live in affluence." 

"They may," replied Euthedemus; "for I 



am not able to support any thing against your 
arguments : and, indeed, I believe silence for 
the future will best become me, since, after all, 
I begin to suspect that I know nothing." 

On saying this he hastily withdrew, full of 
confusion and contempt of himself, as begin- 
ning to perceive his own insignificancy. But 
it was not Euthedemus alone to whom So- 
crates gave that sort of uneasiness : * many, 
who were once his followers, had forsaken 
him on that account, whom Socrates estimated 
accordingly : but it was otherwise with Euthe- 
demus ; his attachment to him after this in- 
creased daily, and he thought there was no 
other way to become a man of business than 
by conversing with Socrates ; so that he never 
left him unless compelled to it by affairs of 
the greatest moment : carrying his admiration 
of him so far as to imitate many of his actions : 
which Socrates perceiving, he carefully avoided 
saying whatever might appear harsh or dis- 
gusting, but conversed with him freely, and in- 
structed him, without reserve, concerning those 
things which it most imported him to know 
and practise. 

III. Yet was not Socrates ever in haste to 
make orators, artists, or able statesmen. The 
first business, as he thought, was to implant in 
the minds of his followers virtuous principles ; 
since, these wanting, every other talent only 
added to the capacity of doing greater harm, 
and more especially to inspire them with piety 
towards the gods. But seeing many others 
have already related what they heard him speak 
upon that subject, I shall content myself with 
only mentioning in what manner he once dis- 
coursed, — I being present with Euthedemus, — 
concerning a providence ; for, turning towards 
him, he said : 

" Have you never reflected, Euthedemus, 
how wondrously gracious the gods have been 
to men in providing all things useful for 
them 3," 

" I cannot say," replied Euthedemus, " that 
I ever did." 



* " The school of a philosopher," says Epictetus, " is 
a surgery. You are not to go out of it with pleasure 
but with pain ; for you come there not in health, but 
one of you hath a dislocated shoulder, another an ab- 
scess, a third a fistula, a fourth the headache : and am I 
then to sit uttering pretty trifling exclamations, that 
when you have praised me, you may go away with the 
same dislocated shoulder, the same aching head, the 
same fistula, and the same abscess, that you brought? " 
— Carter's Epict. 



588 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book IV. 



• And vot," continued Socrates, "you want 
not to be informed how necessary this light is, 
or that it is the gods who have bestowed it 
upon us." 

•• I do not," replied Euthedemus ; "nor yet 
that our state would be no better than that of 
the blind, were we deprived of it." 

•• But because we stand in need of rest after 
our labour, they have likewise given to us the 
night, as the more proper time to repose in." 

" They have,'' replied Euthedemus ; " and 
we ought to be most thankful." 

" But, as the sun by its light not only ren- 
ders each object visible, but points out the 
hours of the day to us ; for the stars have been 
ordained, together with the moon, to mark out 
the time throughout the darkness of the night 
season ; whilst the last is still of farther use to 
us in regulating the months, and distinguishing 
the several parts of them." 

" It is true," answered Euthedemus. 

" And seeing that nourishment is so neces- 
sary for the support of man, observe you not, 
Euthedemus, how the earth hath been made to 
produce it for him Ί The convenient chang- 
ings of the seasons, all serving to the same 
purpose ! While such the variety and abun- 
dance bestowed upon us, as not only secures 
from the fear of want, but gives us wherewithal 
to indulge even to luxury !" 

" Undoubtedly," cried Euthedemus, " this 
goodness of the gods is a strong proof of their 
care for man." 

" And what think you," continued Socrates, 
" of their having given to us water, so useful 
and even necessary for all the affairs of life 1 
By the means of it the earth produces its 
fruits, whilst the dews from above carry them 
on to perfection. It maketh of itself a part of 
our nourishment, and is of use in the dressing 
and preparing our food ; rendering it not only 
more beneficial but pleasant. And, seeing our 
wants of it are evidently so many, how bountiful 
are the gods who have supplied us with it in 
such profusion !" 

" A farther proof," cried Euthedemus, « of 
their great regard for man." 

" Likewise, what shall we say," continued 
Socrates, " to their having provided us with 
fire, which secures from the cold, dispels the 
darkness, and is altogether so necessary for 
carrying on the arts of life, that mankind can 
produce nothing useful without it. The sun 
too, Euthedemus ; observe you not how, win- 



ter being over, it turneth towards us ; wither- 
ing those fruits whereof the season is now past, 
at the same time that it matures others and 
brings them to perfection 1 This service once 
done, it retires again, that its heat may not an- 
noy us ; but having reached that point, beyond 
which it cannot pass without exposing us to the 
danger of perishing from its absence, it mea- 
sureth back its steps to that part of the heavens 
in which its influence may be of the most ad- 
vantage. And because we should be unable to 
bear the extreme, whether of heat or cold, 
when coming upon us suddenly, how can it 
otherwise than excite our admiration, when we 
consider those almost imperceptible degrees, 
whereby it advanceth to, and retireth from us ; 
so that we can arrive at the highest point of 
either, without being, in a manner, at all sensi- 
ble to the change V 

" Truly," said Euthedemus, " these things 
put me in some doubt, whether the gods have 
any other employment than taking care of man. 
This, however, perplexes me ; I see these gifts 
bestowed upon him only in common with other 
animals !" 

" And see you not," replied Socrates, « that 
even all these themselves are produced and 
nourished for the service of man 1 For what 
animal, except himself, can turn to its use the 
hog, the goat, the ox, and the horse, together 
with the rest that everywhere surround him 1 
So that it seemeth to me, that man is not more 
indebted to the earth itself, than to these, 
his fellow-creatures, whether for the conveni- 
ences or necessaries of life ; since few of us 
live on the fruits of the earth, but on milk, 
cheese, and the flesh of other animals ; while 
we break them for our use, and tame them for 
our service ; and receive assistance from them 
in war, as well as on other occasions." 

" I own it," answered Euthedemus ; « for 
although many of these arettmch stronger than 
man, yet he is able to make them so far sub- 
servient to him as to perform readily whatever 
he commands." 

" Marvellous, likewise, must we acknow- 
ledge the goodness of the gods, and worthy 
of our consideration ; inasmuch, as having 
given to man an infinite number of things, all 
good in themselves, yet still differing in their 
nature, they have therefore bestowed upon him 
a variety of sensesj each peculiarly formed for 
the enjoyment of its proper object. They have 
likewise endued him with reason and under- 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



589 



etanding ; by the means of which he exami»- 
eth into those things the senses have discovered 
to him : he retaineth them in his memory, 
and findeth out their use ; whereby they are 
made to serve many admirable purposes, both 
for his ease and security from danger. From 
the gods likewise it is that we have received 
the gift of speech, which enables us to give 
and receive instruction and pleasure, unite into 
societies, promulgate laws, and govern commu- 
nities. And, forasmuch as we are not able to 
foresee what may happen hereafter, or judge of 
ourselves what may be the best for us to do, 
they readily incline to such as seek to them for 
assistance ; declaring by their oracles the things 
that are to come, and instruct us so to act as 
may be the most for our advantage." 

" But," said Euthedemus, interrupting him, 
" the gods, my Socrates, deal still more favour- 
ably with you, for they stay not to be consult- 
ed, but show of themselves what things you 
ought or ought not to do." 

"But that I spake not against the truth in 
so saying, you yourself shall know, if you wait 
not, Euthedemus, till the gods become visible; 
but it sufficeth you to see and adore them in 
their works, since it is by these, alone they 
choose to manifest themselves to men. Even 
among all those deities who so liberally bestow 
on us good things, not one of them maketh 
himself an object of our sight. And He who 
raised this whole universe, and still upholds 
the mighty frame, who perfected every part of 
it in beauty and in goodness, suffering none of 
these parts to decay through age, but renewing 
them daily with unfading vigour, whereby they 
are able to execute whatever he ordains with 
that^ readiness and precision which surpass 
man's imagination ; even he, the supreme God, 
who performeth all these wonders still holds 
himself invisible, and it is only in his works 
that we are capable of admiring him. For 
consider, my Euthedemus, the sun, which 
seemeth as it were set forth to the view of all 
men, yet suffereth not itself to be too curi- 
ously examined; punishing those with blind- 
ness who too rashly venture so to do : and 
those ministers of the gods, whom they employ 
to execute their bidding, remain to us invisible : 
for, though the thunderbolt is shot from on 
high, and breaketh in pieces whatever it findeth 
in its way, yet no one seeth it when it falls, 
when it strikes, or when it retires ; neither are 
the winds discoverable to our sight, though we 
50 



plainly behold the ravages they every where 
make ; and with ease perceive what time they 
are rising. And if there be any thing in man, 
my Euthedemus, partaking of the divine na- 
ture, it must surely be the soul which governs 
and directs him ; yet no one considers this as 
4k object of his sight. Learn, therefore, not 
to despise those things which you cannot see ; 
judge of the greatness of the power by the ef- 
fects which are produced, and reverence the 
Deity." 

• " It is very sure," replied Euthedemus, " I 
shall never be wanting in my acknowledgments 
to the gods, and it even troubleth me that we 
cannot make a suitable return for the benefits 
they have conferred on us." 

" Let not this afflict you," replied Socrates. 
" You know the answer which is given by the 
oracle at Delphos to those who inquire what 
they must do to make their sacrifices accepta- 
ble 1 — Follow, saith the god, the custom of 
your country. Now this is the custom which 
prevaileth every where, that each one should 
offer according to his ability ; and therefore, 
my Euthedemus, what better can we do to 
honour the gods, and show our gratitude to- 
wards them, than by acting in such a manner 
as they themselves have commanded 1 Let us 
however beware lest we fall short of that ability 
wherewith the gods have endued us ; since 
this would not be to honour but express our 
contempt : but, having done all in our power, 
there is no longer any thing left us whereof to 
be afraid ; nothing indeed which we may not 
hope for. For, from whom can we reasonably 
expect the most good, but from those beings 
who are possessed of the greatest power 1 
Either what better can we do, to secure it to 
ourselves, than conciliate their favour — but we 
best conciliate their favour when we obey their 
commands." 

In this manner did Socrates instruct his fol- 
lowers in their duty to the gods : and forasmuch 
as all his precepts were ever accompanied with 
the practice of the purest devotion he greatly 
advanced the piety of his friends. 

IV. With regard to justice, no one could 
doubt what were the sentiments of Socrates 
concerning it ; since all his actions, both pub- 
lic and private, sufficiently declared them. He 
was always willing to assist whoever wanted 
his assistance; to observe the laws, and to 
obey the legal commands of the magistrate ; so 
that, whether in the city or the camp, fc<»- 



590 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book IV. 



crates distinguished himself above all others, 
for the readiness and exactness wherewith he 
executed every order. When it came to his 
turn to preside in the public assemblies, he 
would sutler no decree to pass in them which 
appeared to him contrary to the laws, but stood 
up alone in defence of them ; opposing, on a 
time, so violent a tumult of the people, as, I 
think, none but himself could possibly have 
withstood ; and when the Thirty imposed upon 
him things which were unjust, he paid no re- 
gard to their injunctions, but continued to dis- 
course with the young men as usual, after the 
time they had ordered him otherwise ; neither 
would obey, when they commanded him and 
three others to bring a certain person to execu- 
tion, as knowing he had been condemned by 
them contrary to all law. And whereas it was 
common for others, when on their trial, to talk 
much with their judges ; to flatter, and shame- 
fully solicit their favour, which ofttimes they 
procured, in direct opposition to the laws ; So- 
crates would not avail himself of these arts, 
however easy it was to have brought himself 
ofF by any the smallest compliance with the 
custom ; but chose rather, as he himself said 
to those friends who counselled him otherwise, 
to die, continuing steadfast to the laws, than 
save his life by such indirect practices. 

Now, though Socrates talked to several on 
that subject, yet I particularly remember a con- 
versation he once had with Hippias the Elean, 
concerning justice. This man, after having 
been a long time absent from Athens, happened, 
on his return, to come accidentally to a place 
where Socrates was talking with some friends, 
and saying, « That if any one wanted to have 
a person taught the trade of a carpenter, a 
smith, or a shoemaker, he need not be at a loss 
for somebody to instruct him : or, if his horse 
was to be broke at the bit, or his ox to the yoke, 
many would be ready enough to undertake 
them : but if he wanted to learn how he him- 
self might become a good man, or have a son, 
or any other of his family made so, it was 
not an easy matter to find out whom to apply 
to." 

Hippias having heard this, said to him jeer- 
ingly, « What, Socrates ! still saying the same 
things we heard you say before I left Athens V 

" I am," replied Socrates ; « and, what is still 
more wonderful, on the strne subject ; but you, 
Hippias, being so very learned, may perhaps do 
otherwise." 



* " You are in the right," said Hippias, « for I 
always endeavour to say something new." 

" Is it possible !" said Socrates. " But pray," 
continued he, " suppose you were asked how 
many letters there were in my name, and what 
they were called, would you sometimes say one 
thing, and sometimes another 1 And would you 
not always answer, when asked, that five and 
five made ten!" 

"As to such things," said Hippias, « I cer- 
tainly should say the same as you ; but we are 
now talking of justice, or the rule of right and 
wrong ; and I think I have now something to 
say concerning it, as can hardly be controverted 
either by you or any other." 

" By the gods," replied Socrates, " the dis- 
covery will be most useful ! The standard of 
right and wrong once fixed, all difference of 
opinion among the judges, all sedition among 
the people, all lawsuits between citizens, all 
wars and contentions among communities, 
must be at an end ! And truly it would grieve 
me to leave you, Hippias, without knowing 
what this inestimable secret may be that you 
say you have discovered." 

" But it is certain," said Hippias, " yon will 
not know if without first telling us your eenti- 
ments concerning justice, or this rule of ri^ht: 
for you content yourself, Socrates, with asking 
questions, and afterwards confuting the answers 
that are made you, in order to turn those who 
make them into ridicule ; but never advance 
any thing of your own, that you may not be 
called upon to support your opinion." 

" How !" said Socrates ; " perceive you not 
that I am continually demonstrating to the 
world my sentiments concerning justice V 

" And in what manner do you demonstrate 
them 1" said Hippias. 

" By my actions," replied Socrates ; " at least 
as much deserving of credit as words." 

" By Jupiter !" said Hippias, " I should fancy 
somewhat more ; for I have heard many de- 
claim loudly in behalf of justice who were all 
the time very far from being just: but he who 
is upright in his actions, must necessarily be an 
upright man." 

" But when have you known me," said So- 
crates, " bearing false witness, or slandering 
any man 1 Where was it that I sowed dissen- 
sion between friends ? stirred up sedition in the 
republic 1 or practised any other kind of injus- 
tice whatsoever V 

" I cannot say," answered the other. 



MEMOIRS OP SOCRATES. 



591 



« And do you not think, that to refrain from 
.njusticeis to be just?" 

« Ay, now Socrates," said Hippias, " you 
are endeavoring to get off, and care not to give 
us your opinion freely ; for you only tell us 
what a just man should not do, but not one 
syllable of «what he should." 

" I thought," replied Socrates, " that a vo- 
luntary forbearance of all injustice was sufficient 
to denominate a person just ; but, if it seemeth 
not so to you, Hippias, let us see if this will 
satisfy you better : I say, then, that justice is 
no other than a due observance of the laws." 

" Do you mean, that to be just, and to live 
agreeably to the laws, is the same thing 1 ?" 

« I do." 

« I cannot comprehend you." 

« Know you the laws of the city ?" 

" Certainly." 

« And what are they ?" 

" Those things," said Hippias, " which the 
people ordain in a public assembly, after having 
agreed what ought or ought not to be done." 

"Then he who lives in the republic accord- 
ing to these ordinances, liv«s according to the 
laws'? and he who doth otherwise, must be 
deemed a transgressor?" 

«He must." 

" And is not he who obeys these ordinances 
just ? he who doth not obey them, unjust ?" 

" Undoubtedly." 

« But he who doth that "which is just, is just ; 
he who doth that which is unjust, unjust." 

" It cannot be otherwise." 

" Therefore," said Socrates, " they who ob- 
serve the laws, are just ; they who do not ob- 
serve them unjust." 

" But," said Hippias, « what good can there 
be in obeying the laws ; or even in the very 
laws themselves, when we see those who make 
them not only continually altering them, but 
even ofttimes abrogating them wholly 1" 

" Do not cities make war, and then again 
peace, with one another?" 

« They do." 

" But may you not as well laugh at your 
enemies," said Socrates, "for putting them- 
selves in a posture of defence in time of war, 
because a time of peace will come ; as blame 
those who observe the laws, because they may 
afterwards happen to be abrogated ? Besides, 
by so doing, you condemn all those who nobly 
expose their lives in the service of their coun- 
try. And, farther — can you suppose," con- 



tinued he, " that Lycurgus could have brought 
the republic of Sparta to excel all others, if he 
had not wrought into the very min.ls of his 
citizens a strict observance of his laws ? And 
are not they who show themselves the most 
diligent and active to secure this observance, 
always considered as the best magistrates, see- 
ing it is the certain way to render that city not 
only the most happy in time of peace, but by 
far the most formidable in time of war ? Nei- 
ther can you want to be informed," said So- 
crates, "of the benefits arising to the state 
from unanimity, since the people are daily ex- 
horted thereto : and even throughout all 
Greece, it is everywhere the custom to tender 
an oath to each person, whereby he engages to 
live in concord with his fellow citizens. Now 
this is not done, as I suppose, for this purpose 
only, that all should be # of the same opinion 
concerning the chorusses; admire the same 
actor ; praise the same poet ; and delight in the 
same pleasures; but obey the same laws, as 
being what alone can give security, strength, 
and happiness to any nation : a concord," said 
he, " of that necessity, that not only states but 
private families cannot be well governed where 
it is Wanting. For, with regard to our con- 
duct, considered as individuals, v/hat better 
means can we employ to avoid the incurring 
public punishment ? what better for the pro- 
curing public honours and rewards, than a 
careful and steady observance of all the laws ? 
What so likely to gain a process in our favour, 
when we have lawsuits depending before any 
of our tribunals ? To whom do we intrust 
with equal confidence, our wealth, our sons, 
and our daughters ? or even the whole city 
deem so deserving of their credit ? Who is he 
that so faithfully dischargeth what he oweth to 
his father, to his mother, to his relations, to 
his domestics, to his friends, to his fellow-citi- 
zens, to foreigners ? With whom would our 
enemies rather leave their hostages during the 
truce ; or more readily depend upon for the 
punctual performance of the articles of peace ; 
or more desire to join with in strict alliance ? 
Or to whom do our confederates rather intrust 
the command of their armies, or the govern- 
ment of their fortresses, than to the man who is 
careful not to infringe the laws ? From whom 
can they, who 'bestow favours, be so sure of re- 
ceiving the proper acknowledgments ? And con- 
sequently, to whom should we rather choose 
to show courtesy and kindness, than to him 



599 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book IV. 



who is over ready to confess the obligation] 
In short, who is there we should more earnestly 
fat ■ friend, or less wish for an enemy, 
than he whom lew would willingly offend ; 
while man_v strive to obtain his favour 1 Now 
Hippias, are the advantages that accrue 
to us from a careful and diligent observance of 
the laws : but, with me, to be an observer of 
the laws, and to be just, imply the same thing. 
If it appears otherwise to you, show us, I be- 
seech you, what may be your opinion." 

μ Truly," answered Hippias, " I do not see 
that what you have said of justice is at all differ- 
ent to my own notions of it." 

" Have you never heard," continued So- 
crates, " of certain laws that are not written ]" 

" You mean such as are in force every 
where ]" 

" True : — Did all mankind concur in making 
theml" 

" Impossible ; since all mankind could not 
assemble in one place ; neither would all have 
spoken the same language." 

« Whence then do you suppose we had 
them ]" 

" From the gods, I should imagine ; for the 
first command every where is, to adore the 
gods." 

" And is it not, likewise, as universally com- 
manded, that parents are to be honoured ]" 

« It is." 

" And, that they ought not to marry with 
their children]" 

"But this last," said Hippias, "doth not 
seem to be from the gods." 

"And why not]" 

" Because," replied Hippias, " I see some 
who transgress it." 

" Neither, perhaps, do they observe the other 
better; nevertheless," continued Socrates, "it 
ought always to be remembered, that no one 
ever violates the laws of the gods with impu- 
nity ; the punishment being ever annexed to 
the commission of the crime ; whereas means 
are often found to elude by fraud, or escape by 
force, the penalties incurred for the breach of 
such laws as are only of human institution." 

" But what is this punishment," said Hip- 
pias, " which you say is not to be avoided by 
those who marry with their own children ]" 

" The greatest of any ; for what can be 
worse than not to have good children ]" 

" And from whence do you infer that such 
must necessarily have bad children ; since, if 



parents are good themselves, what should hin- 
der their having good children ]" 

" It is not enough," said Socrates, « that 
parents are virtuous ; they ought both of them 
to be in the perfection of their age, if they 
would have their children such as they wish 
them. For do you suppose, Hippias, that 
children produced by parents not yet arrived to 
a state of maturity, or by such as are already 
past it, can be compared with the offspring of 
those who are in the prime of life and perfec- 
tion of their nature V* 

" I suppose they cannot." 

" And which do you take to be the best]" 

" Those, no doubt," said Hippias, " whose 
parents are in the perfection of their nature." 

" Then children produced by such as are not 
yet arrived to a state of maturity, or are 
now far past it, are not good, or such as we 
desire to have them ]" 

" So it seemeth." 

" People, then, who are under either of these 
circumstances, ought not to have children I" 

« They ought not." 

" Those, therefore," said Socrates, " who in- 
dulge themselves in this disorderly manner, 
what can they else than produce a miserable 
offspring ]" 

" They cannot, Socrates ; for even in this 
point I am ready to agree with you." 

« But what think you, Hippias ; is not this 
also an universal law, that we should do good 
to those who do good to us I" 

« Certainly." 

" Yet it is transgressed by many," said So- 
crates : " howbeit they go not unpunished any 
more than the other, since thereby they lose 
their most valuable friends, and follow those 
who most hate them : for are not they, Hippias, 
our most valuable friends from whom we re- 
ceive the most essential acts of kindness ] But 
he who neglects to acknowledge the kindness 
of his friends, or returns it with evil, must be 
hated for his ingratitude ; yet because of the 
advantages he still hopes to receive, he continues 
to pursue those who shun him, and this with 
the meanest, most servile assiduity." 

" Assuredly," said Hippias, " these things 
are of the gods Γ For when I consider every 
breach of these laws, as carrying along with it 
the punishment of the transgressor, I cannot 
but allow them to proceed from a more excel- 
lent legislator than is to be found among the 
sons of men." 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



593 



« But what think you, Hippias ; do the gods 
make laws that are unjust V 

« So far from it," said Hippias, " that I be- 
lieve it almost impossible for any but the gods 
to make such as are perfectly otherwise." 

" Then certainly," replied Socrates, « the 
gods themselves show to us, that to obey the 
laws, and to be just, is the same thing." 

After this manner would Socrates reason 
concerning justice ; and his actions being at all 
times conformable to his words, he daily in- 
creased the love of it in the minds of all his 
followers. 

V. I shall next relate the arguments which 
Socrates employed in order to make his hearers 
able to exercise what was right : and being of 
opinion that temperance was absolutely neces- 
sary for the well performance of any thing ex- 
cellent ; and having, in the first place, shown 
by his manner of living how far he surpassed 
all others in the exercise of this virtue, he en- 
deavoured by his discourses, as well as by his 
example, to excite his friends to the practice 
of it. And as all his thoughts were only bent 
on the improvement of mankind, he never lost 
an opportunity of introducing into his conver- 
sation whatever he supposed might conduce to 
that end ; and it was to this purpose that he 
once talked, as I remember, to Euthedemus in 
the following manner : 

« Is it your opinion," said he to him, « that 
liberty is a fair and valuable possession!" 

« So valuable," replied Euthedemus, « that I 
know of nothing more valuable." 

« But he who is so far overcome by sensual 
pleasure, that he is not able to practise what is 
the best, and consequently the most eligible, do 
you count this man free, Euthedemus ? 

" Far from it," replied the other. 

" You think then," said Socrates, « that 
freedom consists in being able to do what is 
right ; — slavery, in not being able ; whatever 
may be the cause that deprives us of the 
power 1 ?" 

" I do, most certainly." 

" The debauchee, then, you must suppose is 
in this state of slavery V 

" I do, and with good reason." 

« But doth intemperance, Euthedemus, only 
withhold from acting right 1 Or doth it not 
frequently urge us on <t to the practice of what 
is evil !" 

" t believe it may do both," said Euthede- 
mus. 

50 * 



« And what should you say to a master, who 
not only opposes your applying yourself to 
any one thing commendable, but obliges you 
to undertake many that must bring on you dis- 
honour 1" 

« I should esteem him the worst in «he 
world," replied Euthedemus. 

»< And what the worst servitude 1" 

« To serve such a master." 

« Then it should follow," said Socrates, 
" that he who is intemperate, is the very lowest 
of all slaves V 

" I believe it," said Euthedemus. 

" Doth not intemperance," continued So- 
crates, " rob us of our reason, that chief ex- 
cellence of man, and drive us on to commit 
the very greatest disorders 1 Can he who is 
immersed in pleasure, find time to turn his 
thoughts on things that are useful 1 But, and 
if he could, his judgment is so far overborne by 
his appetites, that, seeing the right path, he 
deliberately rejects it. Neither," continued 
Socrates, « should we expect modesty in such 
a character; it being most certain, that nothing 
can well stand at a greater distance from this 
than the whole life of the' voluptuary." 

" That is certain," replied Euthedemus. 

" But what can be so likely to obstruct either 
the practice or the knowledge of our duty as in- 
temperance 1 What can we suppose so fatally 
pernicious to man, as that which depriveth him 
of his understanding ; makes him prefer with 
eagerness the things that are useless ; avoid, or 
reject, whatever is profitable ; and act in every 
respect so unlike a wise man !" 

" Nothing, that I know of," said Euthede- 
mus. 

«Must not temperance produce the very 
contrary effects 1" 

« Most assuredly." 

« But whatever produceth the contrary effects 
should be good 1" 

«No doubt of it." 

« Then temperance must be deemed so 1" 

« I own it," said Euthedemus. 

" But have you thoroughly considered this 
point, Euthedemus 1" 

« What point do you mean ?" 

" That, however intemperance may promise 
pleasure, it can never bestow any ; for this 
must be the gift of temperance and sobriety." 

« But why not ?" answered Euthedemus. 

" Because the intemperate will not endure 
thirst and hunger; nor submit to any other 
3 Ζ 



Ν i 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book IV. 



want of nature ; without which, however, no 
pleasure cm arise from any sensual gratification ; 
neither is it possible for that sleep to be sweet, 
which is not preceded by some degree of watch- 
fulness : therefore, my Euthedemus, intem- 
perance must ever be a stranger to the delight 
which arises from those actions, which are not 
onlv necessary, but of daily use ; while the 
temperate man, ever willing to await the call 
of nature, enjoys them to the full, and tastes 
pleasures that satiety cannot know." 

•' I believe it," replied Euthedemus. 

" Furthermore," continued Socrates ; " it is 
this virtue alone, Euthedemus, which places 
both the body and the mind in their utmost 
degree of perfection ; qualifying the man for 
the study, the knowledge, and the practice of 
his duty ; whereby he is enabled to govern his 
house prudently ; serve his country and his 
friends usefully ; conquer his enemies glorious- 
ly. Neither are they the many benefits arising 
from such a conduct, that" alone recommend it ; 
the consciousness of being thus employed, must 
yield perpetual complacency and satisfaction : 
but it is a complacency and satisfaction which 
belongeth not to the voluptuous : indeed, whom 
do we find at a greater distance from these, 
than the man whose every faculty is so entirely 
engaged in the pursuit of present pleasure, as 
to leave him no liberty for the performance of 
what is commendable." 

<< One would suppose," said Euthedemus, 
from your manner of speaking, that no one 
virtue can belong to those who suffer themselves 
to be led away by sensual gratifications." 

" And where is the difference," said So- 
crates, " between him who, staying not to 
examine what is the best, eagerly rushes to 
seize what seems pleasant; and the wolf, or 
the sheep, or any other animal void of reason 1 
But it is the temperate alone, my Euthede- 
mus, who are able to inquire into the nature of 
things, and find out their difference ; and 
carefully consulting both reason and experience, 
can select what is good ; reject what is evil ; 
and become by that means both wise and 
happy." 

Socrates likewise added, that by a constant 
exercise of this discriminating power, men 
were taught to reason well : and that the term 
conference, given to their assemblies, implied, 
that the very end of their meeting was in order 
to examine into the nature of things, and class 
them properly : and he advised his followers to 



the frequent" holding of these conferences ; 
saying, " It would be the best means to mature 
their judgment; making them thereby truly 
great, and capable of governing both themselves 
and others." * 

VI. I shall next endeavour to explain in 
what manner Socrates improved his friends in 
this method of reasoning. 

Now, he always held, that whoever had 
acquired clear ideas himself, might, with equal 
clearness, explain those ideas : but it was no 
marvel, he said, if such as were deficient in 
that particular, should not only be led into 
error themselves, but mislead others. He 
therefore was never weary of conferring with 
his friends, and searching out wherein the 
peculiar property of all things consisted : but, 
as it would be difficult to relate the various 
subjects he endeavoured to explain, I shall 
mention no more than what I think may be 
sufficient to make his method of reasoning 
plainly appear : and, in the first place, he thus 
inquired into the nature of piety : — 

" Can you tell us," said he, " Euthedemus, 
what piety is 1" 

" A most excellent thing," replied the other. 

" And what a pious man Ϊ" 

" One who serveth the gods," answered Eu- 
thedemus. 

" But, may every one serve them in what 
manner he pleaseth V* 

" Not so, assuredly," said Euthedemus, " since 
there are certain laws ; and according to these 
laws we ought to serve them." 

" He then, who observeth these laws," said 
Socrates, " shall know in what manner he 
ought to serve the gods 1" 



1 Socrates in this place lays the greatest stress on 
dialectic, that is to say, that species of logic which is 
exercised in society and conversation by reciprocal 
questioning and answering ; where, through the joint 
endeavours of the parties conversing, truth is distin- 
guished from falsehood, and the former established, the 
latter rejected. The whole of the work here translated 
is an exemplification of this practice, as are also the 
dialogues of Plato, who learnt it as well as Xenophon, 
from their common great master, Socrates. 

As for the etymology, it appears that Socrates derived 
SiaKiyt<r6at ) the verb middle, signifying to discourse to- 
gether upon a subject, from ίιαλΙ^ειν, the verb active, 
signifying to separate and distinguish, because in dis- 
course things were distinguished according to the 
several kinds or genera. For the truth of this assertion 
we may refer (as we have already) to the whole of thie 
work, and in particular to the chapter following.where, 
by the help of this distinctive or dialectic process, we 
may find the nature and essence of many beings traced 
out and ascertained.— Mr. Harris. 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



595 



" So I imagine." 

" But he who knoweth the way of serving 
hem, will he prefer any other to that he 
Knoweth 1" 

« I suppose not." 

" Will he not rather be careful," said So- 
crates, " not to serve them, contrary to what 
he knoweth ?" 
"He will." 

" The man then," Euthedemus, " who know- 
eth the laws that are to regulate his conduct in 
serving of the gods, will serve them according 
_to these laws?" 

«No doubt." 

"And he who serveth them according to 
these laws, will serve them as he ought 1" 

« He will." * 

" But he who serveth them as he ought, is 
pious 1" 

" Assuredly." 

" Then he who knoweth how he ought to 
serve the gods, may rightly be denned a pious 
man V ! 

" So it seemeth." 

" But tell me," added Socrates ; « are we at 
liberty to behave towards each other in what 
manner we please 1" 

" Not so," answered Euthedemus : " there 
are also certain laws to be observed by us with 
regard to men." 

" And do they who live together accord- 
ing to these laws, live as they ought to do V 

" One can suppose no other." 

" And he who lives as he ought to live, 
treats mankind properly V 

« He does." 

" And they who treat mankind properly, 
execute properly, all human affairs 1" 

" One should suppose so." 



ι How sophistical is this way of reasoning ; and how 
pernicious the notion it is endeavouring to establish ! 
But I can no way so effectually show the ill tendency 
of it, as in borrowing, for the purpose, the words of one 
who will ever be not only a credit to her sex, but an 
honour to her country. "The most ignorant persons," 
says Mrs. Carter, in one of her notes on Epictetus, " of- 
ten practise what they know to be evil : and they who 
voluntarily suffer, as many do, their inclinations to 
blind their judgment, are not justified by follcfvving it. 
The doctrine of Epictetus therefore, here, and else- 
where on this head, contradicts the voice of reason and 
conscience. Nor is it less pernicious than ill grounded : 
it destroys all guilt and merit ; all punishment and re- 
ward ; all blame of ourselves or others ; all sense of 
misbehaviour towards our fellow-creatures, or our Cre- 
ator. No wonder th'at such philosophers did not teach 
repentance towards God." — Page 62. 



" 2 But do you believe, Euthedemus, there 
are any who obey the laws, without knowing 
what the laws enjoin V 

« I do not believe there are any." 

" But when a man knows what he ought to 
do, will he think he ought to act otherwise 1" 

" I do not imagine he will." 

" Then such men as know the laws to be 
observed by mankind in their dealings with 
each other, will observe theml" 

" They will." : 

" And they who observe to do what the 
laws command, do that which is just V 

" They do," replied Euthedemus. 

" But those who act justly, are just 1" 

" There are no other," said Euthedemus, 
""who can be so." 

« May we not be said, then, to make a 
right definition, when we call them just who 
know the laws which mankind ought to ob- 
serve, in their commerce with one another 1" 

" It seems so to me," said Euthedemus. 

« And what shall we say of wisdom, Euthe- 
demus 1 Is it in regard to things they know, 
or do not know, that men are wise V 

" Certainly on the account of what they do 
know," said Euthedemus ; " for how can any 
one be wise, as to things which he understands 
not?" 

" Then it is on account of their knowledge 
that men are wise V 

« Most certainly." 

« But wisdom is nothing else but the being 
wise 1" 

« It is not." 

« Consequently," said Socrates, " knowledge 
is wisdom !" 

" I grant it," said Euthedemus. 

" But do you think," continued Socrates, 
" that any one man is capable of knowing all 
things Γ 

« No ; nor the thousandth part," returned 
Euthedemus. 

" Then it is impossible for him to be wife 
in all things 1" 
• « It is." 

" It must follow, then, that no one is wise 
but in such things as he knoweth 1" 

" Certainly." 

" But can we, Euthedemus, discover the 
nature of good, by this our present method of 
trying and comparing things V f 



* As the Greek text, in this part, is somewhat con- 
fused, the translation follows Mr. Charpentier. 



596 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book IV. 



- W!flt do vou mean 1" said Euthedemus. 
•■ I- MM aiul the same thing useful for all 

men, ami to every purpose V 

. certainly." 
•• It mav then be useful to one man, and 
hurtful to another]" 
-It may, assuredly." 

■ Then, to constitute any thing good, it 
must be found useful 1" 

-It must." 

- Consequently," replied Socrates, «that 
which is useful, is good for him to whom it is 
useful ?" 

" I own it" 

** And beautiful, Euthedemus ; may we not 
determine the same concerning this 1 for we 
cannot say of a body or vessel, of what kind 
soever, that it is beautiful with regard to every 
purpose V* 

« We cannot." 

" Perhaps you would say then," continued 
Socrates, « that it is beautiful with respect to 
that particular thing for which it is proper 1" 

■ I would." 

« But that which is beautiful on the account 
of its being well suited to one thing, is it also 
beautiful with respect to every other 1 ?" 

« Not at all." 

" Then, whatever is well suited, is beautiful 
with regard to that thing to which it is well 
suited?" 

" It is so," said Euthedemus. 

" Also, courage, Euthedemus ; do you look 
upon courage as any thing excellent !** 

" Most excellent," answered Euthedemus. 

" Is it of much use on occasions of little 
moment ?" 

" The advantage of it," said Euthedemus, 
" is chiefly in things of importance." 

" It is of service to us," said Socrates, " not 
to see our danger?" 

" I think not." 

" But not to be frighted when we see no 
danger, is scarcely being valiant ?" 

" It is not," said Euthedemus ; « for, other- 
wise, there are madmen, and even cowards, 
who might be called brave." 

" And what are they," continued Socrates, 
" who fear, where there is nothing to be feared 1" 

" These I should think at a greater distance 
from courage than the other." 

" They, therefore, who show themselves 
brave when sensible of their danger, are va- 
liant ; those who act otherwise, cowardly ?" 



" It is true." 

" But do you think, Euthedemus, any one 
can behave as he ought, if he knows not in 
what manner he ought to behave ?" 

" I should imagine not." 

" And are not they who behave ill, and they 
who know not how to behave, the same people 1" 

" I believe they are." 

" Doth not every man behave as he thinks 
he ought to behave V 

« Certainly." 

" Can we say, then, that he who behaves ill, 
knows in what manner he ought to behave ?" 

« We cannot." 

" But he who knows how to behave as he 
ought, doth behave as he ought V 

« He is the only man," said Euthedemus, 
« who can do it." 

« We will conclude then our discourse, my 
Euthedemus, with saying, That he who 
knows how to behave properly, in all cases of 
difficulty and danger, is brave : he who knows 
it not, a coward." 

" I agree with you entirely," replied Euthe- 
demus. 

Socrates used to say, " That a regal govern- 
ment, and a tyranny, were each of them of 
that species of dominion which is called mo- 
narchical ; but differed in this particular, — that 
the submission of men under a regal govern- 
ment was altogether voluntary, and nothing 
could be done in it which was not agreeable to 
the laws ; whereas, under a tyranny, the peo- 
ple were compelled to obey ; the will of the 
prince being the sole standard of the laws." 
As to the other forms of government, he 
would say, " That when the chief offices of 
the commonwealth were lodged in the hands 
of a small number of the most eminent citi- 
zens, it was called an aristocracy ; when with 
the richest, elected on account of their riches, 
a plutocracy ,• and when the whole people were 
admitted indifferently into power, this," he 
said, " was a democracy." 

Now, when any one showed himself of a 
different opinion to Socrates, without produ- 
cing a sufficient reason for his dissenting , 
as when, for example, on his commending any 
one, the preference was given to some other, 
as more valiant, or better skilled in the affairs 
of the administration ; his custom wae, to 
carry back the argument to the very first pro- 
position ; and, from thence, set out in the 
search of truth ; saying to them, " You assert, 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



597 



then, that the man whom you speak well of, 
is a far better citizen than he whom I recom- 
mend?" And being answered, "It was 
true :" — " We may not do amiss then," said 
Socrates, " to examine, first of all, what the 
office of a good citizen is, and what the man 
should be who gains to himself the esteem of 
the republic." 

" It is right," answered the other. 

" If the affair, then, relates to the manage- 
ment of the treasury, I suppose it must be one 
who, during his administration, is the most 
careful of the public money Ί If to war, then 
he who renders his country victorious over 
its enemies will be held in the highest estima- 
tion V 

« Undoubtedly." 

"When treaties are forming, should not he 
who, by his address, gains over to the interest 
of the republic those who before were its ene- 
mies, be the most sure of our approbation V 

« He should." 

" And, with regard to the business carried on 
in our public assemblies ; to calm sedition, 
break cabals, and restore concord and unanimi- 
ty, should best show the good citizen." 

This likewise being granted, and application 
made of these several particulars to the point 
in question, the truth shone forth to the 
acknowledgment of all ; even of the very man 
who before had opposed him. And it was 
ever his manner, when he intended to examine 
any thing thoroughly, to begin with such pro- 
positions as were self-evident, and universally 
received ; and said, that herein consisted the* 
whole strength of reasoning. Nor have I ever 
yet known any man who could so readily bring 
others to admit the truth of what he wished to 
prove, as Socrates: and he thought Homer 
only gave Ulysses the appellation of the irre- 
sistible orator, because he would lead his argu- 
ment, step by step, through such paths as lay 
obvious to the eyes of all mankind. 

Thus have I, as it seemeth to me, made 
it sufficiently appear with what sincerity and 
openness Socrates conversed with his follow- 
ers, and showed them his sentiments on every 
occasion. 

VII. Neither must I omit to mention how 
solicitous Socrates always showed himself to 
have his friends become capable of performing 
their own business, that they might not stand 
in need of others to perform it for them. For 
this reason, he made it his study, more than 



any man Γ ever knew, to find out wherein any 
of his followers were likely to excel in thing» 
not unbecoming a wise and good man ; and in 
such points as he himself could give them any 
instruction, he did it with the utmost readiness ; 
and where he could not, was always forward to 
carry them to some more skilful master. Yet 
was he very careful to fix the bounds in every 
science ; beyond which, he would say, no per- 
son properly instructed ought to pass. And, 
therefore, — in geometry, for example, — he 
thought it sufficient if so much of it was known 
as would secure a man from being imposed 
upon in the buying and selling of land ; direct 
him in the proper distributions of the several 
portions of an inheritance, and in measuring 
out the labourer's work : all which, he said, 
was so easy to be done, that he who applied 
himself to this science, though almost ever so 
slightly, might soon find out in what manner 
to measure the whole earth, and describe its 
circumference. But to dive deep into such 
things, and perplex the mind with various un- 
couth figures, and hard to be understood, 
although he himself had much knowledge 
therein, he approved not of it, as seeing no use 
in these nice inquifies ; which consume all his 
time, and engross the whole man, taking off 
his thoughts from more profitable studies. 
He also advised his friends to gain such a 
knowledge of astronomy, as to be able to tell 
by the stars the hours of the night, the day of 
the month, and the seasons of the year, that 
they should not be at a loss when to relieve the 
centinel, begin a journey or a voyage, or do any 
other, thing which depends on this science : all 
which he said, was easily to be learnt by con- 
versing with "seafaring men, or those whose 
custom it was to hunt in the night. But to 
go further, in order to find out what planets 
were in the same declension, explain their dif- 
ferent motions, tell their distances from the 
earth, their influences, together with the time 
necessary for the performance of their respec- 
tive revolutions ; these, and things like these 
he strongly dissuaded his followers from at- 
tempting: not as being ignorant of them him- 
self; but he judged of this science as he did 
of the former, that to examine deeply into tho 
nature of such things, would rob us of all our 
time, divert our thoughts from useful studies, 
and, after all, produce nothing that could turn 
to our advantage. In short, he would not that 
men should too curiously search into that mot 






MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



[book IV. 



wllous nrt. wherewith the Maker of the uni- 
h.ul disposed the several parts of it, see- 
i subject incomprehensible to the 
mind of man ; neither yet pleasing to the gods 
to attempt to discover the things, which they 
in their wisdom had thought fit to conceal. 

He also said, " that the understanding, unable 
to bear these towering speculations, ofttimes 
lost itself in the inquiry ; as was the case with 
Anaxagoras, who gloried not a little in the ex- 
tent of his knowledge : yet this very man as- 
serted, « that the sun was the same as fire ;' 
forgetful that the eye can bear the light of the 
fire, whereas the lustre of the sun is too daz- 
zling for it to behold. Neither did he consider 
that the rays of the sun change the skin black, 
which the fire doth not : as also, that its 
warmth produces and brings to perfection trees 
and flowers, and fruits of the earth, while it is 
the property of the fire to wither and consume 
them. He said, moreover, « that the sun was 
no other than a stone thoroughly inflamed ;' not 
perceiving," added Socrates, " that the stone 
shineth not in the fire ; neither can remain 
there any long time without wasting ; whereas 
the sun abideth still the same, — an inexhausti- 
ble source of light and warmth to us." 

Socrates also recommended the study of 
arithmetic to his friends ; and assisted them, 
as was his custom, in tracing out the several 
parts of it, as far as might be useful f but here, 
as elsewhere, fixed bounds to their inquiries ; 
never suffering them to run out into vain and 
trifling disquisitions, which could be of no ad- 
vantage either to themselves or others. 

He always earnestly exhorted his friends to 
be careful of their health: and, to this end, 
not only advised them to consult those who 
were skilful therein, but of themselves to be 
continually attentive to their diet and exercise ; 
always preferring what would keep them in the 
best health ; since they who did this would sel- 
dom, he said, want a better physician. And 
when he found any who could not satisfy them- 
selves with the knowledge that lay within the 
reach of human wisdom, Socrates advised that 
they should diligently apply to the study of 
divination : asserting, that whoever was ac- 
quainted with those mediums which the gods 
made use of when they communicated any 
thing to man, should never be left destitute of 
divine counsel. 

VIII. And now, if any one should be in- 
clined to conclude that Socrates asserted a 



falsehood, when he declared himself under the 
guidance of a good genius, seeing he acted in 
such a manner as to incur the sentence of 
death : let such a one, I say, consider that he 
was now already so far advanced in age, that if 
he died not then, he must die soon after, and 
that he only relinquished that part of life which 
is held the most painful, and when the facul- 
ties of the mind are greatly impaired : whereas 
he now manifested to all the world the strength 
and vigor of his soul, and gained to himself 
immortal honour by the mariner in which he 
spake while before his judges. And, indeed, 
no man was ever known to plead his own 
cause with that plainness, firmness, and steady 
regard to truth ; at the same time that he re- 
ceived his condemnation with that meekness 
and magnanimity as altogether surpassed the 
example of former ages ; it being on all hands 
universally acknowledged, that no man ever 
met death in like manner as Socrates. 

After his sentence he was obliged to live 
thirty days in prison, the laws forbidding any 
one to be put to death until the return of the 
sacred vessel : * during which time his friends 
conversed with him daily, and saw no change 
in his behaviour, for he still retained that tran- 
quillity of mind, and pleasing turn of humour, 
which had made him so justly admired by all 
mankind. Now, who could give greater proofs 
of fortitude 1 Either, what death could be at- 
tended with more honour 1 ? But the death 
which is the most honourable is likewise the 
most happy ; and that which is the most happy 
1s best pleasing to the gods. 

I shall farther relate what I heard from 
Hermogenes, the son of Hipponius, concern- 
ing Socrates. This man being along with 
him, after the time that Melitus had accus- 
ed him, and observing that he rather chose 
to discourse on any other subject than the 
business of the trial, asked, " Whether it 
was not necessary to be preparing for his 
justification V — " And what !" answered So- 
crates, " suppose you, my Hermogenes ! that I 
have not, throughout life, been preparing for 
this very thing 1" Hermogenes then desiring 
him to explain his meaning : " I have," said 
he, " made it the business of my whole life 



« The ship which was sent every year from Athena 
to Delos, in memory of the victory obtained by The- 
seus over the Minotaur ; when it was forbidden by the 
laws to put any man to death during the time, of its 
being absent. 



MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 



599 



to examine what things were just or unjust; 
and have as steadily persisted in practising the 
one and refraining from the other ; and this Τ 
take to be the best way of preparing for my 
trial." — " But know you not," replied Hermo- 
genes, » that here in Athens, the judges oft- 
times condemn those to death who have no way 
deserved it, only because their manner of speak- 
ing was displeasing ; while, on the other hand, 
they not less frequently acquit the guilty V 

« I do know it," answered Socrates ; " and 
be assured, my Hermogenes, that I did not 
neglect to take the matter of my defence 
under consideration, — but the genius opposed 
me." 

Hermogenes replying, that he talked mar- 
vellously ; " But why," said he, " should it 
be marvellous that God should think this the 
very best time for me to die 1 Know you not 
that hitherto I have granted to no man that 
he hath lived either better, or even more pleas- 
urably, than I ; if, as I think it is, to be alone 
solicitous after the attainment of virtue be liv- 
ing well ; and the consciousness of making 
some proficiency therein pleasant : and that I 
did make some proficiency therein I well per- 
ceived, by comparing myself with others, and 
from the testimony of my own conscience ; my 
friends also saying the same concerning me. 
Not for that they love me : since, if so, every 
friend would think the same of him whom he 
was a friend to ; but because, as it seemed to 
them, they themselves became better men from 
having much conversed with me. But if my 
life should be still prolonged, it can hardly be 
but the infirmities of old age will likewise 
come upon me : my sight will fail, my hear- 
ing grow heavy, and my understanding much 
impaired ; so that I shall find it more difficult 
to learn, as less easy to retain what I have 
learnt already ; deprived too of the power of 
performing many of those things which here- 
tofore I have excelled in. And if, after all, I 
should become insensible to these decays, still 
life would not be life, but a wearisome bur- 
then. And if otherwise, if I indeed find and 
feel them, how unpleasant, how afflicting, must 
a state like this prove ! If I die wrongfully, 
the shame must be theirs who put me wrong- 



fully to defrth : since, if injustice is shameful, 
so likewise every act of it : but no disgrace 
will it bring on me, that others have not seen 
that I was innocent. The examples drawn 
from former ages sufficiently show us, that 
those who commit wrong, and they who suffer 
it, stand not alike in the remembrance of men : 
and I am persuaded, that if I now die, I shall 
be held in far higher estimation by those who 
come after me than any of my judges: since 
posterity will not fail to testify concerning 
me, that I neither wronged, nor yet, by my dis- 
courses, corrupted any man ; but contrariwise, 
strove throughout life, to the utmost of my 
power, to make all those .who conversed with 
me happy." 

In this manner did Socrates continue to dis- 
course with Hermogenes and others : nor are 
there any among those who knew him, if lov- 
ers of virtue, who do not daily regret the loss 
of his conversation ; convinced how much they 
might have been advantaged thereby. 

As to myself, knowing him of a truth to be 
such a man as I have described ; so pious to- 
wards the gods, as never to undertake any 
thing without having first consulted them : so 
just towards men, as never to do an injury, 
even the very slightest, to any one ; whilst 
many and great were the benefits he conferred 
on all with whom he had any dealings ; so tem- 
perate and chaste, as not to indulge any appe- 
tite, or inclination, at the expense of whatever 
was modest or becoming : so prudent as never 
to err in judging of good and evil; nor want- 
ing the assistance of others to discriminate 
rightly concerning them : so able to discourse 
upon, and define with the greatest accuracy, 
not only those points of which we have been 
speaking, but likewise of every other ; and 
looking as it were into the minds of men, dis- 
cover the very moment for reprehending vice, 
or stimulating to the love of virtue. Experi- 
encing, as I have done, all these excellencies in 
Socrates, I can never cease considering him as 
the Most virtuous and the most happy of all 
mankind. But if there is any one who is disposed 
to think otherwise, let him go and compare So- 
crates with any other, and afterwards let him 
determine. 



THE 



BANaUET OF XENOPHON 



TRANSLATED BY 



JAMES WELWOOD, M. D 



FELLOW OF THE ROYAL COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS, LONDON. 



[601] 



SI 1 Λ 



THE 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



I. I am of opinion, that as well the sayings as 
the actions of great men deserve to be recorded, 
whether they treat of serious subjects with the 
greatest application of mind, or, giving them- 
selves some respite, unbend their thoughts to 
diversions worthy of them. You will know 
by the relation I am going to make, what it 
was inspired me with this thought, being my- 
self present. 

During the festival of Minerva, there was a 
solemn tournament, whither Callias, 1 who ten- 
derly loved Autolicus, carried him, which was 
soon after the victory which that youth had 
obtained at the Olympic games. When the 
show was over, Callias taking Autolicus and 
his father with him, went down from the city 
to his house at the Pirseum, 2 with Nicerates 
the son of Nicias. 

But upon the way meeting Socrates, Her- 
mogenes, Critobulus, Antisthenes, and Char- 
mides, discoursing together, he gave orders to 
one of his people to conduct Autolicus and 
those of his company to his house ; and ad- 
dressing himself to Socrates, and those who 
were with him, « I could not," said he, " have 
met with you more opportunely ; I treat to- 
day Autolicus and his father ; and, if I am 
not deceived, persons who like you have their 
souls purified 3 by refined contemplations, 
would do much more honour to our assembly, 
than your colonels of horse, captains of foot, 
and other gentlemen of business, who are full 



' Callias was of the noblest families in Athens, and 
was surnamed the rich. 

a The sea-port town of Athens. 

a Socrates was called the purifying philosopher, be- 
cause he purified the minds of those he conversed with 
from vice and errors of education. 



of nothing but their offices and employments." 
— " You are always upon the banter," said 
Socrates ; « for, since you gave so much money 
to Protagoras, Gorgias, and Prodicas, 4 to be 
instructed in wisdom, you make but little ac- 
count of us, who have no other assistance but 
from ourselves to acquire knowledge." — " 'Tis 
true," said Callias, " hitherto I have concealed 
from you a thousand fine things I learned in 
the conversation of those gentlemen ; but if 
you will sup with me this evening, I will 
teach you all I know, and after that I do 
not doubt you will say I am a man of conse- 
quence." 

Socrates and the rest thanked him with the 
civility that was due to a person of so high a 
rank, that had invited them in so obliging a 
manner : and Callias, showing an unwillingness 
to be refused, they at last accepted the invita- 
tion, and went along with him. After they 
had done bathing and anointing, as was the 
custom before meals, they all went into the 
eating-room, where Autolicus was seated by 
his father's side ; and each of the rest took his 
place according to his age and quality. 

The whole company became immediately 
sensible of the power of beauty, and every one 
at the sam'e time silently confessed, that by 
natural right the sovereignty belonged to it, 
especially when attended with modesty and a 
virtuous bashfulness. Now Autolicus was 
one of that kind of beauties ; and the effect 
which the sight of so lovely a person produced 
was to attract the eyes of the whole company 
to him, as one would do to flashes of lightning 



* Three famous pedants that pretended to teach 
wisdom, alias sophist». 

603 



604 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



in ■ dark night. All hearts surrendered to his 
power, and paid homage to the sweet and noble 
mien and features of his countenance, and the 
manly gracefulness of his shape. 

It is very certain, that in those who are 
divinely inspired by some good demon, there 
appears something which makes them behold 
with the strictest attention, and a pleasing 
astonishment : whereas, those who are pos- 
sessed by some evil genius or power, besides 
the terror that appears in their looks, they talk 
in a tone that strikes horror, and have a sort 
of unbounded vehemence in all they say and 
do, that comes but little short of madness. 
Thence it is, as it was in this case, that those 
who are touched .with a just and well regulated 
love, discover in their eyes a charming sweet- 
ness, in the tone of the voice a musical soft- 
ness, and in their whole deportment something 
that expresses in dumb show the innate virtue 
of their soul. 

At length they sat down to supper, and a 
profound silence was observed, as though it 
had been enjoined: when a certain buffoon, 
named Philip, knocked at the door, and bade 
the servant that opened it tell the gentlemen 
he was there, and that he came to sup with 
them ; adding, " there was no occasion to deli- 
berate whether he should let him in, for that 
he was perfectly well furnished with every 
thing that could be necessary towards supping 
well on free cost, his boy being weary with 
carrying nothing in his belly, and himself ex- 
tremely fatigued with running about to see 
where he could fill his own." Callias under- 
standing the arrival of his new guest, ordered 
him to be let in, saying, « We must not 
refuse him his dish ;" and at the same time 
turned his eyes towards A ltolicus, to discover, 
probably, the judgment i»e made of what had 
passed in the company with relation to him ; 
but Philip coming into the room, « Gentle- 
men," said he, " you all know I am a buffoon 
by profession, and therefore am come of my 
own accord. I choose rather to come unin- 
vited, than put you to the trouble of a formal 
invitation, having an aversion to ceremony." — 
« Very well," said Callias, « take a place then, 
Philip ; the gentlemen here are full of serious 
thoughts, and I fancy they will have occasion 
for somebody to make them laugh." 

While supper lasted, Philip failed not to 
serve them up, now and then, a dish of his 
profession ; he said a thousand ridiculous 



things ; but not having provoked one smile, 
he discovered sufficient dissatisfaction. Some 
time after he fell to it again, and the company 
heard him again without being moved. There- 
upon he got up, and throwing his cloak over 
his head, * laid himself down at his full length 
on his couch, without, eating one bit more. 
" What is the matter," said Callias ; « has any 
sudden illness taken you V* — " Alas 1" cried 
he, fetching a deep sigh from his heart, " the 
quickest and most sensible pain that ever I 
felt in my whole life ; for, since there is no 
more laughing in the world, it is plain my 
business is at an end, and I have nothing now 
to do but make a decent exit. Heretofore 
I have been called to every jolly entertain- 
ment, to divert the company with my buf- 
fooneries; but to what purpose should they 
now invite me 1 I can as soon become a god 
as say one serious word ; and to imagine any 
one will give me a meal in hopes of a return 
in kind, is a mere jest, for my spit was never 
yet laid down for supper ; such a custom never 
entered my doors." 

While Philip talked in this manner, he held 
his handkerchief to his eyes, and personated to 
admiration a man grievously afflicted. Upon 
which every one comforted him, and promised, 
if he would eat, they would laugh as much as 
he pleased. The pity which the company 
showed Philip having made Critobulus 2 al- 
most burst his sides, Philip uncovered his face 
and fell to his supper again, saying, « Rejoice, 
my soul, and take courage, this will not be thy 
last good meal ; I see thou wilt yet be good for 
something." 

II. They had now taken away, and made 
effusion of wine in honor of the gods, when 
a certain Syracusan entered, leading in a hand- 
some girl, who played on the flute ; another, 
that danced and showed ' ery nimble feats of 
activity ; and a beautiful Uttle boy, who danced 
and played perfectly well on the guitar. After 
these had sufficiently diverted the company, 
Socrates, addressing himself to Callias, " In 
truth," says he, " you have treated us very 
handsomely, and have added to the delicacy of 
eating, other things delightful to our seeing 
and hearing." 



* The Greeks under any disgraee, threw their man- 
tle over their head. 

a It is thought that by Critobulus the author meant 
himself. 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



605 



"But we want perfumes * to make up the 
treat," answered Callias : " What say you to 
that 1 ?" — « Not at all," replied Socrates; '«per- 
fumes, like habits, are to be used according to 
decency ; some become men, and others wo- 
men ; but I would not that one man should 
perfume himself for the sake of another : and 
for the women, especially such as the wife of 
Critobulus or Nicerates, they have no occasion 
for perfumes, their natural sweetness supplying 
the want of them. But it is otherwise if we 
talk of the smell of that oil that is used in the 
Olympic games, or other places of public exer- 
cise. 2 This, indeed, is sweeter to the men than 
perfumes to the women ; and when they have 
been for some time disused to it, they only 
think on it with a greater desire. If you per- 
fume a slave and a freeman, the difference of 
their birth will produce none in the smell ; and 
scent is perceived as soon in the one as the 
other : but the odour of honourable toil, as it 
is acquired with great pains and application, so 
it is ever sweet, and worthy of a brave man." 
— " This is agreeable to young men," said Ly- 
con ; " but as for you and me, who are past 
the age of these public exercises, what per- 
fumes ought we to have 1" — « That of virtue 
and honour," said Socrates. 

Lycon. " And where is this sort of perfume 
to be had 1" 

Soc. « Not in the shops, I assure you." 

Lycon. " Where then V 

Soc. « Theognis sufficiently discovers where, 
when he tells us in his poem : 

" When virtuous thoughts warm the celestial mind 
With generous heat, each sentiment's refin'd : 
Th' immortal perfumes breathing from the heart, 
With grateful odours sweeten every part. 

" But when our vicious passions fire the soul, 
The clearest fountains grow corrupt and foul ; 
The virgin springs, which should untainted flow, 
Run thick, and blacken all the stream below." 

" Do you understand this, my son 1" said 
Lycon to Autolicus. " He not only under- 
stands it, but will practise it too," said Socrates, 
« and I am satisfied, when he comes to contend 
for that noble prize, he will choose a master to 
instruct him, such as you shall approve of, who 



ι It was the custom of the Greeks at great entertain- 
ments to perfume their guests* at which they some- 
times expended great sums. 

a At the Olympic and other games of Greece they 
rubbed their joints with hot oils, to make them more 
supple and active. 

51* 



will be capable of giving him rules to attain 
it." 

Then they began all to reassume what So- 
crates had said. One affirmed there was no 
master to be found that was qualified to in- 
struct others in virtue ; another said it could 
not be taught : and a third maintained that if 
virtue could not be taught nothing else could. 
" Very well," said Socrates ; " but since we 
cannot agree at present in our opinions about 
this matter, let us defer the question to another 
opportunity, and apply ourselves to what is be- 
fore us ; I see the dancing girl entering at the 
other end of the hall, and she has brought her 
cymbals along with her." At the same time 
the other girl took her flute ; the one played 
and the other danced to admiration ; the danc- 
ing girl throwing up and catching again her 
cymbals, so as to answer exactly the cadency 
of the music, and that with a surprising dex- 
terity. Socrates, who observed her with pleas- 
ure, thought it deserved some reflection : and 
therefore said he, " This young girl has con- 
firmed me in the opinion I have had of a long 
time, that the female sex are nothing inferior to 
ours, excepting only in strength of body, or 
perhaps steadiness of judgment. Now you, 
gentlemen, that have wives amongst us, may 
take my word for it they are capable of learn- 
ing any thing you are willing they should know 
to make them more useful to you." « If so, 
sir," said Antisthenes ; " if this be the real 
sentiment of your heart, hoW comes it you do 
not instruct Xantippe, who is, beyond dispute, 
the most insupportable woman that is, has been, 
or ever will be ?" — " I do with her," said So- 
crates, " like those who would learn horseman- 
ship : they do not choose easy tame horses, or 
such as are manageable at pleasure, but the 
highest mettled and hardest mouthed ; believ- 
ing, if they can tame the natural heat and im- 
petuosity of these, there can be none too hard 
for them to manage. I propose to myself very 
near the same thing ; for having designed to 
converse with all sorts of people, I believed I 
should find nothing to disturb me in their con- 
versation or manners, being once accustomed 
to bear the unhappy temper of Xantippe." 

The company relished what Socrates said, 
and the thought appeared very reasonable. 
Then a hoop being brought in, with swords 
fixed all around it, their points upwards, and 
placed in the middle of the hall, the dancing 



COO 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



girl immediately leaped head foremost into it, 
through the midst of the points, and then out 
■fain, with ■ wonderful agility. This sight 
t ho company more surprise and fear than 
pleasure, every one believing she would wound 
herself; but she received no harm, and per- 
formed her feats with all the courage and assu- 
ranee imaginable. 

.• The company may say what they please," 
said Socrates : " but, if I am not mistaken, no- 
body will deny but courage may be learned, and 
that there are masters for this virtue in particu- 
lar, though they will not allow it in the other 
virtues we were just now speaking of; since a 
girl, you see, has the courage to throw herself 
through the midst of naked swords, which I 
believe none of us dare venture upon." — 
" Truly," said Antisthenes, to whom Socrates 
spoke, " the Syracusan may soon make his 
fortune, if he would but show this girl in a full 
theatre, and promise the Athenians that, for a 
considerable sum of money he would instruct 
them to be as little afraid of the Lacedaemonian 
lances as this girl of her swords." — " Ah !" 
cries the buffoon, " what pleasure should I take 
to see Pisander, that grave counsellor of state, 
taking lessons from this girl ; he that is like to 
swoon away at the sight of a lance, and says it 
is a barbarous cruel custom to go to war and 
kill men." 

After this the little boy danced, which gave 
occasion to Socrates to say, " You see this 
child, who appeared beautiful enough before, 
is yet much more so now, by his gesture and 
motion, than when he stood still." — " You 
talk," said Carmides, « as if you were inclina- 
ble to esteem the trade of a dancing-master." 
— " Without doubt," said Socrates, « when I 
observe' the usefulness of that exercise, and 
how th• feet, the legs, the neck, and indeed 
the whole body, are all in action, I believe who- 
ever would have his body supple, easy and 
healthful, should learn to dance. And, in 
good earnest, I am resolved to take a lesson of 
the Syracusan whenever he pleases." But it 
was replied, " When you have learned to do 
all this little boy does, what advantage can it 
be to you?" — " I shall then dance," said So- 
crates. At which all the company burst out a 
laughing : but Socrates, with a composed and 
serious countenance, " Methinks you are plea- 
sant," said he. " What is it tickles you ? Is it 
because dancing is not a wholesome exercise 1 
or that after it we do not eat and sleep with 



more pleasure 1 You know those who accus- 
tom themselves to the long foot-race 1 have 
generally thick legs and narrow shoulders ; and, 
on the contrary, our gladiators and wrestlers 
have broad shoulders and small legs. Now, 
instead of producing such effects, the exercise 
of dancing occasions in us so many various 
motions, and agitating all the members of the 
body with so equal a poise, renders the whole 
of a just proportion, both with regard to strength 
and beauty. What reason then can you find 
to laugh, when I tell you I design to dance 1 
I hope you would not think it decent for a 
man of my age to go into a public school and 
unrobe myself before all the company to dance 1 
I need not do that ; a parlour, like this we are 
in, will serve my turn. You may see, by this 
little boy, that one may sweat as well in a little 
room as an academy, or a public place ; and 
in winter you may dance in a warm apart- 
ment; in summer, if the heat be excessive, 
in the shade. When I have told you all this, 
laugh on, if you please, at my saying I design 
to dance. Besides, you know I have a belly 
somewhat larger than I could wish ; and are 
you surprised if I endeavour to bring it down 
by exercise 1 Have you not heard that Car- 
mides, the other morning, when he came to 
visit me, found me dancing?" — « Very true," 
said Carmides; "and I was extremely sur- 
prised, and afraid you had lost your senses: 
but when you had given me the same reasons 
you have now, I went back to my house ; and, 
though I cannot dance, I began to move my 
hands and legs, and practise over some lessons, 
which I remembered something of when I was 
young." 

" Faith !" said Philip, to Socrates, « I be- 
lieve your thighs and shoulders are exactly of 
the same weight ; so that if you put one into 
one scale, and the other into the other, as the 
civil magistrate weighs bread in the market- 
place, you will not be in danger of being for- 
feited, for there is not an ounce, no not a grain 
difference between them." — " Well then," said 
Callias, " when you have an inclination for a 
lesson of dancing, Socrates, pray call up 1 on me, 
that we may learn together." — « With all my 
heart," answered . Socrates. — " And I could 
wish," said Philip^' that some one would take 

ι Running was a part of the Olympic and other pub- 
lic games; and what is here called the Dolic, was the 
place where they ran, about the length of two English 
miles. 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



607 



he flute, and let Socrates and me dance before 
this good company ; for methinks I have a 
mighty mind that way." With that he jumped 
up, and took two or three frisks round the hall, 
in imitation of the dancing boy and girl. 
Upon which every body took notice, that all 
those gestures or motions, that were so beau- 
tiful and easy in the little boy, appeared awk- 
ward and ridiculous in Philip : and when the 
little girl, bending backwards, touched her 
heels with her head, and flung herself swiftly 
round three or four times like a wheel, Philip 
would needs do the same, but in a manner very 
different ; for, bending himself forward, and 
endeavouring to turn round, you may imagine 
with what success he came off. Afterwards, 
when every one praised the child for keeping 
her whole body in the exactest and most regu- 
lar motion in the dance, Philip bade the music 
strike up a brisker tune, and began to move 
his head, his arms, and his heels, all at once, 
till he could hold out no longer : then throwing 
himself on the couch, he cried out, " I have 
exercised myself so thoroughly, that I have 
already one good effect of it, I am plaguy 
thirsty : boy, bring the great glass that stands 
on the sideboard, and fill it up to me, for I 
must drink." — " Very well," said Callias ; 
« the whole company shall drink, if you please, 
master Philip, for we are thirsty too with 
laughing at you." — " It is my opinion too," said 
Socrates, « that we drink ; wine moistens and 
tempers the spirits, and lulls the cares of the 
mind to rest, as opium does the body ; on the 
other hand, it revives our joys, and is oil to the 
dying flame of life. It is with our bodies as 
with seeds sown in the earth ; when they are 
over-watered they cannot shoot forth, and are 
unable to penetrate the surface of the ground : 
but when they have just so much moisture as 
is requisite, we may behold them break through 
the clod with vigour ; and pushing boldly up- 
wards, produce their flowers, and then their 
fruits. It is much the same thing with us ; if 
we drink too much, the whole man is deluged, 
his spirits are overwhelmed, and is so far from 
being able to talk reasonably, or indeed to talk 
at all, that it is with the utmost pain he draws 
his breath ; but if we drink temperately, and 
small draughts at a time, the wine distils upon 
our lungs like sweetest morning dew (to use 
the words of that noble orator Gorgias). It is 
then the wine commits no rape upon our rea- 
son, but pleasantly invites us to agreeable 



mirth." Every one was of his opinion; and 
Philip said he had something to offer, which 
was this : « Your servants," said he, " that 
wait at the sideboard should imitate good 
coachmen, who are never esteemed such till 
they can turn dexterously and quick." The 
advice was immediately put in practice, and the 
servants went round and filled every man his 
glass. 

III. Then the little boy, tuning his guitar to 
the flute, sung and played at the same time ; 
which gave mighty satisfaction to all the com- 
pany. Upon this Carmides spoke : " What 
Socrates," said he, "just now offered about 
the effects of wine, may, in my opinion, with 
little difference, be applied to music and beauty, 
especially when they are found together : for 
I begin in good earnest to be sensible that this 
fine mixture buries sorrow, and is at the same 
time the parent of love." Whereupon So- 
crates took occasion to say, " If these people 
are thus capable of diverting us, I am well 
assured we are now capable ourselves, and I 
believe nobody here doubts it. In my judg- 
ment, it would be shameful for us, now we 
are met together, not to endeavour to benefit 
one another by some agreeable or serious en- 
tertainment. What say you, gentlemen 1" 
They generally replied, " Begin then the dis- 
course from which we are to hope so good an 
effect." — " I hope," said Socrates, " to obtain 
that favour of Callias, if he would but give us 
a taste of those fine things he learnt of Prodi- 
cus : you know he promised us this when we 
came to sup with Ίήηι." — " With all my 
heart," said Callias, " I am willing, but on 
condition that you will all please to contribute 
to the conversation, and every one tell, in his 
turn, what it is he values himself most upon." 
— « Be it so," said Socrates. — " I will tell you 
then," added Callias, " what I esteem most, 
and value myself chiefly upon : it is this, that 
I have it in my power to make men better." — 
" How so," said Antisthenes ; " will you teach 
them to become rich or honest 1 ?" — "Justice 
is honesty," replied Callias. "You are in 
the right," said Antisthenes, " I do not dis- 
pute it ; for though there are some occasions 
when even courage or wisdom may be hurt- 
ful to one's friends or the government, yet 
justice is ever the same, and can never mix 
with dishonesty." — "When, therefore, every 
one of us," says Callias, " has told wherein he 
chiefly valued himself, and is most useful to 



COS 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



others, I shall then likewise make no scruple 
to tell you by what arts I am able to perform 
what I told you : that is, to make men better." 

Soc. " But, Nicerates, what is the thing 
that you value yourself most uponl" 

1 .Vic. ** It is that my father, designing to 
make a virtuous man of me, ordered me to get 
by heart every verse of Homer ; and I believe 
I can repeat you at this minute the whole Iliad 
and Odyssey." — " But you know very well," 
said Antisthenes, " every public rehearser, 2 
or ballad-singer, does the same at all the cor- 
ners of the streets." " I acknowledge it," 
said Nicerates ; " nor does a day pass but I go 
to hear them." 

.Int. "I think them a pack of scandalous 
wretches : What say you ]" 

ΛΪ& " I am of your opinion." 

Soc. " It is certain they do not know the 
sense of one verse they recite : but you, 3 who 
have given so much money to Hesimbrotus, 
Anaximander, and other wise men, to instruct 
you in wisdom, you cannot be ignorant of any 
thing." fc 

" Now it is your turn, Critobulus," contin- 
ued Socrates : " tell us then, if you please, 
what it is you value yourself most uponl" — 
" On beauty," replied he. — " But will you say, 
Socrates, that yours is such as will help to 
make us better'!" 

Soc. " I understand you : but if I do not 
make that out anon, then blame me. What 
says Antisthenes] upon what does he value 
himself!" 

Ant. " I think I can value myself upon no- 
thing in this world equal to that of being rich." 

He had scarce done speaking, when Hermo- 
genes took him up, and asked him how much 
he was worth ] " Faith, not one half-penny," 
said Antisthenes. 

Her. " But you have a good estate in land ]" 

Ant. " I may perhaps have just as much as 
may afford dust for Autolicus, the next time 
he has a mind to wrestle." 4 

Soc. " Carmides, will you, in few words, 
acquaint us with what it is you value yourself 
most upon ]" 



1 Nicerates here represents a true pedant. 

» These were people who got their livelihood by 
singing Homer's verses about the streets of Athens. 

» This is spoken in raillery. 

« The wrestlers at the public games, after they had 
rubbed themselves with oils, had dust thrown upon 
them to dry it up. 



Car. "Poverty." 

Soc. " Very well ; you have made an excel- 
lent choice : it is indeed in itself of an admir- 
able nature ; nobody will be your rival ; you 
may preserve it without care, and even negli- 
gence is its security. These are not small rea- 
sons, you see." 

Callias. " But, since you have asked the' 
whole company, may we not inquire of you, 
Socrates, what it is you value yourself upon ]" 

When Socrates, putting on a very grave and 
solemn air, answered coldly, and without hesi- 
tation, " I value myself upon procuring." 5 The 
gravity of the speaker, and the manner of 
speaking a word so little expected from Socrates, 
set the whole company a laughing, " Very 
well, gentlemen," said he, " I am glad you are 
pleased ; but I am very certain this profession 
of mine, if I apply myself closely to it, will 
bring in money enough if I pleased." 

When Lycon, pointing to ^Philip ; - Well, 
what say you ]" — " You, I suppose, value your- 
self upon making men laugh]" — « Yes, cer- 
tainly," said Philip ; « and have I not more 
reason to be proud of myself for this, than that 
fine spark, Callipides, who is so fond, you know, 
of making his audience weep, when he recites 
his verses in the theatre]" — «But, Lycon," 
said Antisthenes, " let us know what it is you 
value yourself most upon ] What gives ygu 
greatest content ]" — " You know very well," an- 
swered he, * what I esteem the most, and which 
gives me the greatest pleasure, it is to be the 
father of such a son as Autolicus." 

« And for your son," said some of the com- 
pany, " he, no question, values himself most 
upon carrying the prize the other day at the 
Olympic games ]" — " Not so, I assure you," 
said Autolicus, blushing. And then the whole 
company turning their eyes with pleasure # to- 
wards him, one of them asked him, " What is 
it, then, Autolicus, you value yourself most 



upon 



It is," replied he, " that I am the 



son of such a father ;" and at the same time 
turned himself lovingly towards him for a kiss. 
— Callias, who observed it, said to Lycon, 
" Don't you know yourself to be the richest 
man in the world ]" — « I cannot tell that," re- 
plied Lycon. " And yet it is true," said Cal- 
lias, " for you would not change this son of 
yours for the wealth of Persia." 



* I cannot find a softer word in English for the 
Greek here. Socrates explains himself afterwards. 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



609 



Lycon. " Be it so ; I am then the richest 
man in the world ; nor will I contradict your 
opinion." 

- Then Nicerates addressing himself to Her- 
mogenes: "What is it," said he, " that you 
value yourself most uponl" — "On virtue," 
answered he, " and the power of my friends ; 
and that, with these two advantages, I have 
yet the good fortune to be beloved by these 
friends." 

Then every one looking upon him, began to 
inquire " who were his friends ?" — " I will satis- 
fy you," said he, " as you shall see, when it 
comes to my turn." 

IV. Then Socrates resumed the discourse : 
" Now you have all," said he, " declared your 
opinions, as to what you value yourselves most 
upon, it remains that you prove it. Let us now 
then hear every man's reasons, if you please, 
for his opinion." 

'«Hear me first then," said Callias : «for 
though you have all been inquiring what jus- 
tice is, I alone have found the secret to make 
men just and honest." 

Soc. "How sol" 

Call. " By giving them money.'' 

At these words, Antisthenes rising up asked 
him hastily, " Is justice to be found in the heart 
or the pocket ?" 

Call « In the heart." 

Ant. " And would you then make us believe, 
that by filling a bag with money, you can make 
the heart honest or just 1 ?" 

Call. " Most assuredly." 

Ant. "How?" 

Call. " Because when they have all things 
necessary for life, they will not, for the world, 
run any hazard by committing evil actions." 

Ant. " But do they repay you again what 
they receive of you'?" 

Call. " Not at all." 

Ant. " Nothing but gratitude, I hope ; good 
thanks for good money." 

Call. " Not that neither : for I can tell you 
something you will hardly believe ; I have 
found some people of so evil a nature, that they 
love me less for receiving benefits from me." 
Then Antisthenes replied briskly, 

Ant. " That is wonderful : you make men 
just and honest to others, and they prove un- 
just and dishonest only to you V* 

Cad. " Not so wonderful neither !" — " Have 
we not architects and masons, who build houses 
for other men, and live in hired lodgings them- 



selves?" — "Have patience, my master," said 
he, (turning to Socrates) " and I will prove this 
beyond dispute." — " You need not," said So- 
crates ; " for, beside what you allege for a proof, 
there is another that occurs to me : Do you 
not see there are certain diviners who pretend tc 
foretell every thing to other people, and are en 
tirely, ignorant of what is to happen to them 
selves ?" Socrates said no more. 

" It is now my turn to speak," said Nicer 
ates : * " hear then to what I am going to say. 
attend to a conversation which will necessarily 
make you better, and more polite. You all 
know, or I am much mistaken, there is nothing 
that relates to human life but Homer has spo 
ken of it. Whoever then would learn econo 
my, eloquence, arms ; whoever would be mas 
ter of every qualification that is to be found in 
Achilles, Ajax, Ulysses, or Nestor ; let him buf 
apply himself to me, and he shall become per- 
fect in them, for I am entirely master of all 
that." — " Very well," said Antisthenes, " yoe 
have learned likewise the art of being a king, 
for you may remember Homer praises Aga 
memnon for that he was 

" A noble warrior and a mighty prince." 

Nicer. " I learnt too, from Homer, how 3 
coachman ought to turn at the end of his ca- 
reer. He ought to incline his body to the left, 
and give the word to the horse that is on the 
right, and make use at the same time of a very 
loose rein. I have learnt all of this from him, 
and another secret too, which, if you please, we 
will make trial of immediately : the same Ho- 
mer says somewhere, that an onion relishes well 
with a bottle. Now let some of your servants 
bring an onion, and yo« will• see with what 
pleasure you will drink." — " I know very well," 
said Carmides, " what he means ; Nicerates, 
gentlemen, thinks deeper than you imagine. 
He would willingly go home with the scent of 
an onion in his mouth, that his wife may not 
be jealous, or suspect he has been kissing 
abroad." — " A very good thought," said So- 
crates ; " but perhaps I have one full as whim- 
sical, and worthy of him : it is, that an onion 
does not only relish wine, but victuals too, and 
gives a higher seasoning : but if we should eat 
them now after supper, they would say we had 
committed a debauch at Callias's." — " No, no," 
said Callias, " you can never think so : but on- 



1 Here Nicerates plays the pedant indeed, as if ta re 
peat Homer was to de truly learned. 
4B 



610 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



Km, they say, are very good to prepare people 
for the day of battle, and inspire courage ; you 
know they feed cocks so against they fight : 
but our business, at present, I presume, is love, 
not war ; and so much for onions." 

Then Critobulus began. " I am now," said 
he, " to give my reasons why I value myself so 
much upon my beauty. If I am not hand- 
some (and I know very well what I think of 
the matter,) you ought all of you to be ac- 
counted impostors, for without being obliged to 
it upon oath, when you were asked what was 
your opinion of me, you all swore I was hand- 
some, and I thought myself obliged to believe 
you, being men of honour that scorned a lie. 
If, then, I am really handsome, and you feel the 
same pleasure that I do when I behold another 
beautiful person, I am ready to call all the gods 
to witness, that were it in my choice either to 
reign king of Persia, or be that beauty, I would 
quit the empire to preserve my form. In 
truth, nothing in this world touches me so 
agreeably as the sight of Amandra, and I could 
willingly be blind to all other objects, if I 
might but always enjoy the sight of her I so 
tenderly love. 

■' I curse my slumbers, doubly curse the night, 
That hides the lovely maid from my desiring sight ; • 
But, oh ! I bless the cheerful god's return, 
And welcome with my praise the ruddy morn ; 
Light with the morn returns, return my fair, 
She is the light, the morn restores my dear." 
" There is something more in the matter, be- 
sides this, to be considered. A person that is 
vigorous and strong, cannot attain his designs 
but by his strength and vigour.• a brave man 
by his courage ; a scholar by his learning and 
conversation : but the beautiful person does all 
this, without any pains, by being only looked 
at. I know very well how sweet the posses- 
sion of wealth is, but I would sacrifice all to 
Amandra : and I should with more pleasure 
give all my estate to her, than to receive a thou- 
sand times more from any other. I would lay 
my liberty at her feet if she would accept me 
for her slave : fatigue would be much more 
agreeable to me than repose, and dangers than 
ease, if endured in the service of Amandra. 
If, then, you boast yourself so much, Callias, 
that you can make men honester by your wealth, 
I have much more reason to believe I am able 
to produce in them all sorts of virtue by the 
mere force of beauty ; for when beauty inspires, 
it makes its votaries generous and industrious ; 
they thereby acquire a noble thirst after glory, 



and a contempt of dangers ; and all this attend- 
ed with an humble and respectful modesty, 
which makes them blush to ask what they wish 
most to possess. I think the government is 
stark mad, that they do not choose for generals 
the most beautiful persons in the state ; for my 
part, I would go through fire to follow such a 
commander, and I believe you would all do the 
same for me. Doubt not then, Socrates, but 
beauty may do much good to mankind ; nor 
does it avail to say beauty does soon fade ; for 
there is one beauty of a child, another of a boy, 
another of a man. There is likewise a beauty 
of old age, as in those who carry the consecrated 
branches * at the feast of Minerva ; for you 
know for that ceremony they make choice al- 
ways of the handsomest old men. Now, if it 
is desirable to obtain without trouble what one 
wishes, I am satisfied that, without speaking 
one word, I should sooner persuade that little 
girl to kiss me than any of you, with all the 
arguments you can use ; no, not you yourself, 
Socrates, with all the strength of your extolled 
eloquence." — " Why, Critobulus, do you give 
yourself this air of vanity," said Socrates, " as 
if you were handsomer than me 1 ?" — "Doubt- 
less," replied Critobulus, " if I have not the ad- 
vantage of you in beauty, I must be uglier than 
the Sileni, 2 as they are painted by the poets." 
Now Socrates had some resemblance to those 
figures. 

Soc. " Take notice, if you please, that this 
article of beauty will soon be decided anon, 
after every one has taken his turn to speak : 
nor shall we call Paris to make a judgment for 
us, as he did in the case of the three goddesses 
about the apple : and this very young girl, who 
you would make us believe had much rather 
kiss you than any of us, she shall determine it." 

Crit. " And why may not Amandra be as 
good as a judge of this matter?" 

Soc. " Amandra must needs have a large 
possession of your heart, seeing By your good 
win, you would never name any other name 
but hers." 

Crit. " True.; and yet when I do not speak 
of her, do you think she lives not in my me- 
mory 1 I assure you, if I were a painter or a 



* These were of the olive-tree, kept sacred in the 
citadel of Athens ; and both old men and old women 
carried them by turns. 

* The Sileni were the fosterfathers of Bacchus, and 
horridly deformed. 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



511 



statuary, I could draw her picture or statue by 
the idea of her in my mind, as well as if she 
were to sit to it." 

Soc. " Since then you have her image in 
your heart, and that image resembles her so 
strongly, why is it that you importune me con- 
tinually to carry you to places where you are 
sure to meet her!" 

Crit. " It is because the sight of Amandra 
only gives me real joy. 

" The idea does no solid pleasure give ; 
She must within my sight, as well as fancy, live." 

Hermogenes interrupted the discourse ; and 
addressing himself to Socrates, said, " You ought 
not to abandon Critobulus in the condition he is 
in, for the violent transport and fury of his 
passion makes me uneasy for him, and I know 
not where it may end." 

Soc. « What ! do you think he is become 
thus only since he was acquainted with me 1 
You are mightily deceived ; for I can assure 
you this fire has been kindled ever since they 
were children. Critobulus's father having ob- 
served it, begged of me that I would take care 
of his son, and endeavour, if I could, by all 
means to cure him of it. He is better now ; 
things were worse formerly ; for I have seen 
when Amandra appeared in company, Crito- 
bulus, poor creature, would stand as one struck 
dead, without motion, and his eyes so fixed 
upon her, as if he had beheld Medusa's head ; 
insomuch, that it was impossible almost for me 
to bring him to himself. 

« I remember one day, after certain amorous 
glances, (this is between ourselves only,) he 
ran up to her and kissed her; and, Heaven 
knows, nothing gives more fuel to the fire of 
love than kisses. For this pleasure is not like 
others, which either lessen or vanish in the 
enjoyment: on the contrary, it gathers strength 
the more it is repeated ; and flattering our 
souls with sweet and favourable hopes, be- 
witches our minds with a thousand beautiful 
images. Thence it may be, that to love and 
to kiss are frequently expressed by the same 
word in the Greek ; and it is for that reason, I 
think, he that would preserve the liberty of his 
soul, should abstain from kissing handsome 
people." " What, then," said Carmides, « must 
I be afraid of coming near a handsome woman 1 
Nevertheless, I remember very well, and I be- 
lieve you do so too, Socrates, that being one 
day in company with Critobulus's beautiful 
eiater, who resembles him so much, as we were 



searching together for a passage in some au- 
thor, you held your head very close to that 
beautiful virgin ; and I thought you seemed to 
take pleasure in touching her naked shoulder 
with yours." — " Good God !" replied Socrates, 
"Ί will tell you truly how I was punished for 
it for five days after : Τ thought I felt in my 
shoulder a certain tickling pain, as if I had been 
bit by gnats, or pricked with nettles : and I 
must confess too, that during all that time I 
felt a certain hitherto unknown pain at my 
heart. But, Critobulus, take notice what I am 
going to tell you before this good company : 
it is, that I would not have you come too near 
me, till you have as many hairs upon your chin 
as your head, for fear you put me in mind of 
•your handsome sister." 

Thus the conversation between these gentle- 
men was sometimes serious, sometimes in rail- 
lery. After this Callias took up the discourse. 
" It is your turn now," said he, " Carmides, 
to tell us what reasons you have for valuing 
yourself so much upon poverty." — "I will," 
replied Carmides, « and without delay. Is 
any thing more certain, than that it is better to 
be brave than a coward; a freeman, than a 
slave ; to be credited, than distrusted ; to be 
inquired after for your conversation, than to 
court others for theirs ? These things, I be- 
lieve, may be granted me without much diffi- 
culty. Now, when I was rich, I was in con- 
tinual fear of having my house broken open by 
thieves, and my money stolen, or my throat cut 
upon the account of it. Besides all this, I was 
forced to keep in fee with some of these petty- 
fogging rascals that retain to the law, who 
swarm all over the town like so many locusts. 
This I was forced to do, because they were 
always in a condition to hurt me; and I had no 
way to retaliate upon them. Then I was ob- 
liged to bear public offices at my own charges, 
and to pay taxes : nor was it permitted me to 
gc abroad for travel, to avoid that expense. But 
now that my estate, which I had without the 
frontiers of our republic, is all gone, and my 
land in Attica brings me in no rent, and all my 
household goods are exposed to sale, I sleep 
wonderfully sound, and stretched upon my bed 
as one altogether fearless of officers. The 
government is now no more jealous of me, 
nor I of it ; thieves fright me not, and I my- 
self affright others. I travel abroad when I 
please ; and when I please I stay at Athens. 
What is to be free, if this is not ? Besides, 



611 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



rich men pay respect to mo; they run from me, 
N| mo the chair, or to give me the wall. 
In a word, I am now perfectly a king ; I was 
Ulftillj a slave. I have yet another ad- 
MOtaf* from my poverty; I then paid tribute 
to the republic ; now the republic pays tribute 
; for it maintains me. Then every one 
d at me, because I was often with So- 
crates. Now that I am poor, I may converse 
with him, or any other I please, without any 
body's being uneasy at it. I have yet another 
satisfaction : in the days of my estate, either 
the government or my ill fortune were contin- 
ually clipping it : now that is all gone, it is 
impossible to get any thing of me ; he that has 
nothing, can lose nothing. And I have the 
continual pleasure of hoping to be worth some- 
thing again, one time or other." 

" Don't you pray heartily against riches 1" 
says Callias. " And if you should happen to 
dream you were rich, would you not sacri- 
fice to the gods to avert the ill omen !" — 
" No, no," replied Carmides : " but when any 
flattering hope presents, I wait patiently for the 
success." Then Socrates turning to Antis- 
thenes ; " And what reason have you," said 
he, " who have very little or no money, to value 
yourself upon wealth 1 ?" 

Ant. " Because I am of opinion, gentlemen, 
that poverty and wealth are not in the coffers 
of those we call rich or poor, but in the heart 
only ; for I see numbers of very rich men, who 
believe themselves poor; nor is there any 
peril or labour they would not expose them- 
selves to, to acquire more wealth. I knew 
two brothers, the other day, who shared equally 
their father's estate. The first had enough, 
and something to spare ; the other wanted every 
thing. I have heard likewise of some princes 
so greedy of wealth, that they were more noto- 
riously criminal in the search of it than private 
men : for though the latter may sometimes 
steal, break houses, and sell free persons to 
slavery, to support the necessities of life ; yet 
those do much worse : they ravage whole 
countries, put nations to the sword, enslave free 
states : and all this for the sake of money, and• 
to fill the coffers of their treasury. The truth 
is, I have a great deal of compassion for these 
men, when I consider the distemper that afflicts 
them. Is it not an unhappy condition to have 
a great deal to eat, to eat a great deal, and yet 
never be satisfied ] For my part, though I 
confess I have no money at home, yet I want 



none ; because I never eat but just as much as 
will satisfy my hunger, nor drink but to quench 
my thirst. I clothe myself in such manner 
that I am as warm abroad as Callias, with all 
his great abundance. And when I am at home, 
the floor and the wall, without mats or tapestry, 
make my chamber warm enough for me. And 
as for my bed, such as it is, I find it more dif- 
ficult to awake than to fall asleep in it. If at 
any time a natural necessity requires me to con- 
verse with women, I part with them as well 
satisfied as another. For those to whom I 
make my addresses, having not much practice 
elsewhere, are as fond of me as if I were a 
prince. But don't mistake me, gentlemen, for 
governing my passion in this as in other things ; 
I am so far from desiring to have more pleas- 
ure in the enjoyment, that I wish it less; be- 
cause, upon due consideration, I find those 
pleasures that touch us in the most sensible 
manner deserve not to be esteemed the most 
worthy of us. But observe the chief advantage 
I reap from my poverty ; it is, that in case the 
little I. have should be taken entirely from me, 
there is no occupation so poor, no employment 
in life so barren, but would maintain me with- 
out the least uneasiness, and afford me a dinner 
without any trouble. For if I have an inclina- 
tion at any time to regale myself and indulge 
my appetite, I can do it easily ; it is but going 
to market, not to buy dainties (they are too 
dear,) but my temperance gives that quality to 
the most common food ; and, by that means, the 
contentedness of my mind supplies me with de- 
licacies, that are wanting in the meat itself. 
Now, it is not the excessive price of what we 
eat that gives it a relish, but it is necessity 
and appetite. Of this I have experience just 
now, while I am speaking; for this generous 
wine of Thasos, 1 that I am now drinking, 
the exquisite flavour of it is the occasion that 
I drink it now without thirst, and consequently 
without pleasure. Besides all this, I find it 
is necessary to live thus, in order to live 
honestly. For he that is content with 
what he has, will never covet what is his 
neighbour's. Further, it is certain the wealth 
I am speaking of makes men liberal. For, 
Socrates, from whom I have all mine, never 
gave it me by number or weight ; but, when 
ever I am willing to receive, he loads me 



1 The noblest vines, that grew in one of the Greciaa 
islands. 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



613 



always with as much as I can carry. I do the 
same by my friends; I never conceal my 
plenty. On the contrary, I show them all I 
have, and at the same time I let them share 
with me. It is from this, likewise, I am be- 
come master of one of the most delightful 
things, in the world ; I mean, that soft and 
charming leisure, that permits me to see every 
thing that is worthy to be seen, and to hear 
every thing that is worthy to be heard. It is, 
in one word, that which affords me the happi- 
ness of hearing Socrates from morning to 
night; for he having no great veneration for 
those that can only count vast sums of gold 
and silver, converses only with them Who he 
finds are agreeable to him, and deserve his 
company." — " Truly," said Callias, " I admire 
you, and these your excellent riches, for two 
reasons : first, that thereby you are no slave to 
the government; and, secondly, that nobody 
can take it ill you do not lend them money." — 
" Pray do not admire him for the last," said 
Nicerates ; * >< for I am about to borrow of him 
what he most values, that is, to need nothing ; 
for by reading Homer, and especially that pas- 
sage where he says, 

" Ten golden talents, seven three-legg'd stools, 
Just twenty cisterns, and twelve charging steeds :" 

I have so accustomed myself, from this passage, 
to be always upon numbering and weighing, 
that I begin to fear I shall be taken for a 
miser." Upon this they all laughed heartily* 
for there was nobody thefe but believed Nice- 
rates spoke what he really thought, and what 
were his real inclinations. 

After this, one spoke to Hermogenes : « It 
is yours now," said he, «to tell us who are 
your friends ; and make it appear, that if they 
have much power, they have equal will to serve 
you with it, and, consequently, that you have 
reason to value yourself upon them." 

Hermog^. " 2 There is one thing, gentlemen* 
universally received among barbarians as well 
as Greeks ; and that is, that the gods know 
both the present and what is to come : and for 
that reason they are consulted and applied to 
by all mankind, with sacrifices, to know of 
them what they ought to do. This supposes 



» Nicerates was both very rich and very covetous, 
being the son of Nicias, whose life is written by Plu- 
tarch. 

* This is one of the noblest periods in all antiquity. 
52 



that they have the power to do us good or evil ; 
otherwise, why should we pray to them to be 
delivered from evils that threaten us, or to grant 
us the good we stand in need of 1" Now these 
very gods, who are both all-seeing and all- 
powerful, they are so much my friends, and 
have so peculiar a care of me, that be it night, 
be it day, whether I go any where, or take any 
thing in hand, they have me ever in their view 
and under their protection, and never lose me 
out of their sight. They foreknow all the 
events and all the thoughts and actions of us 
poor mortals : they forewarn us by some se- 
cret prescience impressed on our minds, or by 
some good angel or dream, what we ought to 
avoid, and what we ought to do. For my 
part, I have never had occasion yet to repent 
these secret impulses . given me by the gods, 
but have been often punished for neglecting 
them." — « There is nothing in what you have 
said," added Socrates, " that should look in- 
credible : but I would willingly hear by what 
services you oblige the gods to be so much 
your friends, and to love and take all this care 
of you ϊ — " That is done very cheap, and at 
little or no expense," replied Hermogenes, 
" for the praises I give them cost me nothing. 
If I sacrifice to them after I have received a 
blessing from them, that very sacrifice is at 
their own charge. I return them thanks on all 
occasions ; and if at any time I call them to 
witness, it is never to a lie, or against my con- 
science." — « Truly," said Socrates, " if such 
men as you have the gods for their friends, and 
I am sure they have, it is certain those gods 
take pleasure in good actions and the practice 
of virtue." 

Here ended their serious entertainment. 
What followed was of another kind ; for all 
of them turning to Philip, asked him, " What 
it was he found so very valuable in his profes- 
sion 1 ?" — "Have I not reason to be proud of 
my trade," said he, « all the world knowing me 
to be a buffoon 1 If any good fortune happens 
to them, they cheerfully invite me ; but when 
any misfortune comes, they avoid me like the 
plague, lest I should make them laugh in spite 
of themselves." Nicerates, interrupting him, 
" You have reason indeed," said he, " to boast 
of your profession, for it is quite otherwise 
with me : when my friends have no occasion 
for me, they avoid me like the plague ; but in 
misfortunes they are ever about me, and, by a 
forged genealogy, will needs claim kindred 






BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



With nu\ and at the same time carry my family 
up as high as the gods." — " Very well," said 
Cannidea, - now to the rest of the company." 

•• Well. Mr. Syracusan, what is it which gives 
you the greatest satisfaction, or that you value 
nlf most upon 1 I suppose it is that 
pretty little girl of yours 1" — "Quite con- 
trary," says he ; "I have much more pain than 
pleasure upon her account: I am in constant 
apprehension and fear when I see certain peo- 
ple so busy about her, and trying all insinuat- 
ing ways to ruin } her." — " Good God !" said 
Socrates, " What wrong could they pretend to 
have received from that poor young creature, 
to do her a mischief 1 Would they kill her 1" 

Syr. « I do not speak of killing her ; you 
do not take me, they would willingly get to bed 
to her." 

Soc. « Suppose it were so, why must the 
girl be ruined therefore ! M 

Syr. « Ay, doubtless." 

Soc. » Do not you lie in bed with her your- 
self!" 

Syr. « Most certainly, all night "long." 

Soc. « By Juno, thou art a happy fellow to 
be the only man in the world that do not ruin 
those you lie with. Well, then, according to 
your account, what you are proudest of must 
be, that you are so wholesome and so harmless 
a bedfellow 1" 

Syr. « But you are mistaken ; it is not that 
I value myself for neither." 
/ Soc. "What then V 

Syr. " That there are so many fools in the 
world ; for it is these kind of gentlemen, who 
come to see my children dance and sing, that 
supply me with the necessaries of life, which 
otherwise I might want." i/ 

" I suppose then," said Philip, " that was 
the meaning of your prayer you made the other 
day before the altar, when you asked the gods 
that there might be plenty of every thing in 
this world wherever you came, but of judgment 
and good sense Ί" 

" Immortal beings, grant my humble prayer : 
Give Athens all the blessings you can spare ; 
Let them abound in plenty, peace, and pence, 
But never let them want a dearth of sense." 

" All is well hitherto," said Callias : « But, 
Socrates, what reason have you to make us 
believe you are fond of the profession you at- 



1 The word in the original signifies to kill, to ruin, 
or to corrupt. 



tributed to yourself just now, for really I take it 
for a scandalous one?" 

Soc. " First, let us understand one an- 
other ; and know in few words what this artist 
is properly to do, whose very name has made 
you so merry ; but, to be brief, let us, in short, 
fix upon some one thing that we may all agree 
in. Shall it be so 1 " — " Doubtless," answered 
all the company; and during the thread of his 
discourse they made him no other answer but 
" doubtless." Having begun so, " Is it not 
certainly true," 2 said Socrates, " that the busi- 
ness of an artist of that kind is to manage so 
as that the person they introduce be perfectly 
agreeable to one that employs him "?" — " Doubt- 
less," they replied. " Is it not certain, too, 
that a good face and fine clothes do mightily 
contribute towards the making such a person 
agreeable 1" — " Doubtless." — « Do you not ob- 
serve that the eyes of the same person look at 
some times full of pleasure and kindness, and 
at other times with an air of aversion and 
scorn V — " Doubtless." — « What, does not the 
same voice sometimes express itself with mo- 
desty and sweetness, and sometimes with anger 
and fierceness !" — " Doubtless." — " Are there 
not some discourses that naturally beget hatred 
and aversion, and others that conciliate love 
and affection ?" — " Doubtless." — « If, then, this 
artist be excellent in his profession, ought he 
not to instruct those that are under his direc- 
tion which way to make themselves agreeable 
to others in all these things I have mention- 
ed Ί" — « Doubtless." — " But who is most to 
be valued ; he who renders them agreeable to 
one person only, or he that renders them agree- 
able to many 1 Are you not for the last ?" 
Some of them answered him as before, with 
" doubtless ;" and the rest said it was very 
plain that it was much better to please a great 
many than a few. " That is very well," said 
Socrates ; " we agree upon every head hither- 
to ; but what if the person we are speaking of 
can instruct his pupil to gain the hearts of a 
whole state, will not you say he is excellent in 
his art V* This, they all agreed, was clear. 
" And if he can raise his scholars to such 
perfection, has he not reason to be proud of 
his profession 1 And deserves he not to re- 



* It was a great advantage that Socrates had in con- 
versation, that his arguments were generally by way 
of interrogation, by which he argued from the conces- 
sions that were made fcjm, what he designed to prove. 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



615 



ceive a handsome reward ?" Every one an- 
swered, it was their opinion he did. " Now," 
said Socrates, " if there is such a man to be 
found in the world, it is Antisthenes, or I am 
mistaken." 

Ant. " How, Socrates ! Will you make me 
one of your scurvy profession ?" 

Soc. " Certainly, for I know you are per- 
fectly skilled in what may properly be called an 
appendix toit." 

Ant. "What is that?" 

Soc. " Bringing people together." 

To this Antisthenes,• with some concern, re- 
plied, " Did you ever know me guilty of a thing 
of this kind ?" 

Soc. "Yes, but keep your temper. You 
procured Callias for Prodicus, finding the one 
was in love with philosophy, and the other in 
wanfrof money : you did the same before, in 
procuring Callias for Hippias, who taught him 
the art of memory ; and he is become such a 
proficient, that he is more amorous now than 
ever ; for every woman he sees, that is tolerably 
handsome, he can never forget her, so perfectly 
has he learnt of Hippias the art of memory. 
You have none yet more than this, Antisthe- 
nes ; for lately praising a friend of yours, of 
Heraclea, to me, it gave me a great desire to 
be acquainted with him : at the same time you 
praised me to him, which occasioned his desire 
to be acquainted with me ; for which I am 
mightily obliged to you, for I find him a very 
worthy man. Praising likewise in the same 
manner Esquilius to me, and me to him, did 
not your discourse inflame us both with such 
mutual affection, that we searched every day for 
one another with the utmost impatience till we 
came acquainted ? Now, having observed you 
capable of bringing about such desirable things, 
had not I reason to say you are an excellent 
bringer of people together ? I know very well, 
that one who is capable of being useful to his 
friend, in fomenting mutual friendship and love 
between that friend and another he knows to 
be worthy of him, is likewise capable of beget- 
ting the same disposition between towns and 
states : he is able to make state-marriages ; nor 
has our republic or our allies a subject that 
may be more useful to them : and yet you were 
angry with me, as if I had affronted you, when 
I said you were master of this art." 

Ant. " That is true, Socrates ; but my anger 
is now over ; and were I really what you say I 
am, Ί x»ust have j» soul incomparably rich." 



Now you have heard in what manner every 
one spoke, when Callias began again, and said 
to Critobulus, « Will you not, then venture into 
the lists with Socrates, and dispute beauty with 
himl 

Soc. " I believe not ; for he knows my art 
gives me some interest with the judges." 

Crit. " Come, I will not refuse to enter the 
lists for once with you ; pray then use all your 
eloquence, and let us know how you prove 
yourself to be handsomer than I." 

Soc. " That shall be done presently ; bring 
but a light, and the thing is done." 

Crit. " But, in order to state the question 
well, you will give me leave to ask a few ques- 
tions ?" 

Soc. « I will." 

Crit'. " But, on second thoughts, I will give 
you leave to ask what questions you please 
first." 

Soc. " Agreed. Do you believe beauty is no 
where to be found but in man?" 

Crit. " Yes certainly, in other creatures too, 
whether animate, as a horse or bujl, or inani- 
mate things, as we say that is a handsome 
sword, or a fine shield, &c." 

Soc. " But how comes it then, that things 
so very different as these should yet all of them 
be handsome?" 

Crit. " Because they are well made, «ither 
by art or nature, for the purposes they are em- 
ployed in." 

Soc. " Do you know the use of eyes ?" 

Crit. » To see." 

Soc. " Well ! it is for that very reason mine 
are handsomer than yours." 

Crit. « Your reason ?" 

Soc. " Yours see only in a direct line ; but, 
as for mine, I can look not only directly for- 
ward, as you, but sideways too, they being 
seated on a kind of ridge on my face, and 
staring out." 

Crit. " At that rate, a crab has the advan- 
tage of all other animals in matter of eyes ? " 

Soc. »< Certainly : for theirs are incompara- 
bly more solid, and better situated than any 
other creature's." 

Crit. " Be it so as to eyes ; but as to your 
nose, would you make me believe that yours is 
better shaped than mine ?" 

Soc. " There is no room for doubt, if it be 
granted that God made the nose for the sense 
of smelling ; for your nostrils are turned down- 
ward, but mine are wide and turned up to 



616 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



wards heaven, to receive smells that come from 
rvrv p.m. whether from above or below." 

What! is a short flat nose, then, 
more beautiful than another]" 

Soc. " Certainly ; because being such, it 
never hinders the sight of both eyes at once ; 
whereas a high nose parts the eyes so much by 
its rising, that it hinders their Seeing both of 
them in a direct line." 

Crit. ■ As to your mouth, I grant it you ; 
for if God has given us a mouth to eat with, it 
is certain yours will receive and chew as much 
at once as mine at thrice." 

Soc. " Don't you believe too that my kisses 
are more luscious and sweet than yours, having 
my lips so thick and large ]" 

Crit. " According to your reckoning, then, 
an ass's lips are more beautiful than mine." 

Soc. " And lastly, I must excel you in 
beauty, for this reason : the Naiades, notwith- 
standing they are sea-goddesses, are said to 
have brought forth the Sileni ; and sure I am 
much more like them than you can pretend to 
be. What say you to that ]" 

Crit. " I say it is impossible to hold a dis- 
pute with you, Socrates ; and therefore let us 
determine this point by balloting ; and so we 
shall know presently who has the best of it, 
you or I : but pray let it be done in the dark, 
lest Antisthenes's riches and your eloquence 
should corrupt the judges." 

Whereupon the little dancing boy and girl 
brought in the balloting box, and Socrates 
called at the same time for a flambeau to be 
held before Critobulus, that the judges might 
not be surprised in their judgment. He de- 
sired likewise that the conqueror, instead of 
garters and ribands, as were usual in such vic- 
tories, should receive a kiss from every one of 
the company. After this they went to ballot- 
ing, and it was carried unanimously for Crito- 
bulus. Whereupon Socrates said to him, " In- 
deed, Critobulus, your money has not the same 
effect with Callias's, to make men juster; for 
yours, I see, is able to corrupt a judge upon 
the bench," 

VI. After this, some of the company told 
Critobulus he ought to demand the kisses due 
to his victory ; and the rest said, it was pro- 
per to begin with him who made the proposi- 
tion. In short, every one was pleasant in his 
way except Hermogenes, who spoke not one 
word all the time ; which obliged Socrates to 



ask him, " If he knew the meaning of the word 
paroinia , ? " 

Her. " If you ask me what it is precisely, 1 
do not know ; but if you ask my opinion of it, 
perhaps I can tell you what it may be." 

Soc. " That is enough." 

Her. " I believe, then, that paroinia signi- 
fies the pain and uneasiness we undergo in the 
company of people that we are not pleased 
with." — " Be assured then," said Socrates, 
" this is what has occasioned that prudent si- 
lence of yours all this time." 

Her. " How my silence ! when you were all 
speaking"?" 

Soc. " No, but your silence when we have 
done speaking and make a full stop." 

Her. " Well said, indeed ! No sooner one 
has done but another begins to speak ; and I 
am so far from being able to get in a sentence, 
that I cannot find room to edge in a syllable." 
— " Ah, then," said Socrates to Callias, " can- 
not you assist a man that is thus out of hu- 
mour V**-m Yes," said Callias ; " for I will be 
bold to say, when the music begins again, 
very body will be silent as well as Hermo- 
genes." 

Her. " You would have me do then as the 
poet Nicostrates, who used to recite his grand 
iambics to the sound of his flute : and it would 
be certainly very pretty if I should talk to you 
all the time the music played." — " For God's 
sake do so," said Socrates ; " for as the har- 
mony is the more agreeable that the voice and 
the instrument go together, so your discourse 
will be more entertaining for the music that 
accompanies it ; and the more delightful still, 
if you give life to your words by your gesture 
and motion, as the little girl does with her 
flute."' "But when Antisthenes," said Cal- 
lias, " is pleased to be angry in company, what 
flute will be tunable enough to his voice ]" 

Ant. "I do not know what occasion there 
will be for flutes tuned to my voice; but I 
know, that when I am angry with any one in 
dispute, I am loud enough, and I know my own 
weak side." 

As they were talking thus, the Syracusan 
observing they took no great notice of any 
thing he could show them, but that they enter- 
tained one another on subjects out of his road, 
was out of all temper with Socrates, who he 
saw gave occasion at every turn for some new 
discourse. " Are you," said he to him, " that 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



617 



Socrates who is sirnamed the Contempla- 
tive ?" 

Soc. " Yes," said Socrates : « and is it not 
much more preferable to be called so, than by 
another name, for some opposite quality 1" 

Syr. « Let that pass. But they do not 
only say in general that Socrates is contempla- 
tive, but that he contemplates things that are 
sublime." 

1 Soc. " Know you any thing in the world so 
sublime and elevated as the gods'?" 

Syr. " No. But I am told your contempla- 
tions run not that way. They say they are but 
trifling ; and that, in searching after things above 
your reach, your inquiries are good for nothing." 

Soc. μ It is by this, if I deceive not myself, 
that I attain to the knowledge of the gods : for 
it is from above that the gods make us sensible 
of their assistance ; it is from above they in- 
spire us with knowledge. But if what I have 
said appears dry and insipid, you are the cause, 
for forcing me to answer you." 

Syr. " Let us then talk of something else. 
Tell me then the just measure of the skip of a 
flea ; for I hear you are a subtle geometrician, 
and understand the mathematics perfectly well." 

But Antisthenes, who was displeased with 
his discourse, addressing himself 'to Philip, 
told him : " You are wonderfully happy, I 
know, in making comparisons. 2 Pray who is 
this Syracusan like, Philip 1 Does he not 
resemble a man that is apt to give affronts, and 
6ay shocking things in company]" — "Faith," 
said Philip, " he appears so to me, and I be- 
lieve to every body else." — η Have a care," said 
Socrates ; " do not affront him, lest you fall 
under the character yourself. that you would 
give him." 

Phil. " Suppose I compare him to a well- 
bred person : I hope no body will say I affront 
him then 1" 

Soc. " So much the more," said Socrates ; 
" such a comparison must needs affront him to 
some purpose." 

Phil. " Would you then that I compare 
him to some one that is neither honest nor 
good V* 

Soc. " By no means." 



J Here Socrates banters the Syracusan; and in the 
Greek it is a play of words which cannot be imitated 
in English. 

a To make biting comparisons was a part of the buf- 
foons of that age. 

52* 



Phil. « Who must I compare him to then 1 
To « nobody ?" 

Soc. «Nobody." 

Phil. " But it is not proper we should bo 
silent at a feast." 

Soc. " That is true ; but it is as true we ought 
rather be silent than say any thing we ought 
not to say." 

Thus ended the dispute between Socrates 
and Philip. 

VII. However, some of the company were 
for having Philip make his comparisons ; oth- 
ers were against it, as not liking that sort of 
diversion ; so that there Was a great noise about 
it in the room: which Socrates observing, 
" Very well," said he, " since you are for speak- 
ing all together, it were as well in my opinion, 
that we should sing altogether ;" and with that 
he began to sing himself. When he had done, 
they brought the dancing girl one of those 
wheels the potters use, with which she was to 
divert the company in turning herself round it. 
Upon which Socrates, turning to the Syracu- 
san : " I believe I shall pass for a contemplative 
person indeed," said he, « as you called me just 
now, for I am now considering how it comes to 
pass that those two little actors of yours give us 
pleasure in seeing them perform their tricks, 
without any pain to themselves, which is what I 
know you design. I am sensible that for the 
little girl to jump head foremost into the hoop 
of swords, with their points upwards, as she has 
done just now, must be a very dangerous leap ; 
but I am not convinced that such a spectacle is 
proper for a feast. I confess likewise, it is a 
surprising sight to see a person writing and 
reading at the same time that she is carried 
round with the motion of the wheel, as the 
girl has done ; but yet I must own it gives me 
no great pleasure. For would it not be much 
more agreeable to see her in a natural easy pos- 
ture, than putting her handsome body into an 
unnatural agitation, merely to imitate the mo- 
tion of a wheel 1 — Neither is it so rare to meet 
with surprising and wonderful sights ; for here 
is one before our eyes, if you please to take 
notice of it. Why does that lamp, whose 
flame is pure and bright, give all the light to the 
room, when that looking-glass gives none at 
all, and yet represents distinctly all objects in 
its surface 1 Why does that oil, which is in its 
own nature wet, augment the flame ; and that 
water, which is wet likewise, extinguish it ? 
4C 



618 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



But those questions are not proper at this time. 
Ami, indeed, if the two children were to dance 
to the sound of the flute, dressed in the habits 
of nympbe, the graces of the four seasons of 
the vear, as they are commonly painted, jfhey 
might undergo less pain, and we receive more 
pleasure." — " You are in the right, sir," said 
the Syracusan to Socrates ; " and I am going 
to represent something of that kind, that cer- 
taiuly must divert you ;" and at the same time 
went out to make it ready, when Socrates be- 
gan a new discourse. 

VIII. « What then," said he, « must we part 
•without saying a word of the attributes of that 
great demon, or power, who is present here, 
and equals in age the immortal gods, though, 
to look at, he resembles but a child 1 That 
demon, who by his mighty power is master of 
all things, and yet is engrafted into the very 
essence and constitution of the soul of man ; 
I mean Love. We may indeed with reason 
extol his empire, as having more experience of 
it than the vulgar, who are not initiated into 
the mysteries of that great god as we are. 
Truly, to speak for one, I never remember I 
was without being in love : I know, too, that 
Carmides has had a great many lovers, and 
being much beloved, has loved again. As for 
Critobulus, he is still of an age to love, and to 
be boloved ; and Nicerates too, who loves so 
passionately his wife, at least as report goes, is 
equally beloved by her. And who of us does 
not know that the object of that noble passion 
and love of Hermogenes, is virtue and hon- 
esty 1 Consider, pray, the severity of his brows, 
his piercing and fixed eyes, his discourse so 
composed and strong, the sweetness of his 
voice, the gaiety of his manners. And what is 
yet more wonderful in him, that, so beloved as 
he is by his friends the gods, he does not dis- 
dain us mortals. But for you, Antisthenes, are 
you the only person in the company that does 
not love Ϊ" 

Ant. « No ! for in faith I love you, Socrates, 
with all my heart." 

Then Socrates rallying him, and counterfeit- 
ing an angry air, said, « Do not trouble me with 
it now ; you see I have other business upon 
my hands at present." 

Ant. " I confess you must be an expert mas- 
ter of the trade you valued yourself so much 
upon a while ago ; for sometimes you will not 
be at the pains to speak to me, and at other 



times you pretend your demon will not permit 
you, or that you have other business." 

Soc. " Spare me a little, Antisthenes ; I can 
bear well enough any other troubles that you 
give me, and I will always bear them as a 
friend ; but I blush to speak of the passion you 
have for me, since I fear you are not enam- 
oured with the beauty of my soul, but with that 
of my body." 

"As for you, Callias, 1 you love, as well as 
the rest of us : for who is it that is ignorant of 
your love for Autolicus Ί It is the town-talk ; 
and foreigners, as well as our citizens, are ac- 
quainted with it. The reasons for your loving 
him, I believe to be, that you are both of you 
born of illustrious families ; and, at the same 
time, are both possessed of personal qualities 
that render you yet more illustrious. For me. 
I always admired the sweetness and evenness 
of your temper; but much more, when I con- 
sider that your passion for Autolicus is placed 
on a person who has nothing luxurious or af- 
fected in him ; but in all things shows a vig- 
our and temperance worthy of a virtuous soul ; 
which is a proof, at the same time, that if he is 
infinitely beloved, he deserves to be so. 

" I confess, indeed, I am not firmly per- 
suaded whether there be but one Venus or two, 
the celestial and the vulgar : and it may be with 
this goddess, as with Jupiter, who has many 
different names, though there is still but one 
Jupiter. But I know very well that both the 
Venuses have altogether different altars, tem- 
ples, and sacrifices. The vulgar Venus is wor- 
shipped after a common, negligent «manner ; 
whereas the celestial one is adored in purity and 
sanctity of life. The vulgar inspires mankind 
with the love of the body only, but the celestial 
fires the mind with the love of the soul, with 
friendship, and a generous thirst after noble 
actions. I hope that it is this last kind of love 
that has touched the heart of Callias. This 
I believe, because the person he loves is truly 
virtuous ; and whenever he desires to converse 
with him, it is in the presence of his father, 
which is a proof his love is perfectly honoura- 
ble." 

Upon which Hermogenes began to speak . 
" I have always admired you, Socrates, on 



* Here Socrates shows a wonderful address in turn 
ing the passion of Callias from Autolicus, to something 
more elevated, and beyond personal beauty. 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



619 



every occasion, but much more now than ever. 
You are complaisant to Callias, and indulge 
his passion. And this your complaisance is 
agreeable to him ; so it is wholesome and in- 
structive, teaching him in what manner he 
ought to love." — « That is true," said So- 
crates ; " and that my advice may please him 
yet the more, I will endeavour to prove that 
the love of the soul is incomparably preferable 
to that of the body. I say then, and we all 
feel the truth of it, that no company can be 
truly agreeable to us without friendship ; and 
we generally say, whoever entertains a great 
value and esteem for the manners and beha- 
viour of a man, he must necessarily love him. 
"We know, likewise, that among those who love 
the body only, they many times disapprove the 
humour of the person they so love, and hate 
perhaps at the same time the mind and temper, 
while they endeavour to possess the body. Yet 
further, let us suppose a mutual passion between 
two lovers of this kind ; it is very certain that 
the power of beauty, which gives birth to that 
love, does soon decay and vanish : and how is 
it possible that love, built on such a weak 
foundation, should subsist, when the cause that 
produced it has ceased 1 But it is other- 
wise with the soul ; for the more she ripens, 
and the longer she endures, the more lovely 
she becomes. Besides, as the constant use of 
the finest delicacies is attended, in progress of 
time, with disgust : so the constant enjoyment 
of the finest beauty palls the appetite at last. 
But that love that terminates on the bright 
qualities Gf the soul, becomes still more and 
more ardent: and, because it is in its nature 
altogether pure and chaste, it admits of no sa- 
tiety. Neither let us think, with some people 
that this passion, so pure and so chaste, is less 
charming, or less strong than the other. On 
the contrary, those who love in this manner are 
possessed of all that we ask in that our com- 
mon prayer to Venus : < Grant, Ο goddess ! 
that we may say nothing but what is agreeable, 
and do nothing but what does please.' Now, 
I think it is needless to prove, that a person 
of a noble mien, generous and polite, modest 
and well-bred, and in a fair way to rise in the 
state, ought first to be touched with a just 
esteem for the good qualities of the person he 
courts, for this will be granted by all. But I 
am going to prove, in few words, that the per- 
son thus addressed to must infallibly return 
the love of a man that is thus endued with 



such shining accomplishments. For, is it pos- 
sible for a woman to hate a man, who she be- 
lieves has infinite merit, and who makes his 
addresses to her upon the motive of doing jus- 
tice to her honour and virtue, rather than from 
a principle of pleasing his appetite 1 And how 
great is the contentment we feel, when we are 
persuaded that no light faults or errors shall 
ever disturb the course of a friendship so hap- 
pily begun, or that the diminution of beauty 
shall never lessen one's aiFection 1 How 
can it ever happen otherwise, but that per- 
sons who love one another thus tenderly, 
and with all the liberties of a pure and sacred 
friendship, should take the utmost satisfaction 
in one another's company, in discoursing to 
gether with an entire confidence, in mingling 
their mutual interests, and rejoicing in their 
good fortune, and bearing a share in their bad 1 
Such lovers must needs partake of one an- 
other's joy or grief, be merry and rejoice with 
one another in health, and pay the closest and 
tenderest attendance on one another when 
sick, and express rather a greater concern for 
them when absent than present. Does not 
Venus and the Graces shower down their 
blessings on those who love thus 1 ? For my 
part, I take such to be perfectly happy ; and a 
friendship like this must necessarily persevere 
to the end of their lives, uninterrupted and alto- 
gether pure. But I confess I cannot see any 
reason why one that loves only the exterior 
beauty of the person he courts, should be 
loved again. Is it because he endeavours to 
obtain something from her, that gives him 
pleasure, but her shame 1 Or is it, because 
in the conduct of their passion they carefully 
conceal the knowledge of it from their parents 
orfiiendsl Somebody, perhaps, may object, 
that we ought to make a different judgment 
of those who use violence, and of those who 
endeavour to gain their point by the force of 
persuasion ; but, I say, these last deserve more 
hatred than the first. The first appear in their 
proper colours, for wicked persons; and so 
every one is on their guard against such open 
villany ; whereas the last, by sly insinuations, 
insensibly corrupt and defile the mind of the 
person they pretend to love. Besides, why 
should they, who barter their beauty for money, 
be supposed to have a greater affection for the 
purchasers, than the trader, who sells his goods 
in the market-place, nas for his chapman that 
pays him down the price. Do not «ae surprised. 



620 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



then, it* such lovers as these meet often with 
the contempt they deserve. There is one 
thing more in this case worthy of your consi- 
deration ; we shall never find that the love 
which terminates in the nohle qualities of the 
mind has ever produced any dismal effects. 
But there are innumerable examples of tragi- 
cal consequences, which have attended that 
love which is fixed only on the beauty of the 
body. Chiron and Phenix loved Achilles, but 
after a virtuous manner, , without any other 
design than to render him a more accomplish- 
ed person. Achilles likewise loved and ho- 
noured them in return, and held them both in 
the highest veneration. And indeed I should 
wonder, if one that is perfectly accomplished 
should not entertain the last contempt for 
those who admire only their personal beauty. 
Nor is it hard to prove, Callias, that gods and 
heroes have always had more passion and es- 
teem for the charms of the soul, than those of 
the body : at least this seems to have been the 
opinion of our ancient authors. For we may 
observe in the fables of antiquity, that Jupiter, 
who loved several mortals upon the account of 
their personal beauty only, never conferred up- 
on them immortality. Whereas it was other- 
wise with Hercules, Castor, Pollux, and se- 
veral others ; for having admired and applauded 
the greatness of their courage, and the beauty 
of their minds, he enrolled them in the num- 
ber of the gods. And, whatever some affirm 
to the contrary of Ganymede, I take it he was 
carried up to heaven from mount Olympus, 
not for the beauty of his body, but that of his 
mind. At least his name seems to confirm 
my opinion, which in the Greek seems to ex- 
press as much as, < to take pleasure in good 
counsel, and in the practice of wisdom.' When 
Homer represents Achilles so gloriously re- 
venging the death of Patroclus, it was not pro- 
perly the passion of love that produced that 
noble resentment, but that pure friendship and 
esteem he had for his partner in arms. Why 
is it, that the memory of Pylades and Orestes, 
Theseus and Perithous, and other demigods, 
are to this day so highly celebrated 1 Was it 
for the love of the body, think you 1 No ! by 
no means : it was the particular esteem and 
friendship they had for one another, and the 
mutual assistance every one gave to his friend 
; n those renowned and immortal enterprises, 
which are to this day the subject of our his- 
tories and hymns. And, pray, who are they 



that performed those glorious actions Ί • Not 
they that abandoned themselves to pleasure, 
but they that thirsted after glory ; and who, to 
acquire that glory, underwent the severest toils, 
and almost insuperable difficulties. 

" You are then infinitely obliged to the g*vds, 
Callias, who have inspired you with love and 
friendship for Autolicus, as they have inspired 
Critobulus with the same for Amandra ; for 
real and pure friendship knows no difference in 
sexes. It is certain Autolicus has the most 
ardent passion for glory ; since, in order to 
carry the prize at the Olympic games, and be 
proclaimed victor by the heralds, with sound 
of trumpet, as he lately was, he must needs 
have undergone numberless hardships and the 
greatest fatigues : for no less was required to- 
wards gaining the victory in so many different 
exercises. 1 But if he proposes to himself, as 
I am sure he does, to acquire further glory, to 
become an ornament to his family, beneficent 
to his friends, to extend the limits of his coun- 
try by his valour, and by all honest endeavours 
to gain the esteem of Barbarians as well as 
Greeks : do not you believe he will always have 
the greatest value for one who he believes may 
be useful and assistant to him in so noble a de- 
sign 1 If you would then prove acceptable, 
Callias, to any one you love, you ought to con- 
sider and imitate those methods by which The- 
mistocles rose to the first dignities of the state, 
and acquired the glorious title of The Deliver- 
er of Greece ; the methods by which Pericles 
acquired that consummate wisdom, which 
proved so beneficial, and brough to immortal 
-honour to his native country. You ought to 
ponder well how it was, that Solon became the 
lawgiver to this republic of Athens, and by 
what honourable means the Lacedaemonians 
have arrived to such wonderful skill in the art 
of war : and this last you may easily acquire, 
by entertaining, as you do, at your house, some 
of the most accomplished Spartans. When 
you have sufficiently pondered all these things, 
and imprinted those noble images upon your 
mind, doubt not but your country will some 
time or other court you to accept the reins of 
government, you having already the advantage 
of a noble birth, and that important office of 
high priest, which gives you a greater lustre 



1 There were five exercises, leaping, running:, throw 
ing the javelin, fighting with the whirlbat, and wrest 
ling, and the victor was to conquer in them all. 



BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 



621 



already, than any of your renowned ancestors 
could ever boast of: and let me add that air of 
greatness, which shines in your person, and 
that strength and vigour that is lodged in so 
handsome a body, capable of the severest toils, 
and the most difficult enterprises." 

Socrates having said all this to Callias, ad- 
dressed himself to the company, and said : " I 
know very well this discourse is too serious for 
a feast, but you will not be surprised, when you 
consider that our commonwealth has been al- 
ways fond of those who, to the goodness of 
their natural temper, have added an indefatiga- 
ble search after glory and virtue. And in this 
fondness of mine for such men, I but imitate 
the genius of my country." . 

After this the company began to entertain 
one another, upon the subject of this last dis- 
course of Socrates : when Callias, with a mo- 
dest blush in his face, addressed himself to 
him : « You must then lend me," said he, 
" the assistance of your art, to which you gave 
such a surprising name, 1 a while ago, to ren- 
der me acceptable to the commonwealth, and 
that when it shall please my country to. in- 
trust me with the care of its affairs, I may so 
behave myself as to preserve its good opinion, 
and never do any thing, but what tends to the 
public good." — " You will .certainly succeed ; 
do not doubt it," said Socrates. " You must 
apply yourself in good earnest to virtue, and 
not content yourself, as some people do, with 
the appearance of it only, as if that might suf- 
fice. For know, Callias, that false glory can 
never subsist long. Flattery or dissimulation 
may for a while varnish over such a rotten struc- 
ture ; but it must tumble down at last. On 
the contrary, solid glory will always maintain 
its post ; unless God, for some secret reasons, 
hid from us, think fit to oppose its progress : 
otherwise, that sublime virtue, which every 
man of honour should aim at, does naturally 
reflect back upon him such rays of glory, as 
grow brighter and brighter every day, in pro- 
portion as his virtue rises higher and higher." 

IX. The discourse being ended, Autolicus 
rose to take a walk, and his father following 
turned towards Socrates, and said, " Socrates, 
I must declare my opinion, that you are a truly 
honest man." 

After this, there was an elbow chair brought 



Procuring. 



into the middle of the room, and the Syracus- 
an appearing at the same time ; « Gentlemen," 
said he, " Ariadne is just now entering; and 
Bacchus, who has made a debauch to day with 
the gods, is coming down to wait upon her : 
and I can assure you, they will both divert the 
company and one another." Immediately Ari- 
adne entered the room, richly dressed, in the 
habit of a bride, and placed herself in the el- 
bow chair. A little after Bacchus appeared, 
while at the same time the girl that played on 
the flute struck up an air that used to be sung 
at the festival of that god. It was then that 
the Syracusan was admired for an excellent 
master in his art: for Ariadne being perfectly 
well instructed in her part, failed not to show, 
by her pretty insinuating manner, that she was 
touched with the air of the music ; and that 
though she rose not from her chair to meet her 
lover, she yet expressed sufficiently the great 
desire she had to do it. Bacchus perceiving it, 
came on dancing toward her, in the most pas- 
sionate manner, then sat himself down on her 
lap, and taking her in his arms, kissed her. 
As for Ariadne, she personated to the life a 
bride's modesty ; and for a while, looking down 
to the ground, appeared in the greatest confu- 
sion ; but at length recovering herself, she 
threw her arms about her lover's neck, and re- 
turned his kisses. All the company expressed 
the great satisfaction the performance gave 
them; and, indeed nothing could be better 
acted, nor accompanied with more grace in the 
acting. But when Bacchus rose, and took 
Ariadne by the hand to lead her out, they were 
still more pleased ; for the pretty couple ap- 
peared to embrace and kiss one another after a 
much more feeling manner than is generally 
acted on the stage. Then Bacchus addressing 
himself to Ariadne, said, " Dost thou love me, 
my dearest creature ?"• " Yes, yes," answered 
she, " let me die if I do not : and will love thee 
to the last moment of my life." In fine, the 
performance was so lively and natural that the 
company came to be fully convinced of what 
they never dreamt of before ; that the little boy 
and girl were really in love with one another : 
which occasioned both the married guests, and 
some of those that were not, to take horse im- 
mediately, and ride back full speed to Athens, 
with the briskest resolutions imaginable. I 
know not what happened afterwards ; but for 
Socrates, and some who staid behind, they went 
a walking with Lycon, Autolicus, and Callias. 



HIERO> 



ON THE 



CONDITION OF ROYAL Tl 



TRANSLATED BY 



THE REV. R. GRAVES. 

[623] 



IIIEKC 



CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 



A CONVERSATION BETWEEN HIERO AND SIMONIDES. 



Ϊ. The poet Simonides being come to reside 
at the court of Hiero' king of Syracuse, one day 
as they were conversing at their leisure, « Will 
you, Hiero," said Simonides, « inform me of 
some particulars, which, it is reasonable to sup- 
pose, you must know much better than I can 
dol" 

"What particulars then do you imagine," 
said Hiero, « I can possibly know better than 
so learned and wise a man as you are generally 
acknowledged to be 1" 

" Why," replied Simonides, " I have known 
you, when you were yet a private man, and 
now see you advanced to royalty. It is pro- 
bable, therefore, that you, who have experi- 
enced both these states, should know better 
than I can do, wherein the life of a king differs 
from that of a private man, in regard to the 
pleasures or inconveniences attendant on each 
state." 

"Well then," said Hiero, " but as you are 
now in a private station, ought not you first to 
recall to my remembrance the pleasures and 
inconveniences of a private life"? By which 
means, I shall be better enabled to show you 
the difference of the two states in question." 

To this Simonides thus replied : " I think 
then, Hiero, I have observed, that men in pri- 
vate life possess all the genuine feelings of na- 
ture. They receive pleasure and pain from 
the proper objects of their several senses ; from 
visib'e objects by their eyes ; of sounds by their 
53 



ears ; of scents by their nostrils ; of food by the 
palate ; and other sensual enjoyments, the souice 
of which every one knows. 

" It appears to me likewise," added he, « that 
we receive agreeable or painful sensations 
from heat and cold, from things hard and soft, 
heavy and light, in the whole and in every 
part of the body. But to perceive pleasure or 
pain from what is good or evil (in a moral 
sense), belongs, I think, to the mind alone: 
yet in some sense, to the mind and body in 
conjunction." 1 

" I find by experience also, that we receive 
pleasure from sleep; but, from what source, 
and from what kind of sleep, and when this 
pleasure arises, I own myself at a loss to ex- 
plain. Neither is this at all surprising, as we 
certainly have less distinct perceptions when 
asleep, than when we are awake." 

To this Hiero answered : " I confess, Simon- 
ides, I know not any sensations of pleasure or 
pain that a king can receive, besides those 
which you have mentioned. And consequent- 
ly I do not see, hitherto, in what the life of a 
king differs from that of a private person." 

" Vet even in these particulars," answered 
Simonides, " there is a very material differ- 
ence. And, in each of these, kings experience 
infinitely more pleasure and less pain than pri- 
vate persons." 



» The meaning here is not very obvious. 

4 D 625 



026 



HIERO: ON THE 



" Ah !" cried Hiero, « this is by no means 
the case : but be assured, that in all these re- 
spects, kings take much less pleasure, and feel 
much more chagrin, than those individuals who 
are placed in the middle ranks of life." 

" What you say," replied Simonides, " is 
altogether incredible. For, if it were so, why 
should such numbers, and those who are es- 
teemed for their sense and wisdom, be f-c Am- 
bitious of royalty 1 And why do all mankind 
envy kings 1" 

« Because," said Hiero, " they form their 
opinions without having experienced both these 
conditions of life. But I will endeavour to 
convince you f ti e truth of r hat I assert, and 
will proceed in the same order which you have 
suggested, and begin with the pleasures of. 
sight : for it was thence, I think, that you 
commenced this discourse. 

II. " In the first place, then, if we reason 
from the objects of sight, I am convinced that 
kings have the least share of pleasure in that 
respect. 

« Every country has its curiosities ; which 
deserve to be visited and viewed by strangers. 
Now men in private stations can come or go to 
any part of the world without ceremony : and 
into whatever cities they please, for the sake 
of the public spectacles ; and into those general 
assemblies ! of all Greece, where are collected 
together, whatever is thought worthy of the at- 
tention and curiosity of mankind. 

" As for kings, 2 they can rarely amuse them- 
selves with spectacles of any kind. For 
neither would it be safe for them to go, where 
they would not be superior to any force which 
could be exerted against them ; nor are their 
affairs usually so firmly established at home, 
that they could securely trust the administra- 
tion of them to others, and go out of their king- 
doms. They could not do it without the dan- 
ger of being deprived of their sovereignty ; and, 
at the same time, of being unable to avenge 
themselves on those who had injured them. 

" Yet you will tell me, perhaps, that specta- 
cles of this kind may be presented to kings, 
though they remain at home. But I assure 
you, Simonides, this is the case only with re- 
gard to a very few ; and even for those, such 
as they are, kings must generally pay extremely 
dear. As they who have obliged a king with 



The Olympic games. See the Appendix. 
The word kings must here mean tyrants. 



any trifling exhibition of this kind, expect to be 
dismissed at once with a greater reward than 
they could hope for from any other man after a 
whole life's attendance." 3 

III. " Well then," said Simonides, " grant- 
ing that you are in a worse condition, with re- 
gard to the objects of sight, yet you have greatly 
the advantage from the sense of hearing; as 
y >u a: e incessantly entertained with the most 
delightful of all music, that of your own praises. 
For all those who approach you, applaud every 
thing you say and every thing you do. And, 
on the contrary, you are never exposed to what 
is most painful, the hearing yourself censured 
or reproached. For no one w.U ι enture to re- 
buke a king to his face." 

" Alas !" answered Hiero, " what pleasure 
do you imagine a king can receive from those 
who do not speak ill of him, when he is con- 
vinced that, although they are silent, they think 
every thing that is bad of him 1 Or what de- 
light can they afford, who applaud him when 
he has so much reason to suspect their praises 
of adulation 1" 

" Why, really," replied Simonides, " I must 
so far entirely agree with you, that those praises 
inust be most agreeable, which are bestowed 
on us by men who are entirely free and inde- 
pendent." 4 

IV. " However," added Simonides, " with 
regard to the sense of taste, you surely cannot 
convince any one but that you enjoy the plea- 
sures of the table more than the rest of man- 
kind." 

" I know," said Hiero, " that most men 
imagine we must necessarily receive more plea- 
sure in eating and drinking ; because they would 
do the same, from the variety with which our 
tables are served, than from what they usually 
meet with at their own. For whatever is rare 
and excels what we are accustomed to, affords 
a greater pleasure. For which reason all men 
expect with joy the approach of a feast, except 
kings ; for their tables being constantly provi- 
ded to the full, can have no sort of addition on 
any festival occasions. In this respect then, in 
the first place, by being deprived of hope, kings 
are less happy than private men. 



a It is probably a common remark, which I often 
heard from a man of rank and large fortune, that he 
could not afford to receive presents. 

< Xenophon says of Agesilaus, " That he was much 
pleased with the praises of those who would have 
blamed him with equal freedom, if lie had acted im- 
properly."— Aqesil. ch. ii. $ 5. 



CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 



627 



" I make no doubt, likewise, but you yourself 
have experienced that the more superfluous 
dishes are set before us, the sooner we are 
cloyed with eating. So that, with rogard 
to the duration of this pleasure, he who is 
served with such profusion is in a much worse 
condition than one wh:> lives in a more frugal 
and less plentiful style." 

" But after all," replied Simonides, " as long 
as the appetite for food continues, those must 
certainly find more pleasure who feed at a 
sumptuous table, than those who are confined 
to cheap and ordinary provisions." 

" Do not you imagine then, Simonides," said 
Hiero, " that in proportion to the delight which 
any one takes in any thing, the more fondly he 
is usually attached to it ?" 

♦< Undoubtedly," says Simonides. 

" Have you then ever remarked, that kings 
approach with greater delight to the food which 
is prepared for them, than private persons do 
to their frugal viands 1" 

" No, really," answered Simonides, " the very 
reverse seems to me to be the truth of the 
case." 

" For have you not observed," says Hiero, 
" those many artificial preparations and Variety 
of sauces, of a sharp and poignant relish, to 
stimulate the appetite, which are served up at 
table of kings V 

" I certainly have," replied Simonides ; " and 
am convinced these high sauces are quite un- 
natural, and inimical to the health of man." 

" Do you think then," said Hiero, " that 
these unnatural delicacies can afford pleasure 
to any one, but to those whose palates are viti- 
ated by luxury and indulgence ] For my part, 
I know by experience, and you cannot be ig- 
norant, that those who have St good appetite 
want no artificial preparations of this kind." 

V. " Then as to those expensive perfumes 
which you make use of," said Simonides, " I 
really believe that those who approach your 
persons have more enjoyment of them than you 
yourselves have. As in respect to those who 
have eaten any thing of a disagreeable odour, 
the person himself is not so much incommoded 
by it, as those who come too near him." 

" That is precisely the case," replied Hiero, 
" with those who have constantly a variety of 
food set before them. They eat nothing with 
an appetite : whereas he who but rarely meets 
with any delicacy, feeds upon it with a true 
relish, whenever it makes its appearance." 



VI. «But, after all," says Simonides, «per- 
haps the greatest incitement to your aspiring 
after royalty are the pleasures of love. « For 
in this respect it is in your power to enjoy 
every object, the most beautiful in its kind." 

" Alas !" cries Hiero, « you have now produced 
an instance, in which you must certainly know 
we are far less happy than private persons. 
For, in the first place, those marriages are 
generally esteemed most honourable, and to 
confer the greatest dignity, as well as pleasure, 
which we contract with our superiors in rank 
and fortune : and in the second place, are those of 
equals with their equals : but to form an alliance 
of that kind with an inferior, is disgraceful and 
injurious to our character. Unless a king mar- 
ries a stranger, therefore, he must necessarily 
marry an inferior ; so that he can never enjoy 
what is most agreeable in the married state. 

"The attention and respect also which is 
paid us by a woman of birth and spirit gives a 
man great pleasure ; but, when paid us by a 
slave, it affords us very little satisfaction. Yet 
if they fail of that respect which is our due, we 
are provoked and chagrined. 

" In short, with regard to the mere sensual 
pleasures of love, where marriage is out of the 
question, kings have still less of that pleasure 
to boast of: for we all know, that it is love 
alone which renders fruition so exquisitely de- 
lightful ; but love is more rarely excited in the 
breast of kings than of any other men. For 
we despise easy and obvious pleasures ; but the 
passion is nourished by hope. And as a per- 
son who is not thirsty never drinks with plea- 
sure, so he who is not stimulated by love knows 
not the true pleasure of enjoyment." 

Hiero having thus spoken, Simonides, with 
a smile, replied : " What is this which you as- 
sert, Ο Hiero ! that love cannot be excited in 
the breast of kings Ί Whence comes it to pass 
then, that you are so fond of Dailocha, the 
most beautiful of her sex ?" 

" Why truly, my Simonides," said he, " it is 
not for what I could with so much ease obtain 
of her, but for what it is least of all in the 
power of kings to effect. 

" I own I love Dailocha for what we natu- 
rally desire to obtain from a beautiful object. 
Those favours, however, which I so earnestly 
wish to receive voluntarily, and with mutual 
affection, I could no more endure to extort by 
force, than I could to do violence to my own 
person. 



OM 



HIERO: ON THE 



-To plunder and take by force from an 
enemy. we consider as a real cause of exulta- 
tion : but no favours from a beloved object can 
9 ψΗ 00 anv joy, except those which are volun- 
tarily bestowed. From such an object, who 
returns our passion, every thing is agreeable : 
her slightest regards ; her trifling questions ; 
her childish answers; and the most agreeable 
of all, perhaps, and the most alluring, are her 
struggles and counterfeited resentments. But, 
to possess by force a woman whom we love, is, 
in my opinion, to act more like a robber than a 
lover. A robber indeed receives some gratifi- 
cation from the idea of gain, and perhaps from 
having done an injury to an adversary; but to 
take a pleasure in giving pain to a person whom 
we love, and to treat one for whom we profess 
a regard, as if we really hated them : and to 
torment a woman, to whom our caresses are 
odious and disgusting, is surely most detestable 
and inhuman. 

" In short, if a private person receives favours 
from a woman whom he loves, it is an un- 
equivocal pledge of her affection ; as he knows 
she is under no necessity to comply with his 
solicitations. 

" But a king has no right to imagine that he 
is ever sincerely beloved. * For we know, 
that those who submit to our pleasure through 
fear, counterfeit as much as is in their power 
the air and manner of those whose compliance 
is the effect of a sincere affection. Yet never 
are conspiracies against kings so frequently con- 
ducted as by those who affect to love them with 
the greatest sincerity." 

VII. To all this Simonides replied : " Well, 
my good Hiero, in regard to what you have 
hitherto alleged, I confess they are but trifles ; 
for I see many men of respectable characters, 
who voluntarily refrain from the pleasures of 
the table, and are indifferent to what they eat 
or drink, and also entirely abstain from all in- 
tercourse with the fair sex. 

" But in another respect there is certainly a 
striking superiority of kings over private men ; 
that you conceive and readily execute great 
projects ; that you have a great abundance of 
whatever is excellent in its kind ; you possess 
the finest and most spirited horses ; the most 
beautiful arms ; the richest ornaments for your 

* Un roy, qui peat s' assurer de cent mille bras, ne 
peut gueres s' assurer d'un cobur.— Fontenelle Dialog, 
des Morts. 



women ; the most magnificent palaces, and 
those adorned with the most sumptuous furni- 
ture ; you are attended with a greater number 
of domestics, and those of the most expert and 
dexterous that can be found. Add to this, 
that you have the most ample means of aveng- 
ing yourself on your enemies, and of rewarding 
your friends." 

" Alas ! my Simonides," said Hiero, " that 
the multitude are dazzled with the splendour 
of royalty I am not at all surprised; for the 
vulgar in general seem to me to judge of hap- 
piness and misery merely by appearances. 
Now, as royalty displays to the eyes of the 
world those possessions which are commonly 
esteemed the most valuable, so it conceals the 
evils to which kings are exposed in the inmost 
recesses of their soul, where alone real happi- 
ness or misery resides. 

« That these things, therefore, should escape 
the notice of the multitude, I am not at all 
surprised, as I said ; but, that you should be 
under the same mistake, who form your judg- 
ment from reflection more than external appear- 
ances, I own, excites my astonishment. For 
my part, Simonides, I assure you, from my 
own experience, that kings have the least share 
of the greatest goods, and much the largest 
portion of the greatest evils, incident to human 
life. 

« For instance, if peace is esteemed in the 
opinion of mankind the greatest good, it is cer- 
tain, the smallest portion of that good is allotted 
to kings : and likewise, if war is the greatest 
evil, the greatest part of that evil is the portion 
of kings. 

" In the first place, then, unless the whole 
country be engaged in a civil war, private 
individuals may securely go where they please, 
without danger to their persons. Whereas 
kings 2 find it always necessary to march as 
through an enemy's country ; armed themselves, 
and attended by guards completely armed. 

" Moreover, private persons, if they go to 
make war in an enemy's country, as soon as 
they return home find themselves again in per- 



* The reader must here advert, that in the Attic wri- 
ters, the word Μ tyrant" has three distinct senses. Some- 
times, — 1st, a lawful king, appointed by the constitution 
of any country: 2dly, one who usurps the sovereign 
power in a free state, whether he exercise it with mo- 
deration, or with cruelty and injustice : Sdly, a despot, 
or absolute monarch, who rules by force. In the sequel 
of this discourse it is generally used in the last sense. 



CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 



629 



feet security ; but kings, (I mean arbitrary des- 
pots) when they return to their own capitals, 
find themselves in the midst of the greatest 
number of enemies. And if a more powerful 
enemy make war upon any city, those who are 
attacked may be in danger so long as they are 
without the walls ; but -as soon as they have 
retreated within their intrenchments, they find 
themselves in perfect security : whereas a ty- 
rant, far from finding himself safe, even within 
his own palace, has then the greatest cause to 
be upon his guard. 

"Again, when by negotiation peace is re- 
stored, private persons find themselves freed 
from the inconveniencies of war : but tyrants 
never really are at peace with those whom they 
hold in subjection ; nor dares a tyrant rely upon 
the faith of any treaty which he makes with the 
rest of mankind. 

" In short, there are wars indeed which free 
states are obliged to carry on with each other, 
as there are those which kings are forced to 
wage with those whom they have deprived of 
their liberty : but whatever inconveniences 
these states may experience from such Avars, 
the same occur in those which kings are obliged 
to maintain. 

" Both the one and the other are under a ne- 
cessity of being always armed, and continually 
upon their guard, and of exposing themselves 
to great dangers : and if they chance to lose a 
battle, or meet with any disaster, they are both 
thrown into equal consternation. 

"And thus far wars are nearly upon the 
same footing, both with kings and free states. 
But then the agreeable circumstances which 
those experience from victory who serve under 
a free state, to these tyrants are entirely stran- 
gers. For when the individuals of a free city 
gain the advantage over their adversaries in a 
battle, it is not easy to express the pleasure 
which they feel to see their enemies put to 
flight; their alacrity in the pursuit, and their de- 
light even in the havoc which they make of their 
foes : how much they glory in such an exploit ; 
how splendid their triumph ; and how much 
they exult in the idea of having augmented the 
strength of the commonwealth ; * every indivi- 
dual gives himself the credit of having had a 
part in planning the expedition, and of contri- 
buting to its success. Nay, you will hardly find a 

ι Xenophon seems to speak with the feelings of a 
soldier and a patriotic statesman. 
53 * 



man who docs not magnify his own prowess, and 
pretend to have slain more with his own hand, 
than perhaps were left dead on the field of battle. 
So glorious to every individual does the victory 
appear which was obtained by a free state." 2 

" As for a king, or tyrant, when he suspects 
and is actually convinced that his subjects are 
forming dangerous designs against him, if he 
puts some of them to death, he is certain that 
he shall not by that means bring over the whole 
city to his interest ; and is sensible at the same 
time, that he is diminishing the number of his 
subjects: of course he can neither rejoice 
(much less can he pride himself) on such an 
achievement. Nay, he extenuates, as far as is 
in his power, and makes an apology for what he 
has done, as having been void of any ill inten- 
tion." 

" And even after the death of those who were 
the chief objects of his fear, he is so far from 
being freed from his apprehensions, that he 
finds it necessary to be still more upon his 
guard than he was before. And thus does a 
tyrant live in a continual state of war ; as, from 
experience, I can testify." 

VIII. ■« Observe, in the next place, what 
kind of friendships kings are capable of enjoy- 
ing ; but let us first consider how great a bless- 
ing friendship is to mankind. For when a man 
is sincerely beloved, his friends are always hap- 
py in his presence, and delight in serving and 
doing him good. When he is absent, they anx- 
iously wish for his return ; and when he does 
return, receive him with transports of joy : 
they rejoice with him in his good fortune, and 
are eager to assist him in his adversity. 

" Neither has it escaped the attention of se- 
veral states, that friendship is the greatest and 
most valuable good that mortals can enjoy. 
For, under many governments, the laws permit 
adulterers alone to be slain with impunity. 
And for this reason ; that they suppose them 
to alienate that affection and friendship which 
a woman ought to have for her husband. For 
if a woman, by any extraordinary concurrence 
of circumstances, should be guilty of an act of 
infidelity, the husband may not perhaps esteem 
her the less, if he is convinced that her friendship 
for him continues inviolate and undiminished. 3 



> We might add here what Ilousseau observes, '• How 
many sovereigns have been made unhappy by the loss 
of countries which they had never seen !" 

* Comfortable doctrine. If a china dish happens to 
slip out of a poor girl's hand, and is broken, who ca» 
blame her ? 



630 



HIERO: ON THE 



•• For my part. I esteem it so great a happi- 

i be beloved by our friends, that we can 

j have any thing further to wish for from 

. men. But of this happiness, I am con- 

. d, no one enjoys less than tyrants or 

kiius. That what I assert is true, Simonides, 

attend to die following particular. 

•• The firmest friendships then seem to be 
those which reciprocally subsist between parents 
and their children ; between brothers and broth- 
ers ; between husbands and their wives ; and 
lastly, those which a daily intercourse produces 
between companions and acquaintance. 

t Now, if you consider the affair attentively, 
Simonides, you will find that private persons 
enjoy the greatest share of this affection : but 
amongst kings or tyrants, how many do you 
find who have put to death their own children ; 
or, on the contrary, have perished by their own 
offspring ! How many brothers who have slain 
each other to arrive at the sovereign power ! 
How many tyrants, possessed of that power, 
have been murdered by their wives, and by 
their associates who have professed the great- 
est friendship for them 1 If, therefore, those 
who were prompted by natural affection, or 
obliged by the laws, to show a regard to kings, 
have nevertheless expressed their detestation of 
them ; how is it probable, do you think, that 
any others should entertain any friendship for 
them'? 

IX. " Again ; as mutual confidence among 
mankind is a very great blessing, is not he who 
has the least share of this confidence deprived 
of a very great blessing 1 For, with what plea- 
sure can men converse familiarly together with- 
out mutual confidence 1 What happiness can 
exist between the sexes in marriage, if this 
confidence is banished 1 or, how can we bear 
even a domestic in our family, if we have not 
an opinion of his fidelity 1 

" Of this happiness then, I mean, of relying 
with confidence on those about us, no one par- 
takes less than a tyrant : since he lives in a con- 
tinual state of suspicion, even when the most 
delicious food, or the most exquisite liquors, 
are set before him. Insomuch that, before he 
makes any offering or libation to the gods, he 
obliges some domestic first to taste it, lest 
even in those sacred viands something poison- 
ous should be concealed. 

X. " Moreover, to every other mortal, their 
country is held dear, and the chief object of 
their affection : and the citizens of the same 



state protect each other, without stipend, 
against their slaves, and against other base 
assassins, that no one may be exposed to any 
violent death. And this precaution has been 
carried so far, that many laws have been en- 
acted, declaring those polluted who should as- 
sociate or converse with a homicide. Thus 
every private citizen lives in security under the 
protection procured him by his country ; but 
even in this respect the very reverse is the case 
with tyrants. For, so far from punishing those 
who put a tyrant to death, they usually reward 
them with distinguished honours. And, in- 
stead of excluding them from the religious rites, 
as they do those who have murdered a private 
citizen, they generally erect statues to them in 
the temples of the gods. 

"But should you imagine, that a king is 
more happy, from possessing more wealth, 
than a private individual, in this, my Simoni- 
des, you are extremely mistaken. For as an 
athlete never prides himself on vanquishing 
one who is ignorant of the gymnastic exercises, 
but is sensibly mortified if he is overcome by 
his antagonist ; thus a king takes no pleasure in 
having larger possessions than a private subject ; 
but he is greatly chagrined to see other kings 
more opulent than himself; for these only he 
considers as his antagonists, or rivals, with re- 
gard to riches. 

XL " Neither can a king, in general, gratify 
his wishes more readily than a private man. 
For the object of a private man's utmost am- 
bition is, perhaps, no more than a house, a 
field, or a slave ; but a king usually aims at the 
acquisition of cities, of extensive provinces, 
harbours, or fortified citadels ; which are ob- 
tained with much more difficulty and danger 
than those objects which excite the wishes of 
private individuals. 

" Nay, you will find but few that are really 
poor among private persons, in comparison 
with those who may be called so amongst so- 
vereigns : for an abundance, or a sufficiency, 1 
is not to be estimated by the number of our 
possessions, but by the exigencies of our sta- 
tion : and, according to this idea, whatever 
exceeds a sufficiency, may be called too much, 
and what falls short of it, too little. Now, 
much more ample revenues may not be suffi- 
cient for the necessary expenses of a king, 



» See this subject elegantly treated by our author, at 
the beginning of his Economics, infra. 



CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 



631 



than what would suffice a private person. As 
for private persons they are at liberty to con- 
tract their daily expenses, as they find it con- 
venient ; but kings have not the same privilege : 
for, as their greatest and most necessary ex- 
penses are employed for the maintenance of 
those who guard their persons, to retrench 
these expenses, seems to threaten their immedi- 
ate destruction. 

" Then, how can we consider those as poor, 
and the objects of compassion, who can obtain, 
by lawful means, whatever they stand in need 
of? But those who are under a necessity of 
being guilty of unjust and dishonourable ac- 
tions, how can we but esteem them really poor 
and miserable beings ] But tyrants are often 
forced to pillage the temples of the gods, and 
plunder men, through mere want of their 
necessary supplies : for when engaged in war, 
they must either keep on foot a sufficient force, 
or inevitably perish by their adversaries." 

XII. " But give me leave, my Simonides,.to 
mention another difficulty to which kings are 
exposed. They are equally capable, with private 
persons, of distinguishing the merit of accom- 
plished, of wise, and of virtuous men. But, in- 
stead of viewing them with pleasure and admi- 
ration, they behold them with fear. They dread 
men of courage, lest they should make some 
bold attempt in favour of liberty. They dread 
men of great parts, lest they should engage in 
some dangerous plot; and virtuous men, lest the 
multitude should wish to raise them to the sov- 
ereign power. 

" Now when, from suspicion, they have se- 
cretly freed themselves from men of this re- 
spectable character, whom have they left to 
employ in their service, but dishonest, or de- 
bauched, or slavish wretches "? They trust 
these dishonest miscreants, because men of 
that character must fear, as much as the tyrant 
himself, that if a city become free, they will 
meet with their deserts; the debauched, be- 
cause from their luxury and sloth they will be 
attached to the present power ; slaves, because, 
being accustomed to the yoke, they will not 
wish to be free. This then, in my opinion, is 
a most mortifying reflection, to behold with ap- 
probation men of virtue, and to be under a ne- 
cessity of employing men of a character entirely 
the reverse. 

XIII. "It is likewise necessary for a tyrant 
to show a love and regard for the city under 
h« dominion: for he cannot be happy, nor 



even safe, independently of the affection of the 
citizens. And yet the necessity he is under 
to support his authority, obliges him, in some 
measure, to treat them with severity. For 
tyrants do not wish to render their subjects 
brave, or to see them well armed ; but they 
love to raise the power of a foreign force over 
their countrymen, and to use them as the 
guards of their person. 

" Neither do they rejoice with their fellow- 
citizens, when a fruitful year of corn pro- 
duces every thing in abundance. For the 
more indigent the people are, the more hum- 
ble and more submissive they expect to find 
them. 

XIV.• " But I will now lay before you, my 
Simonides," added Hiero, " a true account of 
those pleasures which I enjoyed, when I was 
a private man, and which I find myself de- 
prived of since I became a king. I then con- 
versed familiarly with my equals ; delighted 
with their company, as they were with mine : 
and I conversed also with myself, whenever I 
chose to indulge in the calm of solitude. 

" I frequently spent my time in convivial 
entertainments, and drinking with my friends, 
so as to forget the chagrins to which human 
life is obnoxious ; nay, often to a degree of 
extravagance; to singing, dancing, and every 
degree of festivity, unrestrained but by our 
own inclinations. But I am now debarred 
from the society of those who could afford me 
any delight, as I have slaves alone for my com- 
panions, instead of friends : nor can I converse 
agreeably with men in whom I cannot discover 
the least benevolence or attachment to me ; 
and I am forced to guard against intoxication 
or sleep, as a most dangerous snare. 

" But now, to be continually alarmed, either 
in a crowd, or in solitude ; to be in fear when 
without guards, and to be afraid of the guards 
themselves ; to be unwilling to have them 
about me without their arms, and to be under 
apprehensions to see them armed ; what a 
wretched state of existence is this ! 

" Moreover, to place a greater confidence in 
strangers than in one's own countrymen ; in 
Barbarians, than in Greeks ; to be under a 
necessity of treating freemen like slaves, and 
to give slaves their freedom ; are not all these 
things evident symptoms of a mind disturbed 
and quite deranged by fear 1 Now this passion 
of fear not only creates uneasiness, and diffuses 
a constant gloom over the mind, but. being 






HIERO: ON THE 



mixed with all our pleasures, deprives us of all 
Kind of enjoyment. 

•• But, if you have had any experience of 
military affairs. Simonides, and have ever been 
posted near a body of the enemy, only recol- 
lect how little you were disposed either to eat 
or to sleep in that situation. Such as were 
your uneasy sensations on that occasion, such, 
or rather more dreadful, are those to which 
tyrants are continually exposed ; for their ima- 
gination not only represents their enemies as 
encamped in their sight, but as surrounding 
them on every side." 

To this Simonides answered, " Your obser- 
vation is extremely just. War is undoubtedly 
subject to continual alarms. Nevertheless, 
even during a campaign, when we have pre- 
viously disposed our sentinels, we eat and 
sleep in the utmost security." 

" That is very true," said Hiero, " for the 
laws watch ov^r the guards themselves ; so 
that they are as much in fear on their own ac- 
count as on yours. But kings have only mer- 
cenaries for their guards, whom they pay as 
they do their labourers in the harvest. And 
though the principal duty of guards is to be 
faithful to their trust, yet it is more difficult to 
find one of that description faithful, than the 
generality of workmen in any branch of busi- 
ness ; especially when these guards enlist them- 
selves for the sake of the stipend, and have 
it in their power, in a short time, to gain a 
much larger sum, by assassinating a tyrant, 
than they would receive from the tyrant by 
many years' faithful attendance. 

XV. « As for what you observed," con- 
tinued Hiero, " that kings were to be envied 
for the power which they enjoy, of serving 
their friends, and of subduing their enemies ; 
neither is this by any means true. As for our 
friends, how can you suppose that we should 
be very desirous to serve therJi, when we are 
convinced, that he who is under the greatest 
obligation to us, will be the first to withdraw 
himself from our sight, and to avoid any fur- 
ther intercourse with us ; for no one considers 
what he has received from a tyrant as his pro- 
perty, till he has escaped from his power. 

" Then as for his ,enemies, how can you 
ray that tyrants can so readily subdue them, 
when they are sensible that every one is their 
enemy who is subject to their power. They 
cannot put them all to death, nor confine them 
all in prison. For over whom could they, in 



that case, exercise their dominion 1 But al 
though he knows them all to be his enemies, 
he is under a necessity, at the same time, both 
to guard himself against them, and yet to make 
use of their service. 

" Be assured of this then, my Simonides, 
that with regard to their fellow-citizens, whom 
they thus fear, it is equally painful to tyrants 
to see them alive, and to put them to death. 
It is with them as with a spirited horse, which 
we are afraid to mount, yet are urrwilling to 
put him to death on account of his good qua- 
lities, though we dare not make use of him for 
fear of some fatal accident. 

" The same is applicable to other posses- 
sions, which are useful, and yet attended with 
some inconvenience ; though we possess them 
with anxiety, we cannot lose them without 
pain and vexation." 

XVI. Simonides, having listened to Hiero, 
replied : " Well then, Hiero ; but honour and 
respect appear to me to be objects of so much 
importance, that men submit to every kind of 
toil and danger to obtain them. And you 
yourself, it should seem, notwithstanding the 
many inconveniences which you say attend on 
royalty, yet are thus strongly attached to it, 
that you may be honoured and respected ; that 
all your orders may be implicitly obeyed ; that 
all men may have their eyes upon you ; may 
rise from their seats, or give you the way on 
your approach : in short, that all who are about 
you, may testify their respect by their words 
and their actions ; for it is by these, and every 
other instance of preference, that subjects con- 
tinually show their respect to their kings. 

" For my part, Hiero, I confess that I 
think this desire of esteem and honour is the 
distinguishing characteristic of man from other 
animals ; for it appears probable, that the 
pleasure arising from eating, drinking, sleep- 
ing, and other natural functions, are common 
to all animals. But the love of honour is not 
discoverable in brutes, nor in all men : inso- 
much, that those in whom the love of honour 
or glory is most conspicuous, are usually the 
furthest removed from mere brutes ; and are 
commonly named men, 1 in its most noble sense, 
by way of eminence. So that it is not with- 
out reason in my opinion, that you submit to 
all these inconveniences which attend on royal- 

1 The Greek has two words to express this : »»?f-s-> 
and κνίξωττοί. 



CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 



633 



ty, when you are so much more honoured and 
respected than other men. For, of all the 
pleasures which mankind can enjoy, no one 
aeems to approach nearer to divine than that 
which they receive from being honoured and 
respected." 

To this Hiero replied : " But, I assure you, 
my Simonides, that the honours which are 
paid to kings are extremely similar to the 
pleasures which, I have already shown you, 
they receive from love. 1 For neither are those 
compliances which are shown us by them who 
are void of a reciprocal affection, to be esteemed 
as favours ; nor can those which are extorted 
by force, give us any pleasure. In like man- 
ner, we ought not to consider as marks of re- 
spect, those honours which are paid us by such 
as fear us. 2 For how can we suppose, that 
they who rise from their seats to those who 
have injured them, or that give the way to 
those who tyrannise over them, can possibly 
entertain any real honour or regard for them 1 
We, every day, make presents to those whom 
we hate : and this at the very time when we 
are most apprehensive of suffering from their 
power: but those things ought certainly to be 
considered as acts of servility ; whereas real re- 
spect must proceed from quite contrary causes. 
For when we think a man is capable to do us 
service, and we really enjoy the effects of his 
good-will, we then celebrate his praises with 
pleasure ; every one considers him as his bene- 
factor: pays him the utmost deference: rises 
from his seat on his approach, not from fear, 
but love ; they present him with crowns 3 and 
other donations, as a tribute to his virtue and 
public spirit. In this case, in my opinion, 
both those who bestow these marks of respect 
on such a man confer substantial honour, and 
he who is thought worthy of them is truly and 
effectually honoured ; and I cannot but pro- 
nounce him a happy man who is thus honoured 
and respected. For, instead of forming conspi- 
racies against such a man, I observe, that every 
one is solicitous to prevent his suffering any in- 
jury : so that he spends his life happily, free from 
fears, from envy, and from danger ; a tyrant, on 
the contrary, assure yourself, Simonides, passes 



ι See chap, vi. a See the Appendix. 

a This is to he taken in its literal sense, as it was a 
custom among the Athenians to present a crown to any 
citizen who had signalized himself on any particular 
occasion. This gave rise to Demosthenes's well-known 
Oration, "do Corona." 



every day and night as if all mankind had al- 
ready condemned him to death for his injus- 
tice." 

XVII. Having heard all these particulars, 
« Whence comes it to pass then," cries Simo- 
nides, " if the condition of royalty is so wretch- 
ed, and you are convinced that it is so, that 
you, Hiero, do not free yourself from so great 
an evil Ί Yet neither you, nor any one else, 
who was in possession of royalty, ever volun- 
tarily resigned it." 

" It is for that very reason, my Simonides," 
replied he, " that the condition of a king is the 
most wretched state imaginable: for there is 
really no possibility of resigning it with safely. 
Indeed, how can a tyrant find sufficient re- 
sources, either to restore that wealth which he 
has extorted from his subjects ; or to recom- 
pense those whom he has suffered to languish 
in prison 1 or how can he restore life to those 
whom he has put to death ? 

" In short, my Simonides, if ever any man 
could be a gainer by hanging 4 himself, a tyrant 
would be so, for he alone is in a situation to 
which he can hardly submit, nor yet gain any 
thing by quitting it." 

XVIII. Simonides, resuming the discourse, 
thus replied : " Now then, Ο Hiero ! I am 
no longer surprised, that you speak so disad- 
vantageous^ of the condition of royalty : since, 
ambitious as you are to gain the friendship 
of mankind, you find it an invincible obstacle 
to your wishes. I think, however, I can con- 
vince you, that sovereign power is so far 
from preventing one who is possessed of it 
from being, beloved, that it gives him a great 
advantage in that respect over a private indi- 
vidual. 

" In considering this subject, however, I will 
not insist, that, because a king has more power, 
he therefore can bestow greater favours upon his 
friends : but, suppose a private person and a 
king do the same thing, let us inquire which 
confers the greatest obligation. — To begin with 
matters of the least importance. 

" Suppose a king and a private person to 
address any one whom they chance to see in an 
obliging and affectionate manner ; to which of 
the two will such a one listen with the greatest 
satisfaction ? Or, let them proceed to praise 
or compliment him ; whose praises, do you 



4 Αττα^ξαο-θ-α» : literally so. 
4E 



634 



HIERO: ON THE 



imagine, would affect him the most sensibly ? 
Or, let each of them invite him to an enter- 
tainment after the sacrifice ; 1 to which of the 
two do you think he would esteem himself the 
most obliged for that honour? Let both of 
them pay him the same attention when he is sick; 
is it not evident likewise, that the kind offices 
of those who have the most power, give him. 
the most sensible pleasure 1 Lastly, let each 
of them make him equal presents ; is it not 
visible also, that favours of half the value from 
a great man have more weight, and impress 
him with a deeper sense of gratitude, than 
those of double the value from a private person ? 
" Nay, there appears to me a certain dignity 
and grace which the gods have attached to the 
very person of a king ; which not only adds a 
lustre to his appearance, but makes us really 
behold the same man with more pleasure, when 
vested with authority, than when in a private 
station ; and, in general, we certainly take a 
pride and are more delighted to converse with 
our superiors than with our equals. 2 

" As for the favours of the fair sex, which 
supplied you with the principal complaint 
against the condition of royalty, they are the 
least disgusted with the old age of a prince, 
and the reputation of those with whom he has 
an amour does not suffer any diminution. For 
the honour which he does them, adds a lustre 
to their character : so that what is ignominious 
in such a connexion seems to disappear, and 
what is honourable appears with more splen- 
dour. 

" Then, as by equal services you confer 
greater obligations, why ought not you to be 
more beloved than private persons, since you 
have it in your power to be much more useful 
to mankind, and to bestow more liberal dona- 
tions than any private individual can possi- 
bly do 1" 

"It is," replied Hiero, with some vivacity, 
* because, my Simonides, we are under the 
necessity of doing more invidious and unpopular 
acts than private persons usually do. We must 
raise money by imposing taxes, if we would 



ι Among the Greeks, they usually invited their 
friends, after the sacrifice, to partake of what remained 
of the victims; that is, the best and greatest part, says 
Mona. Coete. 

» This sentiment will not be relished in this enlight- 
ened age ; but, perhaps, the philosopher intended it as 
a delicate compliment to Hiero, who had been a private 
man. 



have sufficient for our ordinary expenses : we 
must have persons to guard what is necessary 
to be guarded : we must punish crimes, and 
restrain the injurious and petulant ; and when 
any occasion requires expedition, and an attack 
is to. be made, either by sea or land, we are 
responsible for the success, and must take care 
not to give the charge either to negligent or 
cowardly commanders. 

" Moreover, a king is obliged to have merce- 
nary troops, and nothing is more odious or in- 
supportable to a free city, than the burthen of 
such an expense : for they naturally suppose, 
that these troops are kept in' pay, not merely 
for state, but to enable him to tyrannise over 
his subjects." 

XIX. To this Simonides again replied : 
" I do not deny, Ο Hiero ! that all these affairs 
must be carefully managed. But, amidst this 
variety of concerns, as there are some which 
render those who have the charge of them ex- 
tremely odious, there are others which have a 
contrary effect. 

« Thus, to instruct mankind in things the 
most excellent, and to honour and applaud 
those learned men who perform this service 
with industry and care, is a duty, the perform- 
ance of which must procure the love of all good 
men. On the contrary, to be forced to rebuke 
and treat with severity, to fine and chastise 
those who do ill, these things must certainly 
render a king odious and unpopular. 

" I should think it advisable, therefore, for a 
prince, when the occasion requires it, to employ 
others to inflict punishments, and to reserve to 
himself the distribution of rewards. And that 
this conduct is attended with good effects, ex- 
perience testifies. 

" Thus, for instance, at our public solem- 
nities, when the different choirs contend for 
victory, he that presides over the contest, dis- 
tributes the prizes, but leaves to the magistrate 
the care of collecting the bands, and to others, 
that of instructing them, and of correcting 
those who are defective in the performance. 
By this means the agreeable part is executed 
by the president, and whatever is of a con- 
trary kind is committed to others. What 
forbids, therefore, to manage other political 
affairs in the same manner 1 ? For all cities 
are usually divided, some into tribes, others 
into classes, and others into centuries and the 
like ; and each of these divisions has its proper 
chief, who presides over them. 



CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 



635 



" If, therefore, we were to propose rewards 
to these different bodies, as we do in the 
musical contests to the different choirs, to 
those who were the best armed, or who kept 
their ranks best, or showed most skill in horse- 
manship, or most courage in an engagement, 
or most justice in their civil transactions, it is 
reasonable to suppose, that, through emulation, 
all these several duties would be more strenu- 
ously performed ; and, animated by the love of 
glory, they would be more ready to march 
whenever the service required, and would more 
cheerfully contribute to the necessities of the 
public. 

" Again : one of the most useful employ- 
ments in any state, but which it never has been 
usual to encourage by motives of emulation, is 
agriculture. Now this would flourish much 
more, if rewards were publicly established in 
different parts of the country and the villages, 
for those who showed the greatest skill in the 
cultivation of their land ; and from thence great 
advantages would accrue to those individuals 
who diligently applied themselves to their oc- 
cupation : the public revenues would be greatly 
augmented ; temperance and sobriety would 
attend this laborious occupation, as vice and 
immorality seldom spring up amongst those 
who are constantly employed. 

" If, likewise, trade or commerce is advan- 
tageous to the commonwealth ; if he were to 
be the most honoured, who applied himself 
with the greatest diligence to trade, the number 
of merchants would be increased in proportion. 
And if it were publicly made known, that he 
who should discover any new method of increas- 
ing the public revenue, without detriment to 
individuals, should be well rewarded ; neither 
would this kind of speculation be so much 
neglected. 

« In short, if, in every branch of science, it 
were made manifest, that no one who discov- 
ered or introduced any thing useful to the state 
would be unrewarded, this consideration would 
excite numbers to apply themselves strenuously 
to make such discoveries. And when many 
rival competitors for this honour were thus 
constantly employed in the service of the pub- 
lic, a greater number of useful discoveries must 
necessarily be made. 

" But if you are apprehensive that all these 
prizes and rewards should be attended with too 
great expense, consider, Ο Hiero ! that there 
are no commodities that cost less than those 



which are purchased by this means. Do you 
not see, every day, to what vast expense, to 
what cares and toils, men submit, for a very 
trifling reward, in the chariot-races, the gym- 
nastic exercises, and in the musical contests be- 
tween the several choirs ] M 1 

XX. " What you observe, my Simonides, is 
extremely reasonable," said Hiero ; " but in 
regard to the troops which I have in pay, can 
you give me any advice how to render myself 
less odious to my subjects on that account 1 or, 
would you say, perhaps, that if a prince could 
make himself beloved, he would have no longer 
need of guards 1" 

" By no means," replied Simonides, " he cer- 
tainly would still want guards. For, I am sen- 
sible, it is with some men, as with some horses, 
the more plenty they have, and the better they 
are fed, the more fierce and unmanageable they 
are. Now nothing can keep in awe these tur- 
bulent spirits, but a strong military force, such 
as you now employ. 

« As for the virtuous and peaceable citizens, 
you cannot, in my opinion, do them a greater 
service, than by maintaining these troops in 
your pay. You maintain these mercenaries, 
'tis true, as guards of your own person : but it 
frequently happens, that the masters have been 
massacred by their slaves. You ought there- 
fore, particularly to give it in charge to your 
guards, to consider themselves as the protectors 
of the citizens in general : and to give them 
immediate assistance if ever they perceive them 
forming any such dangerous designs against 
them. For there are, as every one knows, in 
all cities those desperate villains, over whom, 
if your guards are ordered to keep a watchful 
eye, the citizens, in this respect, would acknow- 
ledge their utility. 

« Further yet, your troops may probably give 
protection and security to the labourers and 
to the cattle in the country : not only to your 
own private possessions, but to the proprietors 
in general. And, likewise by guarding certain 
advantageous posts, leave the citizens at leisure 
to attend their private affairs in the utmost 
tranquillity. 

" Add to this, that to discover and prevent 
any secret and sudden irruption of enemies to 
the state, who can be more alert or more ready 
at hand, than such a standing force, always un 



At the public festivals and solemnities. 



63G 



HIERO: ΟΓί THE 



der arms and united in one body? And, in 
time of war, what can be more useful to the 
citizens, than these mercenary troops 1 For it 
is natural to suppose, that they will be more 
willing to undergo fatigue, and to expose them- 
selves to danger, and more vigilant for the pub- 
lic good. 

« In fine, the neighbouring states must ne- 
cessarily be more desirous to live in peace with 
those who have constantly an armed force on 
foot ; for these regular troops have it most m 
their power to protect their friends, and to 
annoy their enemies. 

" Now, if your subjects are convinced that 
these forces never injure those who do no in- 
jury to others ; but, on the contrary, keep in 
awe the turbulent, and assist those who are un- 
justly oppressed ; watch over and expose them- 
selves to danger for the public good : how can 
they avoid contributing with pleasure to their 
support? At least they often maintain guards 
at their own private expense for things of in- 
finitely less moment. 

XXI. " It is necessary likewise, Hiero ! 
that you should contribute cheerfully part of 
your own revenues for the service of the public. 
For it appears to me, that what a king lays out 
for the public, is more usefully bestowed than 
what he spends on his own private account. 
Let us consider the affair more minutely. 
Which of the two do you imagine, would be 
most to your credit ; — a palace, built in an ele- 
gant style, at an enormous expense for your 
own use, or to adorn the whole city with pub- 
lic edifices, walls, temples, porticoes, squares, 
and harbours 1 Or which would make you 
more formidable to your enemies; — to be 
adorned yourself with the most, splendid ar- 
mour, or to have the whole city completely 
armed 1 

" Or, which do you think the most probable 
method of augmenting your revenues ; — by 
managing to advantage your own private pro- 
perty alone, or by contriving by what means 
the industry of the whole city may turn to the 
best account 1 ι 

" As the breeding horses for the chariot race 
is esteemed one of the most noble and most 
magnificent amusements for a prince, which do 
you suppose is most honourable ; — that you J 



1 Hiero, it is well known from the Odes of Pindar, 
was particularly attached to the Olympic games. See 
West's and Banister's translations of Pindar. 



alone should provide and send to the public 
games more chariots than all the rest of Greece ; 
or, that the greatest part of your subjects should 
breed horses and contend for the prize at those 
games 1 Which do you deem the most noble : 
— the superiority which you gain over others 
in the managing your chariot ; or that which 
you acquire by making happy the city ovei 
which you preside 1 

" For my part, Hiero ! I think it by no 
means consistent with propriety, or even de- 
cent for a prince to enter the list with private 
persons ; for, if you are victorious, you would 
be so far from being applauded, that you would 
incur the odium of the public, as having sup- 
plied the expenses of your victory from the 
substance of many wretched families. And 
if you were vanquished, you would be exposed 
to more ridicule than any private individual. 

" But, if you would listen to me, Hiero, 
permit me to advise you to enter the lists 
against the governors of other states : and if 
you can render the city over which you preside, 
more happy than those, you may be assured, 
that you obtain the victory in the most noble 
contest in which a mortal can engage. 

« And, in the first place, you will succeed 
immediately in the grand object of your ambi- 
tion, the gaining the love of your fellow-citi- 
zens : and, in the next place, this victory of 
yours will not merely be proclaimed by a single 
herald as at the Olympic games, but all man- 
kind will concur in celebrating your virtue. 

" And you will not only attract the respect 
of a few individuals, but the love of whole 
cities ; and not only be admired privately with- 
in the walls of your own palace, but publicly, 
and by the whole world. 

" You may also, if you desire it, either go 
abroad to see any thing rare or curious, or 
satisfy your curiosity though you remain at 
home. For there will always be a crowd of 
those about you, who will be proud to exhibit 
whatever they have discovered, either ingeni- 
ous, beautiful, or useful ; and of those who will 
be ambitious to serve you. 

" Every one who is admitted to your pre- 
sence will be devoted to your person ; and 
those who live at a distance will passionately 
desire to see you. So that you will not only 
be respected, but sincerely and cordially beloved 
by all men. You will be under no necessity 
of soliciting the favours of the fair sex, but 
must even suffer yourself to be solicited b\ 



CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 



637 



hem. You will not be afraid of any one, but 
every one will be anxious for your preserva- 
tion. % 

" Your subjects will pay you a voluntary 
obedience, and carefully watch for the safety of 
your person. And should you be exposed to 
any danger, you will find them alert, not only 
to assist you, but to protect you, 1 and avert the 
danger at the hazard of their own lives. You 
will be loaded with presents : nor will you want 
friends to whom you may have the pleasure of 
imparting them. All men will rejoice in your 
prosperity, and will contend for your rights as 
earnestly as for their own. And you may con- 
sider the wealth of your friends 2 as treasure 
laid up for your use. 

« Take courage then, Hiero, enrich your 



ΙΙςομχγ,ονς. 



» See Appendix. 



friends with a liberal hand ; for by that means 
you will enrich yourself. Augment the power 
of the state, for thus will you render yourself 
more powerful, and secure alliances in time of 
war. 

" In a word, regard your country as your own 
family ; your fellow-citizens, as your friends ; 
your friends, as your own children ; and your 
children as your own life : but endeavour to 
surpass them all in acts of kindness and bene- 
ficence. For if you thus secure the attachment 
of your friends by acts of beneficence, your 
enemies will not. be able to resist you. 

" To conclude : if you regulate your conduct 
according to these maxims, be assured, Hiero, 
you will obtain the most honourable and most 
valuable possession which mortals can possibly 
en j°y» y°u will be completely happy, yet un- 
envied by any one." 



54 



APPENDIX 



No. I. 



No. III. 



Respublica, res est populi, cum bene et juste 
geritur ; sive ab uno rege, sive a paucis opti- 
matibus, sive ab universo populo. Cum vero 
injustus est rex, quem tyrannum voco ; aut in- 
justi optimates, quorum consensus factio est; 
aut injustus est populus, cui nomen usitatum 
nullum reperio ; nisi ut etiam ipsum tyrannum, 
adpellem; non jam vitiosa sed omnino nulla 
respublica est: Quoniam non est res populi, 
cum tyrannus earn factiove capessat ; nee ipse 
populus jam populus est, si sit injustus ; quo- 
niam non est multitudo juris consensu et utili- 
tatis communione sociata. 

Frag. 1. 3. de Republica. 
"A legitimate commonwealth is where the 
commonweal or good of the whole is consulted ; 
whether under a king, an aristocracy, or a de- 
mocracy. But if either of these act unjustly, 
or in defiance of the law, there is no longer a 
commonwealth ; nor are the people properly a 
people, but a mob ; because not united under 
common laws, or a community of rights and 
advantages." This is partly the sense, but it 
cannot well be literally translated. 



No. II. 

Tully, in his pleadings against Verres, not 
only calls Syracuse, " maximam Grseciae urbem 
pulcherrimamque," — the largest and most beau- 
tiful city of Greece,— but is so minute in his 
description of its harbours, temples, and thea- 
tres, and of the statues and pictures of which 
Verres plundered them, that it seems to have 
exceeded almost any other city in the world ; 
which is partly confirmed by the ruins yet re- 
maining as described by Mr. Brydone, Wat- 
kins, &c. 



Diodorus Siculus calls him φ/λαξ^ι /goc xcu 
βίαιος, covetous and cruel, &c. But Pindar, 
who resided much at the court of Hiero, and 
has celebrated his victories at the Olympic 
games, speaks of him as a truly virtuous cha- 
racter. And indeed a man that was notorious 
for any crime or depraved morals, could not 
be a candidate at those games. And the glory 
acquired by a victory in the chariot-races, or in 
the gymnastic exercises, or the more liberal 
arts, history, poetry, &c. seemed to supersede 
all other virtues. 

The mere English reader, who has taken his 
ideas of the Olympic and other games of ancient 
Greece, from what he has seen or heard of our 
Newmarket sports, or our boxing-matches,which 
are usually an assembly of gamblers and pick- 
pockets, attended with every species of profli- 
gacy and blackguardism, will be astonished at 
the veneration in which those games were held 
by all ranks of people, and the almost divine 
honours which were paid to them who gained 
the prize on those occasions, who were almost 
literally exalted to the rank of demigods as 
Horace has observed • 

^almaque nobilia 
4 Terrarum dominos evehit ad deos." 

Od. i. b. i. 

But these solemn games were originally in- 
stituted by the command of the Delphic oracle, 
to put a stop to a great pestilence, which, with 
the continual wars between the petty states of 
Greece, had almost depopulated the country : 
so that they had partly a religious and partly a 
political view : as, during these solemnities, 
even states that were at war with each other 
were obliged to suspend their hostilities, and 
join the general assembly of all Greece. 

The utility of the gymnastic exercises, to 

639 



640 



HIERO: ON THE 



[app. 



render the body more hardy and active ; and 
of the chariot races, to encourage the breeding 
and management of horses, * was indeed in 
time defeated, by their sacrificing the end to 
the means, and making them mere prize-fight- 
ers, instead of good soldiers, &c. 2 

Plutarch has recorded a few wise sayings 
and anecdotes of Hiero, which seem to indi- 
cate this mixed and motley character. 

He said, " That no man was impertinent, 
who told him freely what ought not to be con- 
cealed ; but that he who told what ought to be 
concealed, did an injury to the person to whom 
he told the secret : for we not only hate the 
man who discovers, but him who has heard 
what we wish to conceal." 

It is a common anecdote of Hiero, that a 
stranger having hinted to him that his breath 
was offensive, he expostulated with his wife for 
having never mentioned that circumstance to 
him. " I thought," said she, (with great sim- 
plicity) " all men's breaths smelled the same." 
An amiable and artless proof of her fidelity to 
a suspicious husband ! 

I am sorry to add, " that Hiero fined the 
celebrated comic-poet, Epicharmes, for having 
uttered something indecent when his wife was 
present." A frown from a king would have 
been sufficient, and have shown a love of vir- 
tue; a fine savoured rather of the love of 
money. 

No. IV. 

'• N'on enim poeta solum suavis, verum etiam cetero- 
qui doctus sapiensque." 

De Nat. Deorum, lib. i. 

Simonides seems to have been a very ele- 
gant writer, from the fragments which remain 
of his poetry. 

The coarseness of his satire on women 
must be imputed to the simplicity of the age 
in which he lived; (about four hundred and 
fifty years after the Trojan war) and to the 
low rank of the ladies who were the subject of 
his satire. 

Mr. Addison has given the substance of this 
satire in the third volume of the Spectator, 



1 The Greeks were so ignorant, in the earlier ages 
of the management of horses, that the fable of the Cen- 
taurs probably took its rise from seeing some Thessa- 
lians on their backs at a distance. 

* See West on the Olympic Games, p. 184. 



No. 209. But, in the character of a slut, 
whom Simonides compares to a sow, Mr. A. 
has, out of delicacy, lost the idea of the origi- 
nal, mstivereu, " she grows fat amidst the filth of 
her sty ;" which he translates, " her family is 
no better than a dunghill." He concludes his 
satire with a description of a good woman, 
whom he compares to a bee. Solomon con- 
cludes his book of Proverbs in the like man- 
ner ; but as that of Simonides is a mere sketch, 
itcannot be compared with Solomon's beauti- 
ful picture. 3 

Horace has almost literally translated some 
of his moral sentences, L. ii. Od. 13; and L 
iii. Od. 2. 

" Mors et fugacem persequitur virum." 

Θάνατο; i^sijxe κχ» rev φυγάμαχον. 

Tully has recorded his answer to Hiero, who 
asked him «what God was 1 ?" Simonides de- 
sired a day to consider of it. Being asked the 
same question the next day, he desired two 
days for that purpose, and thus often doubled 
the number. 

Hiero, being gTeatly surprised at this, in- 
quired the reason of his conduct. " Because," 
said Simonides, " the longer I consider the 
subject, the more obscure it seems to be."— 
JDe Natura Deor. lib. i. 

The following reflections of human life, 
though now trite, were not so, probably, three 
thousand years ago. It appears to have been 
the received opinion at that time, that Homer 
was a native of Chios ; that, at least, was his 
chief residence, where the present inhabitants 
pretend to point out the very place in which 
he established a school in the latter part of his 
life. 



ON THE BREVITY OF HUMAN LIFE. 

FROM SIMONIDES. 

How swiftly glide life's transient scenes away ! 
" Like vernal leaves men flourish and decay." 
Thus sung, in days of yore, the Chian bard ; 
This maxim all have heard, but none regard. 
None keep in mind this salutary truth, 
Hope still survives, that flatters us in youth. 
What fruitless schemes amuse our blooming years ! 
The man in health, nor age nor sickness fears ; 
Nay, youth's and life's contracted space forgot, 
Scarce thinks that death will ever be his lot. 
But thou thy mind's fair bias still obey, 
Nor from the paths of virtue ever stray. 



» Proverbs, chap. xxri. 



APP.] 



CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 



641 



The original seems to inculcate the Epicu- 
rean maxim of « indulge genio," as Buchanan 
translates it ; which would incline one to be- 
lieve that these lines were of an age subsequent 
to Simonides. 



No. V. 

Nothing can give us a more lively idea of 
the perpetual alarms and anxiety of a tyrant, 
than Tully's sketch of the elder Dionysius ; 
which, though familiar to every scholar, may 
not be disagreeable to the English reader. 

After describing him as possessed of many 
natural advantages, and as a man of great abili- 
ties, and (as an ingredient of happiness) very 
temperate in his way of life, he proceeds : — 

" Though Dionysius," says he, " had a num- 
ber of friends and relations, with whom he 
lived on the most intimate and familiar terms, 
yet he placed no confidence in any of them ; 
but committed to those slaves whom he had 
selected from wealthy families, and given them 
their freedom, and to some foreign mercenaries, 
the guard of his person. Thus, from an un- 
justifiable ambition of domineering over other 
people, he delivered himself up to a kind of 
voluntary imprisonment. . ' 

" Nay, he grew at length so astonishingly 
suspicious, that he would not trust his throat 
to a barber, but taught his own daughters to 
shave : so that these young princesses, like 
little female barbers, 1 performed the mean and 
servile offices of shaving and cutting the hair of 
their own father. And even from them, when 
they grew up, he took away his razors and 
every thing of steel, and instructed them to 
burn off his beard with the inner rinds 2 and 
shells of the walnut. 

" Neither did he ever go to the apartments 
of his two wives, 3 by night, till it had been 
first searched and scrutinized with the utmost 
care. And having his bed-chamber surrounded 
with a broad ditch, the passage was secured by 
a narrow wooden bridge, which, after fastening 
his door, he himself drew up. In short, to 
such an extreme did his apprehensions carry 



1 Ut Tonstriculae. * Putaminibus. 

3 It may be worth while to read Hie account of the 
magnificence with which he brought home his two 
wives, — one drawn by four white horses, &c. — Univer. 
Hist, from Diod. Sic • 

54 * 



him, that he never ventured to harangue the 
people but from the top of a lofty tower. 

" But this tyrant himself has sufficiently 
shown us what degree of happiness he en- 
joyed. For when Damocles, one of his flat- 
terers, was enumerating the abundance of hia 
wealth, his grandeur, his power, and the mag- 
nificence of his royal palaces ; and, in a strain 
of adulation, insisted upon it, that there never 
was a more happy man existed. * Will you 
then, Damocles,' says the tyrant, < since you 
are so delighted with my way of life, have 
yourself a taste of it, and make the experi- 
ment V As Damocles, of course, answered 
in the affirmative, he ordered him to be seated 
on a golden sofa, covered with a fine mattress, 
and sumptuous carpets, highly wrought in the 
most elegant taste ; the table set out with the 
most exquisite dainties ; the room adorned 
with cabinets, with gold and silver vases highly 
embossed ; perfumes, garlands of flowers, and 
incense burning : to crown all, he was served 
by the most beautiful slaves, who were ordered 
carefully to watch his eye, and attend his nod. 
In short, Damocles felt himself the happiest of 
mortals. 

" But, alas ! in the midst of these splendid 
preparations, Dionysius had ordered a glitter- 
ing naked sword to be suspended from the 
ceiling, by a single horse hair, immediately over 
the head of this happy man. 

" Now, therefore, the whole visionary scene 
instantly vanished : he no longer beheld the 
beautiful attendants, nor the plate, so artifi- 
cially carved ; nor could he touch any of the 
delicacies on the table ; the garlands dropped 
from his head. In short, he begged of the 
tyrant to let him depart, for he did not wish to 
be happy upon such terms." Does not Diony- 
sius himself, then, sufficiently demonstrate, that 
no one can possibly be happy in a state of 
continual terror and anxiety, like that of the 
tyrant 1 — Tusc. Quest, lib. v. c. xx. 

" I cannot forbear mentioning a peculiar 
source of misery to Dionysius ; he unfortu- 
nately took it into his head, that he excelled all 
others in poetry as well as in power ; and was 
so offended with his friend Philoxenus for at- 
tempting to undeceive him in that particular, 
that he in his wrath sent him instantly to 
that horrible dungeon, called the Latumiae, oi 
Stone-Quarries. He was , set at liberty, how- 
ever, the very next day, and restored to favour, 
and the tyrant made a noble entertainment on 
4F 



543 



HIERO: &c. 



[app. 



the occasion. But in the midst of their jollity, 
the prince was determined to gain the applause 
οί Philoxenus, whose approbation he preferred 
to that of a thousand flatterers. He desired 
him, therefore, to divest himself of envy, (for 
Philoxenus was a poet as well as a critic) and 
declare his real sentiments. Philoxenus could 
not dissemble ; and therefore, without making 
any answer to Dionysius, turned to the guards, 
who always attended, and with a humorous air, 
desired them to carry him back to the stone- 
quarries. 

Dionysius (though piobably piqued) said, the 
wit of the poet had atoned for his freedom. — 
Plut. Moral. 

Ν. B. It was Dionysius the younger, who, 
after enduring the miseries of royalty, was con- 
demned to be a schoolmaster. 

t 

No. VI. 

Montaigne, who has pillaged every ancient 
classic author, quotes and enlarges upon some 
of Hiero's sentiments ; but gives them the 
vulgar turn, to prove that kings and beggars, if 
stripped of their external appendages, are upon 
a level, which few people now a-day will dis- 
pute. The following, however, are put in a 
striking light. 

" The honour we receive from those that 
fear us does not deserve the name ; that respect 
is paid to my royalty, not to me. Do I not 
see, that the wicked and the good king, he that 
is hated, and he that is beloved, has the one as 



much reverence paid him as the other Τ My 
predecessor was, and my successor will be, 
served with the same ceremony and parade as 
myself. If my subjects do not injure me, it is 
no proof of their good-will towards me. It is 
not in their power, if they were inclined to do 
it. No one follows me from any friendship 
which subsists between us : there can be no 
friendship contracted, where there is so little 
connection or correspondence. All that they 
say or do is pretence and show : I see nothing 
around me but disguise and dissimulation." — 
Lib. i. c. 42. 



No. VII. 

I shall conclude these extracts with a short 
one from Lord Bolingbroke's " Letter on 
Patriotism." Speaking of superior spirits, 
whether invested with royalty, or placed in 
other elevated situations, " They either ap- 
pear," says he, " like ministers of divine ven- 
geance, and their course through the world is 
marked by desolation and oppression, by poverty 
and servitude ; or, they are the guardian angels 
of the country they inhabit ; busy to avert even 
the most distant evil, and to maintain or to 
procure peace, plenty, and the greatest of hu- 



P. S. I have availed myself of Peter Coste's 
French translation, but have never adopted an 
expression without having first examined the 
original with the most scrupulous attention. 



THE SCIENCE 



OF 

GOOD HUSBANDRY; 

OR 

THE ECONOMICS OF XENOPHON 

TRANSLATED BY 

R. BRADLEY, F .R.S. 

PROFESSOR OP BOTANY IN THE UNIVERSITY OP CAMBRIDGE. 



C643J 



THE 



SCIENCE OF GOOD HUSBANDRY; 



THE ECONOMICS OF XENOPHON. 



I.• I remember once to have heard the learned 
Socrates reasoning with Critobulus, concerning 
the management of a house, in the following 
manner : 

Soc. " Tell me, Critobulus, whether the or- 
dering of a house is a science, such as that of 
physic, or the brasiers, and of the masons ?." 

Crit. " My opinion is, that the good man- 
agement of a house is as great a science as either 
masonry, or physic, or any other ; from whence 
we may infer there is a distinct business or duty 
belonging to an economist or housekeeper, as 
well as to any science whatever : a farmer or a 
master of a family ought to be a good judge of 
every particular which relates to the good order- 
ing of his farm or house." 

Soc. " But may we not find a trusty stew- 
ard well skilled in this science, who may take 
the management of the household upon him, 
and save the master the trouble 1 for a master 
mason employs a deputy under him, who will 
do his work as well as himself; and for the 
same reason we may expect that a steward well 
skilled in the management of a house, may be 
as serviceable to his master as the mason's de- 
puty." 

Crit. " ί am of the same opinion, good So- 
crates." 

Soc. " Then the man who is well skilled in 
this science, though he has no property of his 
own, may gain a comfortable living by direct- 
ing another man's house. For the man would 
be worthy of the master's favour, and a good 



steward, if in the discharging of his stewardship 
he could improve his master's house. But what 
do we mean by the word house, or the economy 
of it 1 Is it only the good distribution of the 
things that are in the house 1 or is it the good 
management and improvement of every thing 
belonging to a house, and the master of it." 

Crit. " It is my opinion, that a man's estate, 
whether it lie in or about the house, or remote 
from it, yet every branch of that estate may be 
said to belong to the house ; nay every thing 
that a man has, except his enemies, which some 
men have in great numbers, but these are not 
to be reckoned among his goods or substance. 
It would be ridiculous if we were to say that 
the man who had been the occasion of making 
us more enemies than we had before, should be 
rewarded with favour or money ; but a man's 
enemies, or any thing which he possesses to 
his hurt or prejudice; must not I suppose, be 
reckoned among his goods ; therefore I con- 
clude, that those things only which contribute 
to the welfare of a man may be reckoned 
among his riches, or be properly called his 
goods." 

Soc. " I am of the same mind, that whatever 
is injurious to a man must not be esteemed a 
part of his goods ; for if a man buy a horse, and 
for want of skill to manage him, he falls from 
him and hurts himself, can that horse be rec- 
koned amongst his goods ? No, certainly ; be- 
cause those things should be called goods that 
are beneficial to the master. Neither can those 

645 



646 



THE SCIENCE OF 



lands be called goods, which by a man's unskil- 
ful management put him to more expense than 
he receives profit by them ; nor may those 
lands be called goods, which do not bring a good 
farmer such a profit as may give him a good 
living : so likewise if a man has a flock of 
sheep, and they come to damage by his unskil- 
ful management, he cannot reckon them among 
his goods." 

Crit. " So these may only be called goods 
which are profitable, and those which are hurt- 
ful be deemed the contrary." 

Soc. " You distinguish right, that nothing 
ought to be esteemed goods to any man which 
he does not receive advantage by ; and that 
those things which bring him disprofit must be 
esteemed the contrary. A flute, when it is in 
the hands of a person who can play well upon 
it, is an advantage, and may be reckoned among 
his goods ; but the same instrument in the pos- 
session of one who does not know the use of 
it, is no better to him than a stone, unless he 
sells it, and then the price of it may be ac- 
counted among his goods ; but if he keeps it, 
when he has no knowledge of its use, it can- 
not be ranked among them." 

Crit. " I agree with you in this point, that 
those things only which are profitable may be 
called goods : the flute, while we keep it unem- 
ployed, is no part of our goods, for we have no 
advantage from it ; but if we sell it, it is then 
profitable to us " 

Soc. " You say right, if a man has wit enough 
to sell it well : but when it is sold, and the man 
has not wisdom enough to use the value of it 
to his advantage, yet whatever price he gets for 
it cannot be esteemed to be good." 

Crit. « By this you seem to intimate that 
money itself is not good, if it is in the hands 
of one who does not know how to use it." 

Soc. « Yes, certainly ; for we have already 
agreed that nothing may be esteemed good but 
what we can get profit by. If a man bestow 
the money he gets upon harlots, and by con- 
tinual conversing with them he impairs his 
health, and abandons the care of his estate, 
then his money is no profit to him ; but, on 
the contrary, is an errant poison, which will 
shortly bring him to destruction : therefore, 
friend Critobulus, money is good only to those 
who know how to use it ; but to those who 
know not rightly the value of it, it were better 
for them to cast it away, to avoid the damage 
it would do them." 



Crit. " But what say you o»f friends ? If a 
man knows how to use them, and make them 
profitable to him, what shall we esteem them to 
be?" 

So'c. " These may truly be called goods ; 
they ought to be preferred before our houses, 
our land, our cattle, or our flocks ; the profit 
which may arise by them may be superior to 
all others." 

Crit. " Then by the same rule our enemies 
may be esteemed goods, if we know how to 
profit ourselves by them." 

Soc. " Undoubtedly they are so ; therefore 
it behoves a master*>f a house to use his ene- 
mies with that discretion that he may make 
them advantageous to him by any means : for 
how many instances have we, good Critobu- 
lus, of ordinary men, as well as of noblemen 
and kings, who have increased and amplified 
their fortunes by law, and warring with their 
enemies." 

Crit. " You reason well, good Socrates, of 
these matters. But what think you of those 
who have good learning, and many other good 
properties, whereby they have every opportu- 
nity of improving their estates, and yet never 
put their minds to it 1 We have many instan- 
ces of men with these qualifications, who never 
regard the advancement of their fortunes ; shall 
we then reckon their learning, or their other 
properties, among their goods, seeing they make 
no advantage of them, or ought we to esteem 
them the contrary 1" 

Soc. " I imagine you mean bondmen, or such 
other vile persons." 

Crit. " No, good Socrates ; but the persons 
I speak of are young gentlemen, who are ex- 
pert in affairs of war, as well «as peace ; and yet 
they abandon their knowledge for trifles ; and 
such as them I esteem in a worse condition than 
bondmen ; for I suppose they do not employ 
themselves in the sciences they have been bred 
to, because they have not masters to direct 
them or set them to work." 

Soc. " How can that be, friend Critobulus, 
that they are without directors Ί they have 
many masters, which, when they would study 
their felicity and their advantage, lead them 
away from their virtuous inclinations." 

Crit. " These masters then are invisible !" 

Soc. "Not so invisible, good Critobulus, 
but that we may easily discover them to be the 
most mischievous of any that reign upon earth. 
What think you of sloth, idleness, negligence 



GOOD HUSBANDRY. 



647 



want of public spirit 1 Where these govern, 
what can we expect but mischief! But, be- 
sides these, there are others which govern un- 
der the name of pleasures ; as gaming, lewd 
company, rioting, and• such others, which in 
process of time teach their adherents that plea- 
sures are not without their inconveniences. 
These rulers keep them so much in servitude, 
that they do not allow them the least liberty to 
do any thing for their advantage." 

Crit. " But there are others, friend Socrates, 
who have none of these directors to prevent 
their welfare, but apply themselves assiduously 
to business, and give their minds entirely to 
the advancement of their fortunes, and yet 
waste their estates, ruin their families, and de- 
stroy themselves, without hope of redemption." 
Soc. " These also are bondmen, and are ra- 
ther worse slaves than the others, for these 
have the most severe masters of the two : 
some are under the tyranny of drunkenness, 
others slaves to gluttony, and some to vanity 
and vain-glory ; all which keep their subjects 
in that severity of servitude, that as long as 
they find them young, lusty, and able to work, 
they make them bring all that they can get by 
any means to bestow upon these lusts and plea- 
sures ; but as soon as they perceive them to grow 
so old, that they can labour no longer for them, 
they are then turned off to lead the remainder 
of their days in want and misery, while their 
quondam masters are contriving to ensnare 
others in their room. Wherefore, good Crito- 
bulus, we ought by all means to resist such in- 
vaders of our liberties, even with as much 
force and resolution as we would oppose an 
enemy who with sword in hand attempts to 
bring us into slavery. There are some ene- 
mies who have wisdom and goodness enough, 
when they have brought men into their subjec- 
tion, to learn them government and modera- 
tion, which before were proud and arrogant. 
But as for the tyrants I have mentioned before, 
they never cease harassing and tormenting both 
the bodies and estates of those which fall into 
their hands till they have utterly destroyed 
them." 

II. Crit. " You have sufficiently spoken to 
this point ; and, now I examine myself, I 
verily believe I have conduct and courage 
enough to resist such deceitful invaders ; and I 
now desire your advice concerning the manage- 
ment of my house, that both myself and for- 
tune may be improved ; for I am persuaded I 



shall not be overcome by those enemies to rea 
son which you have so largely exposed. And 
therefore, good Socrates, give me your deli 
berate opinion how I shall act for the good of 
myself and estate ; although perhaps you may 
think that we are already rich enough." 

Soc. " For my own part, if I am one of 
those you speak of, I want nothing, I have 
riches enough ; but for yourself, Critobulus, I 
esteem you a very poor man ; and, by the faith 
I owe to the gods, I often pity you." 

Crit. " Your discourse makes me laugh ! If 
you are so very rich as you esteem yourself, 
pray inform me what may be the value of all 
your estate if it were sold, and what do you 
imagine is the worth of all my possessions ?" 

Soc. ** Perhaps, if I sell all my possessions 
at a good market, I may gain five or six pounds 
for them ; but I know very well, that were 
your whole estate to be sold, the price would 
be more than a thousand times as much ; and 
yet though you know this, you are still desir- 
ous to increase your estate, and upbraid me 
with my poverty. What I possess is enough 
to supply me with necessaries ; but to support 
your grandeur, and draw the respect due to 
your quality and the post you possess, I am of 
opinion, that were you master of four times as 
much as you have already, you would still be 
in want." 

Crit. « I do not conceive how that can be." 

Soc. " In the first place, your rank requires 
you to feast and make entertainments for the 
people, to gain their good-will, and command 
their respect. In the next place, you must 
live hospitably, and receive and entertain all 
strangers, and gain their esteem. And in the 
third place, you must continually be doing good 
offices to your fellow citizens, that upon an 
emergency you may find friends. Besides, I 
already observe that the city of Athens begins 
to put you upon expensive works ; viz. to fur- 
nish them with horses, to raise public build- 
ings, to muster men, to erect theatres, and to 
treat the citizens with plays. But if this na- 
tion should be once involved in war, I am sure 
their demand upon you in taxes, and other du- 
ties, will be as much as your purse will be able 
to bear. And when that happens, if you are 
discovered to conceal any of your riches, or do 
not answer their demands to your full power, 
you must undergo the same punishment as if 
you had robbed the common treasury. And 
besides, I find you possessed with the opinion 



S 



648 



THE SCIENCE OF 



that you have riches enough, and therefore give 
voursclf up to vain and trifling pleasures, which 
is the effect o( your riches. It is for these 
reasons, good Critobulus, that I grieve for you 
lest you fall under misfortunes that may end 
in the greatest poverty without remedy: and 
for myself, if I should be necessitous, you know 
verv well that many would relieve me ; and if 
I received but a little of every one, I should 
have more money than would satisfy my wants : 
but, as for your friends, though they have more 
riches in their stations, than you possess in 
yours, they have yet expectations of preferment 
from you." 

Crit. " I confess I find nothing amiss in your 
discourse. I so much approve of it, that my 
greatest desire is, that you will instruct me 
with such good precepts as may preserve me 
from the misery you speak of, and that I may 
never be an object of your compassion, unless 
it be in a good cause." 

Soc. " I suppose then, friend Critobulus', you 
are not now in the same laughing mind you 
was in, when I told you I had riches enough ; 
do you now believe I know wherein consists 
the value of riches 1 You ridiculed me when 
you made me confess that I had not by a thou- 
sandth part so much as you have, and now you 
desire my most friendly instructions to keep 
you from extreme poverty." 

Crit. " I perceive, good Socrates, that you 
have sufficient wisdom to instruct a man how 
to gain true riches, even in the greatest plenty : 
and I am persuaded, that the man who knows 
how to make the most of a little, is no less 
capable of managing the greatest fortune." 

Soc. « You may remember, that towards the 
beginning of our discourse I told you that 
horses ought not to be reckoned among the 
goods of those who know not how to use them, 
nor land, nor sheep, nor money, or any other 
thing whatever ; and yet every one of these are 
profitable, when they are used discreetly. As 
for my own part, I have never had any of these ; 
and how then should I be able to inform you of 
the use of them 1 But though a man has 
neither money nor goods, yet I am persuaded 
there is such a science as the good ordering of 
a house. Why then, good Critobulus, should 
you not be master of this science 1 For the 
reason why every man cannot play well upon 
the flute, is either because he has not a flute 
of his own, or cannot borrow a flute of another 
to practise upon. The same impediment have 



I in the science of ordering a house ; for I was 
never yet master of the implements belonging 
to housekeeping, neither goods nor money ; 
nor was there ever any who intrusted me with 
the management of their house, or estate, al- 
though you now desire my directions. But 
you are sensible, that learners of music in the 
beginning spoil their instruments : so that were 
I now to begin my practice upon your estate, I 
should destroy it." 

Crit. « Thus you endeavour to evade the 
business I desire you to undertake, and would 
shun taking share with me in the management 
of my affairs." 

Soc. " That is not the case. I am willing to 
serve you in any thing within the bounds of 
my capacity. But suppose you was in want 
of fire, and came to me for it, and I had none, 
but directed you to a place where you might 
have it : would not that be of the same account 1 
Or if you want water, and I have it not, but 
direct you where to have it, will not that be as 
agreeable to you 1 And if you would be in- 
structed in music, and I directed you to a bet- 
ter judge in music than myself, would not that 
answer your design 1 Therefore, since I have 
ho knowledge of myself in the affair you speak 
of, the best pleasure I can do you, is to recom- 
mend you to such persons who are most expert 
in the business you require ; and that, I judge, 
I am able to do ; for I have made it my busi- 
ness to search out the most ingenious of all 
sorts in every quarter of the city, having ob- 
served that among the practisers of the same 
service, and the same trade, some of the practi- 
tioners were hardly capable of subsisting, or 
getting their bread, while others got estates. 
This, I confess, made me admire ; till at length 
I discovered that some men ran headlong upon 
their business without any consideration, and 
are so rash in their undertakings, that they 
always come off losers ; while on the other 
hand, I observed that all those who went about 
their work deliberately, and advised well upon 
their business before they set about it, these 
men accomplished their affairs with more 
facility, more despatch, and to more advantage. 
Which observation may serve, as a lesson, to 
instruct you how your fortune may be advanced 
upon a sure foundation." 

Crit. " Then I am resolved not to part 
from you till you have acquainted me with 
those wise men you speak of, who are capable 
of informing me of the matters I want." 



GOOD HUSBANDRY. 



649 



Soc. " Will it be amiss if I show you some 
men who have been at vast expenses in build- 
ing, and set about their work with so little 
judgment or consideration, that after an im- 
mense treasure has been spent by them, they 
have only raised an unprofitable pile to their 
discredit 1 And, on the contrary, there are other 
men, who with much less charge have erected 
useful and profitably buildings. Will not this 
be one step towards the good ordering of a 
house?" 

Crit. " You are surely right." 
Soc. " Will it then be improper, if I show 
you, in the next place, that some men have 
plenty of rich and useful furniture for their 
houses, and for all uses ; and when any part of 
it should be used, it is out of the way, and to 
seek, and it is not known whether it be lost, 
or iyid in .safety 1 This, wherever it happens, 
discomposes the master of the house, and oc- 
casions him to be angry with his servants. 
But t|iere are others, who have no more goods 
or fuAiture, or, perhaps, have not half so much, 
and yet have every thing ready at hand to an- 
swer tneir occasions." 

Crit\« The reason is plain, good Socrates ; 
the first\have no order in the distribution of 
their goals, but let them lie in confusion ; the 
others ha^p a regard that every thing should be 
laid up in \ts proper place." 

Soc. " i\^u are in the right, good Crito- 
bulus ; but \ is not only necessary that every 
thing shouldW set in its place, but also, that 
there should b^ a proper and convenient place 
to set it in.' 

Crit. " This^lso is necessary towards th 
good ordering of\a house." 

Soc. " SupposU likewise show you," that in 
some places the slaves and servants are chained 
and strictly watcheL and yet often run away 
from their masters\ while in Qther places, 
where they are in Veedom, and have their 
liberty, they work hytily for their masters, 
and are perpetually strWg who shall act most 
for their advantage. IsW this a point worthy 
the regard of a housekeeW ]" 

Crit. " Certainly, it Wyery worthy the re 
gard of a master." 

Soc. " Nor will it be ofW use, if I show 
you that some husbandmeft CO ntinually com- 
plain of want, an{ are in a syving condition ; 
while others, who practise th& a me science of 
husbandry, have every thing Necessary about 
them and live upon the fat of t$ land.' 
55 



Crit. " This will surely be of good use 
But perhaps the first you speak of bestow 
their money and goods improperly ; or dispose 
of what they get to the disadvantage of them- 
selves and their families." 

Soc. " There are surely some such husband- 
men ; but I only speak of those who call them- 
selves husbandmen, and yet can hardly find 
themselves with a sufficiency of meat and 
drink." 

Crit. " What should be the cause of this ?" 

Soc. " I will bring you among them, that 
you may learn by their example." 

Crit. " That is my desire, good Socrates." 

Soc. " But first you must learn how to dis- 
tinguish between the good and the bad, when 
you see them. I have known you rise early in 
the morning, and travel long journeys to see a 
comedy, and you have pressed my company- 
with you ; but you never invited me to such 
a sight as this we speak of." 

Crit. '< Dear Socrates, forbear your banter, 
and proceed in your good instructions." 

Soc. " Suppose I show you some men, who 
by keeping great stables of horses are reduced 
to extreme poverty ; while others, by the same 
means have got great estates, and live splen- 
didly η 

Crit. « I have seen them, and know them 
both ; but I cannot discern what advantage 
that will be to me." 

Soc. " The reason is, that you see them as 
you do plays, not with a design of becoming a 
poet, but purely for amusement and recreation ; 
and perhaps you do not amiss in that, if your 
genius does not lead you to be a poet ; but as 
you are obliged to keep horses, is it not neces- 
sary that you should understand what belongs 
to them, that by your skill you may reap an 
advantage by them ]" 

Crit. " You mean that I should breed horses." 

Soc, " By no means ; for you may have a 
good servant without the trouble of bringing 
him up from a child. There are ages both of 
horses and men wherein they are immediately 
profitable, and will improve every day upon 
your hands. Moreover, I can show you some 
men, who have been so discreet in the manage- 
ment of their wives, that their estates have 
been greatly advantaged by them ; but there 
are others, and not a few, who by means of 
their wives have been utterly ruined." 

Crit. " But who is to be blamed for this ; ths 
husband or the wife V 

4G 



650 



THE SCIENCE OF 



Sec. ■ If a sheep is out of order, we com- 
j blame the shepherd ; and if a horse have 
riot his goings as be should, but is skittish and 
mischievous, we blame the breaker ; and as for 
■ wife, if her husband instruct her well in his 
affairs, and she neglect them, she is not wise : 
but if her husband does not his part, in giving 
her proper instructions for her government, and 
she behaves herself disorderly, and unbecoming 
her sex, or herself as a mistress of a house, is 
not then the man to blame 1" 

Crit. « Yes, without doubt ; and it is a sub- 
ject that I should be glad to discourse with you 
about ; and, by the friendship we owe one an- 
other, tell me sincerely and freely, is there 
any one among all your friends whom you in- 
trust with so great a share of your household 
affairs as your wife V 

Soc. " It is true, I do not : but tell me like- 
wise, is there one you converse with seldom- 
er upon that subject than you do with your 
wife V 

Crit. " You judge right ; for if there are any, 
there are very few, who know less of my af- 
fairs than my wife." 

Soc. " You married her very young, before 
she had seen or heard much of the world ; there- 
fore it would be more to be admired if she 
acted as she ought to do, than if she did 



Crit. " Then, good Socrates, do you imagine 
that those, who bear the character of good 
housewives, have been taught to be so 8" 

Soc. " I will not dispute that with you at 
present, but refer you to my wife Aspasia, 
who will inform you better than I can myself. 
But, to proceed ; I esteem a wife to be a good 
and necessary companion for the master of a 
house, and one who ought to bear the next share 
of government under the master of the house ; 
there is only a little more power in the husband 
than in the wife : the substance of the estate 
is generally increased by the industry and labour 
of the man ; but the wife, for the most part, 
has the care upon her to distribute and order 
those things that are brought into the house \ 
and if, therefore, the husband and wife agree 
in their management, the houses and estates im- 
prove; but where there is not this harmony, 
they must necessarily decay. I could likewise 
inform you in many other sciences, if the in- 
struction were needful." 

Crit " There is no occasion, good Socrates ; 
for the richest man has not occasion to employ 



men of all faculties, nor is there any man who 
has occasion to practise them all. .But such 
sciences as are honourable and becoming my 
province to understand, those I desire to learn, 
as well from the persons you may judge most 
capable of teaching me, as from yourself, whom 
principally I shall depend upon to give the fin- 
ishing stroke." 

Soc. " You reason well, friend Critobulus ; 
for there are many crafts which are not neces- 
sary for you to know : those are called handi- 
craft, and are the least regarded in our city and 
commonwealth ; for they destroy the health ox 
those who practise them, by keeping their 
bodies in the shade, and confining them to a 
sedentary habit, or else by employing them all 
day over the fire, which is yet as unhealthfil ; 
and when once the body is tender and feeble, 
the stomach and spirits must certainly be vreak. 
And besides, men of such occupations can aave 
no time to bend their minds either to do their 
friends any good, or can have leisure to assist 
the commonwealth : therefore such peop'e can- 
not readily serve their friends, if they should 
happen to be in distress ; nor are persois fit to 
serve their country in time of adversiy. For 
which reason, in some cities and common- 
wealths, especially such as are deeplf engaged 
in war, a citizen is not suffered to pectise any 
handicraft." 

Crit. " "What faculties then, grod Socrates, 
would you advise me to use 1" 

Soc. " The king of Persia, I «link, may set 
us a good example ; for we arf told that the 
sciences which are most esteened by him are 
war and husbandry ; these o' all others, he 
reckons the most honourable as well as the 
most necessary, and accordingly gives them en- 
couragement." 

Crit. " And can you imagine, good Socrates, 
that the king of Persia h^ any regard for hus- 
bandry 1" 

«Soc. " I shall endea^mr to satisfy you whe- 
ther he has or not. ^ou will allow with all 
the world that he delists in war, because of his 
obligations on the prices under him to furnish 
him with certain rJmbers of troops by way 
of tribute ; eithe 1 to keep his subjects in 
awe and prevent rebellion, or to guard his 
country against foreign enemies that may 
come to invad' it. Besides these, he keeps 
large garrison? in several castles, and ap- 
points a treadrer to pay their wages duly, 
that they m/ be kept in good order. His 



GOOD HUSBANDRY. 



651 



tributary troops are all mustered once in 
twelve months, that they may be disciplined 
and ready for an engagement, jf any commo- 
tion or invasion should happen ; but the garri- 
soned forces and his own guards he reviews 
himself, and intrusts the inspection of his re- 
moter troops to such a lieutenant as he can 
best confide in, upon whose report he either 
rewards or punishes the leaders of the several 
legions, according as they have acted for his 
honour in their several stations. Those espe- 
cially who have their troops in the best order 
and discipline, he confers on them the greatest 
honours, and rewards them with such pre- 
sents as may put them above the world ever 
after ; and for those who have neglected their 
duty and abused the soldiers under them, he 
dismisses them from their governments, and 
loads them with shame. It cannot be doubted 
but a prince that acts with this conduct must 
understand war, and is well skilled in the mili- 
tary science. 

" On the other hand, he employs great part 
of his time in riding about his neighbouring 
part of the country, and observing the state of 
husbandry, whether the lands are tilled as they 
ought to be ; and for the remote parts, he 
sends such deputies to examine them as are 
esteemed to be the properest judges ; and 
when he finds that his governors and deputies 
have kept their several countries well inha- 
bited, and the ground well cultivated, with 
such produce as it will best bear, he raises 
them in honours, loads them with presents, 
and enlarges their governments ; but if he 
finds the country thin of people, or the ground 
uncultivated, or that extortions or cruelties 
have been committed by his governors, he in- 
flicts severe punishments on them, and dis- 
charges them from their employments. From 
these examples, do you believe that the king 
of Persia has not as great a regard to the peo- 
pling his country, and the science of husbandry, 
as he has to keeping an army in such an order 
as may defend it] But it is to be observed 
among his high officers, that no one of them 
has the charge of two commissions at one time ; 
for some are appointed to be overseers of his 
lands and husbandmen, and to receive his tri- 
butes that arise by them, while others are em- 
ployed to overlook the soldiery and garrisons ; 
so that if the governor of the garrison neglects 
his duty in keeping good order or defending 
his country, the lieutenant over the affairs of 



husbandry accuses him, that his land is not 
cultivated for want of a sufficient defence 
againet the encroaching parties, which are 
common enough in those parts. But if the 
governor of the garrison performs his duty, and 
keeps the country under his jurisdiction in 
peace ; and the director of affairs of husbandry 
neglects his business, so that the country is in 
want of people, and the lands are not ordered 
as they ought to be, then he is accused by the 
governor of the garrison ; for if the husbandry 
is neglected, the soldiers must starve, and the 
king himself must lose his tribute. But in 
some part of Persia there is a great prince 
called Satrapa, who takes upon him the office 
both of soldiery and husbandry." 

Crit. " If the king acts as you inform me, 
he seems to take as much delight in husbandry 
as he does in war." 

Soc. " I have not yet done concerning him ; 
for in every country where he resides, or passes 
a little time, he takes care to have excellent 
gardens, filled with every kind of flower or 
plant that can by any means be collected, and 
in these places are his chief delight." 

Crit. "By your discourse it appears also, 
that he has a great delight in gardening ; for, 
as you intimate, his gardens are furnished with 
every tree and plant that the ground is capable 
of bringing forth." 

Soc. " We are told likewise, that when the 
king distributes any rewards, he first appoints 
the principal officers of his soldiery, who have 
the greatest right to his favour, to appear be- 
fore him, and then bestows on them presents 
according to their deserts: for the tilling of 
ground would be of no effect, unless there 
were forces well managed to defend it. And 
after the soldiers he next distributes his ho- 
nours and preferments among those who have 
taken good care that his lands were well culti- 
vated and the people kept from idleness ; ob- 
serving at the same time that vigilant soldiers 
could not subsist without the care of the in- 
dustrious husbandmen. We are told likewise, 
that Cyrus, a king famed for his wisdom and 
warlike disposition, was of the same mind 
with regard to husbandry ; and used to distri- 
bute rewards to his most deserving soldiers 
and husbandmen, telling them at the same 
time, that he himself had deserved the presents 
he gave away, because he had taken «are of 
the tillage of his country, and had also tanen 
J care to defend it." 



65*2 



THE SCIENCE OF 



Crii. '• If this is true of Cyrus, it is evident 
enough that he had as much love for husbandry 
U he had for war.*' 

Soc. -It" Cyrus had lived, he would have 
proved a very wise prince, for we have many 
extraordinery proofs of his wisdom and con- 
duct : one passage in particular I may take 
notice of, which is, when he met his brother 
in battle to decide the dispute who should be 
king, from Cyrus no man deserted, but many 
thousands deserted from the king to Cyrus ; 
■which surely must be the effect of his virtue, 
for there is no greater argument of a prince's 
goodness, than the love of the people, and 
especially when they pay him a voluntary obe- 
dience, and stand by him in time of distress. 
In this great contest, the friends of Cyrus 
stood righting about him while he was yet 
alive, and even after his fall, maintained their 
post till they were all slain by his side, except 
Ariaeus, who was posted in the left wing of the 
army. When Lysander brought presents to 
Cyrus from the cities of Greece that were his 
confederates, he received him with the greatest 
humanity, and among other things showed him 
his garden, which was called " the Paradise of' 
Sardis ;*' which when Lysander beheld, he was 
struck with admiration of the beauty of the 
trees, the regularity of their planting, the even- 
ness of their rows, and their making regular 
angles one to another ; or, in a word, the 
beauty of the quincunx order in which they 
were planted, and the delightful odours which 
issued from them. Lysander could no longer 
refrain from extolling the beauty of their order, 
but more particularly admired the excellent 
skill of the hand that had so curiously disposed 
them ; which Cyrus perceiving, answered him : 
' All the trees that you here behold are of my 
own appointment; I it was that contrived, 
measured, and laid out the ground for planting 
these trees, and I can even show you some 
of them that I planted with my own hands.' 
When Lysander heard this, and saw the rich- 
ness of his robes, and the splendour of his 
dress, his chains of gold, and the number and 
curiosity of the jewels about him, he cried out 
with astonishment, ' Is it possible, great king, 
that you could condescend to plant any of 
these trees with your own hands]' — «Do you 
wonder at that, Lysander V answered Cyrus, 
' I assure you, that whenever I have leisure 
from war, or am the most at ease, I never 
dine till I have either done some exercise in 



arms, or employed myself in some point of 
husbandry, till I sweat.' To which Lysandei 
replied : ' You • are truly fortunate, great king, 
in being a wise and good man.' 

V. " This, good Critobulus, I thought pro- 
per to acquaint you of, that you may know 
how much the richest and most fortunate 
among men delight themselves in husbandry : 
for it is a business of that nature, that at the 
same time it is delightful and profitable, both 
to the body and estate, affording such exercise 
as will increase a man's health and strength, and 
such advantages as may greatly improve his for- 
tune. By husbandry the ground gives us every 
thing necessary for our food and nourishment, 
and such things likewise as afford the greatest 
pleasures. Moreover, it furnishes us with 
beautiful flowers, and other excellent materials 
for the ornament and decoration of the tem- 
j pies and altars, affording the richest gayety, 
ι and most fragrant odours. So likewise it pro- 
duces meats for the use of men ; some without 
much trouble, others with more labour; for 
the keeping of sheep is a branch of husbandry. 
But though it gives us plenty of all kinds of 
things, yet it does not allow us to reap them in 
sloth and idleness, but excites us to health and 
strength by the labour it appoints us. In the 
winter, by reason of the cold; and in summer, 
by reason of heat ; and for them who labour 
with their hands, it makes them robust and 
mighty ; and those who only oversee their 
works, are quickened and prompted to act 
like men ; for they must rise early in the 
morning, and must exercise themselves with 
walking from one place to another. For, both 
in the fields and in cities, whatever is un- 
dertaken to the purpose, must be done in a 
proper time and season. Again : if a man is 
inclined to practise horsemanship, and grow ex- 
pert in that science for the defence of his coun- 
try, a horse can be nowhere better kept, than 
in the country ; or if a man choose to exercise 
himself on foot, or in running, husbandry gives 
him strength of body, and he may exercise 
himself in hunting : here is also meat for his 
dogs, as well as entertainment for wild beasts, 
and beasts of the game : and the horses and 
dogs, thus assisted by husbandry, return as 
good service to the ground ; for the horse may 
carry his master early in the morning to over 
see that the workmen and labourers do their 
duty in the fields, and returns with the master 
again at night at the latest hour, if his pre 



GOOD HUSBANDRY. 



653 



sence should be required till that time ; and 
the dogs are a defence against wild beasts, 
that they spoil not the fruits of the earth, nor 
destroy the sheep, and even keep a man safe 
in a wilderness. Again ; the practice of hus- 
bandry makes men strong and bold, enabling 
them to defend their country ; for in open 
countries the husbandmen are not without rob- 
bers, who would invade their lands, and carry 
off their crops, if they had not strength and 
courage enough to resist them. What faculty 
will sooner encourage a man to leap, to run, or 
draw a bow, than husbandry 1 and what science 
is there that brings a man more advantage for 
his labour 1 What science is more agreeable to 
a studious man 1 for he finds in it every thing 
he can have occasion for. Where shall a 
stranger be better received and entertained 1 
or where shall a man live more commodiously 
in winter, than in the place where he may be 
accommodated with firing enough and hot 
baths 1 Where can we abide with greater 
pleasure in summer, than near rivers, springs, 
woods, groves, and fields, where gentle breezes 
fan the air 1 Where may a man treat his guests 
more agreeably or make more triumphant ban- 
quets 1 What place do servants delight in 
more 1 Or what other place is more agreeable 
to the wife ? Where do children covet more 
to be 1 Or where are friends better received, 
or better satisfied "? There is no science, in 
my mind, more delightful than this, if a man 
has a convenient substance to put him to work ; 
nor any business more profitable to a man, if 
he has skill and industry. Again : the ground 
may teach men justice, if they have discretion 
enough to observe it ; for it rewards those very 
liberally, who take care of it and assist it. But 
if it should happen that a country, by means 
of wars, should be obliged to lie uncultivated ; 
yet those who have been bred up to husbandry 
are hardy and fit for soldiers, and may by that 
means get their living; and oftentimes it is 
more certain seeking a livelihood with weapons 
of war, in time of war, than with instruments 
of husbandry. 

" The science of husbandry also brings men 
to good discipline, and prepares them to go to 
war when there is occasion. For the ground 
cannot be tilled without men ; and a good hus- 
bandman will always provide the the strongest, 
lustiest workmen he can get for that purpose, 
and such especially as will readily obey his 
commands, and are tractable in their business ; 
55* 



and this is much the same with the business of 
a general when he is ordering his army : in 
either case those are rewarded that behave 
themselves well, or those are punished who arc 
obstinate and neglect their duty. A good 
husbandman must as often call upon his work- 
men and encourage them, as a general or leader 
of an army ought to encourage his soldiers; 
for bondmen should be no less encouraged and 
fed with hopes by their masters than freemen ; 
nay, rather more, that their inclinations may 
bind them to their masters, and keep them 
from running away. He was surely a wise man 
who said, that husbandry was the mother and 
nurse of all other , sciences ; for if husbandry 
flourish, all other sciences and faculties fare 
the better ; but whenever the ground lies un- 
cultivated, and brings no crop, all other scien- 
ces are at a loss both by sea and land." 

Crit. " Good Socrates, you reason well of 
this matter ; but you are sensible there are 
many unforeseen accidents that happen in hus- 
bandry, which sometimes will destroy all our 
hopes of profit, though a husbandman has 
acted with the greatest skill and diligence; 
sometimes hail, droughts, mildews, or continual 
rains, spoil our crops, or vermin will even eat 
up the seed in the ground ; and also sheep, 
though they never have so good pasture, are 
sometimes infected with distempers, which 
destroy them." 

Soc. " I thought, good Critobulus, that you 
allowed the gods to have the direction of hus- 
bandry, as well as the battle. We all know 
that before our generals lead forth their armies, 
they make vows, prayers, and offer sacrifices to 
the gods, to bribe them in favour of their en- 
terprise, and consult the oracles what is best to 
do. And think you that, in the business of 
husbandry, we ought not to implore the favour 
of the gods as much as we do in the affair of 
war 1 Be assured, friend Critobulus, that all 
virtuous men attend the temples with sacrifices, 
prayers, and oblations for the welfare of all 
their fruits, their oxen, their sheep, their horses, 
and of every thing else that they possess." 

VI. Crit. " I agree with you, good Socrates, 
that in all our undertakings we ought, before we 
set about them, to consult and implore the plea- 
sure of the gods, as their power is superior to 
ah* others, as well in war as in peace : but our 
purpose is to consult about the well-ordering 
of a house : therefore I desire you will resume 
your discourse, and proceed to the purport of 



554 



THE SCIENCE OF 



our design : for I confess you have already made 
such an impression on me with regard to the 
ordering of a house, and how a man ought to 
live, that I long for your farther instructions." 

iSW . " Will it not then be proper to have a 
respect to our foregoing arguments, and make 
a recapitulation of those things that we have 
agreed in, that in the progress of our discourse 
we may know what has been settled between 
us?" 

Crit. « It will be a great pleasure ; for when 
two men have lent money to one another, there 
is nothing more agreeable to them both, than 
to agree in their reckoning : so now in our dis- 
course it will be no less agreeable to know 
what particulars we have settled betwixt us." 

Soc. " We first agreed, that the ordering of 
a house is the name of a science ; and that 
to act for the increase and welfare of a house, 
is that science. 

" Secondly, we agreed, that by the word 
house, we mean all a man's possessions, and 
such goods as are useful to a man's life ; and 
we found that every thing was profitable to a 
man that he knew how to use with judgment : 
wherefore we concluded it was impossible for 
a man to learn all manner of sciences : and as 
for the handicrafts, we thought proper to ex- 
clude them, as many cities and commonwealths 
do, because they seem to destroy bodily health ; 
and this particularly where there is danger of 
enemies invading the country, or where there 
are wars ; for were we on that occasion to set 
the handicraftmen on one side, and the hus- 
bandmen on the other, and ask them w'hether 
they would rather go out against their enemies, 
or give up their fields and defend the cities ; 
those who had been used to the labour of the 
field would rather go out to fight and deliver 
their country, and the artificers would choose 
rather to sit still in the way they had been 
brought up, than put themselves into the least 
danger : we, moreover, recommended husband- 
ry as a good exercise, and a calling of that 
profit that will bring its master every thing that 
is necessary : besides, it is a business soon 
learned, and extremely pleasant to them who 
practise it ; it also makes the body robust and 
strong, gives a bloom to the face, and qualifies 
a man with a generosity of spirit to assist his 
friends and his country ; besides this, we have 
also joined in opinion, that the practice of 
husbandry makes men hardy and courageous, 
and able to defend their country ; because, by 



the fields lying open and exposed to invaders, 
they have frequent skirmishes, and therefore 
know the better how to fight. It is for these 
reasons that husbandry is esteemed the mother 
of sciences and the most honourable in all 
governments : it is healthful, and breeds good 
men, and occasions generosity of spirit, and 
good will towards one's friends and country." 

Crit. "You have fully persuaded me that 
husbandry is a most pleasant and profitable oc- 
cupation ;,but I remember in your discourse you 
told me of some husbandmen who get plentiful 
fortunes by their practice, and that there were 
others who through mismanagement became 
beggars by it : I desire you would clear up 
these two things to me, that when I come to 
practise this science, I may follow that way 
which will be the most advantageous, and avoid 
the contrary." 

Soc. " But suppose I should first tell you, 
good Critobulus, of a discourse I once had 
with a man who might truly be called good 
and honest ; for it will assist in what you de- 
sire." 

Crit. " I shall be glad to hear that discourse, 
which may inform me how to gain the worthy 
name of a truly good and honest man." 

Soc. " That which first led me to consider 
the value of one man more than of another, was 
by finding among the artificers, such as build- 
ers, painters, and statuaries, those were always 
esteemed the best and most worthy whose 
works were the most perfect ; so that it was 
their works that gained them the applause of 
the people. I had likewise heard that there 
were those among the people, who had so be- 
haved themselves, that they were esteemed 
good and honest men : these men, above all 
others, I coveted to converse with, that I might 
learn how they gained that character ; and be- 
cause I observed that good and honest were 
companions in their character, I saluted the 
first man I met that had a goodly presence, ex- 
pecting to find the character of good and hon- 
est in the most comely personage, rather than 
any other : but I soon found I was far from 
my aim, and began to recollect myself that 
there are many fair faces, and personages of 
graceful appearance, that possess the most 
sordid dispositions, and ungenerous souls ; so 
that now I was sensible the good and honest 
man was not to be known by the external 
appearance, but that the surest way to find 
what I sought for, was to search for one of 



GOOD HUSBANDRY. 



655 



those that bore the character. In the course 
of my inquiries I was recommended to one 
whose name is Ischomachus, a man esteem- 
ed by both the sexes, citizens and stran- 
gers, as truly worthy the character I sought 
for ; and I soon made it my business to find 
him out. 

VII. " When I first saw him I found him 
sitting in a portico of one of the temples alone ; 
and as I concluded he was then at leisure, I 
placed myself by him, and addressed myself 
to him in the following manner : 

" Good Ischomachus, I much wonder to see 
you thus unemployed, whose industry leads 
you ever to be stirring for the good of some 
one or other." — "Nor should you now have 
found me here, good Socrates," said Ischo- 
machus, " if I had not appointed some strangers 
to meet me at this place." — » And if you had 
not been here," said Socrates, "where would 
you have been? or, I pray you, how would 
you have employed yourself? for I wish to 
learn what it is that you do to gain the charac- 
ter from all people of a good and honest man : 
the good complexion of your features seems to 
denote, that you do not always confine your- 
self to home." At this, Ischomachus, smiling, 
seemed to express a satisfaction in what I had 
said, and replied ; " I know not that people 
give me the character of a good and honest 
man, for when I am obliged to pay money 
either for taxes, subsidies, or on other occa- 
sions, the people call me plainly Ischomachus : 
and for what you say concerning my not being 
much at home, you conjecture right, for my 
wife is capable of ordering such things as be- 
long to the house." — « But pray tell me," said 
Socrates, " did you instruct your wife how to 
manage your house, or was it her father and 
mother that gave her sufficient instructions to 
order a house before she came to you V — 
« My wife," answered Ischomachus, " was but 
fifteen years old when I married her; and till 
then she had been so negligently brought up, 
that she hardly knew any thing of worldly 
affairs." — " I suppose," said Socrates, she 
could spin, and card, or set her servants to 
work." — " As for such things, good Socrates," 
replied Ischomachus, " she had her share of 
knowledge." — " And did you teach her all the 
rest," said Socrates, " which relates to the 
management of a house V — « I did," replied 
Ischomachus, " but not before I had implored 
the assistance of the gods, to show me what 



instructions were necessary for her; and that 
she might have a heart to learn and practise 
those instructions to the advantage and profit 
of us both." — " But, good Ischomachus, tell 
me," said Socrates, »< did your wife join with 
you in your petition to the gods?" — "Yes," 
replied Ischomachus, " and I looked upon that 
to be no bad omen of her disposition to receive 
such instructions as I should give her." — " I 
pray you, good Ischomachus, tell me," said 
Socrates, " what was the first thing you began 
to show her 1 for to hear that, will be a greater 
pleasure to me, than if you were to describe 
the most triumphant feast that had ever been 
celebrated." — " To begin then, good Socrates, 
when we were well enough acquainted, and 
were so familiar that we began to converse 
freely with one another, I asked her for what 
reason she thought I had taken her to be my 
wife, that it was not purely to make her a 
partner of my bed, for that she knew I had 
women enough already at my command ; but 
the reason why her father and mother had con- 
sented she should be mine, was because we 
concluded her a proper person to be a part- 
ner in my house and children : for this end 
I informed her it was, that I chose her before 
all other women ; and with the same regard 
her father and mother chose me for a hus- 
band : and if we should be so much favoured 
by the gods that she should bring me children, 
it would be our business jointly to consult 
about their education, and how to bring them 
up in the virtues becoming mankind ; for then 
we may expect them to be profitable to us, to 
defend us, and comfort us in our old age. 1 
further added, that our house was now common 
to us both, as well as our estates; for all that 
I had I delivered into her care, and the same 
she did likewise on her part to me ; and like- 
wise that all these goods were to be employed 
to the advantage of us both, without upbraiding 
one or the other, which of the two had brought 
the greatest fortune ; but let our study be, who 
shall contribute most to the improvement of 
the fortunes we have brought together ; and 
accordingly wear the honour they may gain by 
their good management. 

" To this, good Socrates, my wife replied, 
< How can I help you in this 1 or wherein can 
the little power I have do you any good ? for 
my mother told me, both my fortune, as well 
as yours, was wholly at your command, and 
that it must be my chief care to live virtuously 



G5G 



THE SCIENCE OF 



and soberly.' < This is true, good wife,' an- 
swered Ischomachus, « but it is the part of a 
sober husband and virtuous wife to join in their 
care, not only to preserve the fortune they are 
possessed of, but to contribute equally to im- 
prove it.' — ' And what do you see in me,' 
said the wife of Ischomachus, < that you be- 
lieve me capable of assisting in the improve- 
ment of your fortune V — < Use your endeavour, 
good wife,' said Ischomachus, < to do those 
things which are acceptable to the gods, and 
are appointed by the law for you to do.' — 
<■ And what things are those, dear husband V 
said the wife of Ischomachus. < They are 
things,' replied he, < which are of no small 
concern, unless you think that the bee which 
remains always in the hive, is unemployed : it 
is her part to oversee the bees that work in the 
hive, while the others are abroad to gather wax 
and honey ; and it is, in my opinion, a great 
favour of the gods to give us such lively ex- 
amples, by such little creatures, of our duty to 
assist one another in the good ordering of 
things ; for, by the example of the bees, a 
husband and wife may see the necessity of be- 
ing concerned together towards the promoting 
and advancing of their stock : and this union 
between the man and woman is no less neces- 
sary to prevent the decay and loss of mankind, 
by producing children which may help to com- 
fort and nourish their parents in their old age. 
It is ordained also for some creatures to live in 
houses, while it is as necessary for others to 
be abroad in the fields : wherefore it is con- 
venient for those who have houses and would 
furnish them with necessary provisions, to pro- 
vide men to work in their fields, either for 
tilling the ground, sowing of grain, planting of 
trees, or grazing of cattle ; nor is it less neces- 
sary, when the harvest is brought in, to take 
care in the laying our corn and fruits up pro- 
perly, and disposing of them discreetly. Little 
children must be brought up in the house, 
bread must be made in the house, and all kinds 
of meats must be dressed in the house ; like- 
wise spinning, carding and weaving, are all 
works to be done within doors ; so that both 
the things abroad, and those within the house, 
require the utmost care and diligence ; and it 
appears plainly, by many natural instances, that 
the woman was born to look after such things 
as are to be done within the house : for a man 
naturally is strong of body, and capable of en- 
during the fatigue of heat and cold, of travel- 



ling and undergoing the harsher exercise ; s« 
that it seems as if nature had appointed him to 
look after the affairs without doors : the woman 
being also to nurse and bring up children, she 
is naturally of a more soft and tender nature 
than the man ; and it seems likewise that na 
ture has given the woman a greater share of 
jealousy and fear than to the man, that she 
may be more careful and watchful over those 
things which are intrusted to her care ; and 
it seems likely, that the man is naturally made 
more hardy and bold than the woman, because 
his business is abroad in all seasons, and that 
he may defend himself against all assaults and 
accidents. But because both the man and the 
woman are to be together for both their advan- 
tages, the man to gather his substance from 
abroad, and the woman to manage and improve 
it at home, they are indifferently endowed with 
memory and diligence. It is natural also to 
both to refrain from such things as may do 
them harm, and likewise they are naturally 
given to improve in every thing they study, by 
practice and experience ; but as they are not 
equally perfect in all things, they have the more 
occasion of one another's assistance : for when 
the man and woman are thus united, what the 
one has occasion for is supplied by the other : 
therefore, good wife, seeing this is what the 
gods have ordained for us, let us endeavour, to 
the utmost of our powers, to behave ourselves 
in our several stations to the improvement of 
our fortune : and the law, which brought us 
together, exhorts us to the same purpose. And 
also, as it is natural, when we are thus settled, 
to expect children, the law exhorts us to live 
together in unity, and to be partakers of one 
another's benefits : so nature, and the law 
which is directed by it, ordains that each seve- 
rally should regard the business that is ap- 
pointed for them. From whence it appears, 
that it is more convenient for a woman to be 
at home and mind her domestic affairs, than to 
gad abroad ; and it is as shameful for a man to 
be at home idling, when his business requires 
him to be abroad; if any man acts in a "dif- 
ferent capacity from that he is born to, he 
breaks through the decrees of nature, and will 
certainly meet his punishment, either because 
he neglects the business which is appointed for 
him, or because he invades the property of 
another. I think that the mistress bee is an 
excellent example for the Wife.' — < And wli3t 
is the business of the mistress bee,' said the 



GOOD HUSBANDRY. 



657 



wife of Ischomachus, « that I may follow the 
example of that which you so much recommend 
to me, for it seems you have not yet fully ex- 
plained it 1 — < The mistress bee,' replied Ischo- 
machus, ' keeps always in the hive, taking care 
that all the bees, which are in the hive with her, 
are duly employed in their several occupations ; 
and those whose business lies abroad, she sends 
out to their several works. These bees, when 
they bring home their burthen, she receives, 
and appoints them to lay up their harvest, till 
there is occasion to use it, and in a proper sea- 
son dispenses it among those of h^colony, ac- 
cording to their several offices. The bees who 
stay at home, she employs in disposing and or- 
dering the combs, with a neatness and regular- 
ity becoming the nicest observation and great- 
est prudence. She takes care likewise of the 
young bees, that they are well nourished, and 
educated to the business that belongs to them ; 
and when they are come to such perfection 
that they are able to go abroad and work for 
their living, she sends them forth under the 
direction of a proper leader/ — < And is this my 
business, dear Ischomachus V said his wife. 
— 'This example, good wife,' replied Ischo- 
machus, « is what I give you as a lesson worthy 
your pfdCtice : your case requires your presence 
at home, to send abroad the servants whose 
business lies abroad, and to direct those whose 
business is in the house. You must receive 
the goods that are brought into the house, and 
distribute such a part of them as you think ne- 
cessary for the use of the family, and see that 
the rest be laid up till there be occasion for it ; 
and especially avoid the extravagance of using 
that in a month which is appointed for twelve 
months' service. When the wool is brought 
home, observe that it be .carded and spun for 
weaving into cloth : and particularly take care 
that the corn, which is brought in, be not laid 
up in such a manner that it grow musty and un- 
fit for use. But, above all, that which will 
gain you the greatest love and affection from 
your servants, is to help them when they are 
visited with sickness, and that to the utmost of 
your power.' Upon which his wife readily 
answered, < That is surely an act of charity, 
and becoming every mistress of good nature ; 
for, I suppose, we cannot oblige people more 
than to help them when they are sick: this 
will surely engage the love of our servants to 
us, and make them doubly diligent upon every 
occasion.' — This answer, Socrates," said Is- 



comachus, "was to me an argument of a good 
and honest wife ; and I replied to her, ' That 
by reason of the good care and tenderness of 
the mistress bee, all the rest of the hive are so 
affectionate to her, that whenever she is dis- 
posed to go abroad, the whole colony belonging 
to her, accompany, and attend upon her.' — To 
this the wife replied : « Dear Ischomachus, tell 
me sincerely, is not the business of the mis- 
tress bee, you tell me of, rather what you ought 
to do, than myself; or have you not a share in 
it 1 For my keeping at home and directing 
my servants, will be of little account, unless 
you send home such provisions as are neces- 
sary to employ us.' — < And my providence,' 
answered Ischomachus, < would be of little use 
unless there is one at home who is ready to re- 
ceive and take care of those goods that I send 
in. Have you not observed,' said Ischomachus, 
' what pity people show to those who are pu- 
nished by pouring water into sieves till they are 
full 1 The occasion of pity is, because those 
people labour in vain.' — ' I esteem these peo- 
ple,' said the wife of Ischomachus, < to be tTuly 
miserable, who have "no benefit from their 
labours,' — < Suppose, dear wife,' replied Ischo- 
machus, < you take into your service one who 
can neither card nor spin, and you teach her to 
do those works, will it not be an honour to 
you 1 Or if you take a servant which is neg- 
ligent, or does not understand how to do her 
business, or has been subject to pilfering, and 
you make her diligent, and instruct her in the 
manners of a good servant, and teach her 
honesty, will not you rejoice in your success Ί 
and will you not be pleased with your action ? 
So again, when you see your servants sober and 
discreet, you should encourage them and show 
them favour ; but as for those who are incor- 
rigible and will not follow your directions, or 
prove larcenaries, you must punish them. Con- 
sider, how laudable it will be for you to excel 
others in the well-ordering your house ; be 
therefore diligent, virtuous, and modest, and 
give your necessary attendance on me, your 
children, and your house, and your name shall 
be honourably esteemed, even after your death ; 
for it is not the beauty of your face and shape, 
but your virtue and goodness, which will bring 
you honour and esteem, which will last for 
ever.' — After this manner, good Socrates," 
cried Ischomachus, " I first discoursed with my 
wife concerning her duty and care of my 
house." 

4H 



h58 



THE SCIENCE OF 



VIII. " And did you perceive," said So- 
-. « that she improved by what you taught 

l u > r ]*■ Yes," replied Ischomachus, " she was 

tremcly diligent to learn and practise what 
was under her care, as one of her tender years 
could be, who knew nothing of her duty before. 
Once I saw her under a great concern, because 
she could not readily find a parcel which I had 
brought home ; but when I perceived her 
grieved, I bid her take no further thought about 
it, for it was time enough to grieve when we 
wanted a thing which we could not purchase, 
but this was not our case; and even though 
what I asked for was then out of the way, it 
was not her fault, because I had not yet ap- 
pointed proper places or repositories for the 
several things that belonged to the house ; but 
that I would take care to do it, that she might 
put every thing in proper order, allotting to 
every particular thing its place, where it might 
be found when there was occasion for it. 
' There is nothing, dear wife,' said Ischoma- 
chus, ' which is more commendable or profita- 
ble to mankind, than to preserve good order in 
every thing. 

" ' In comedies and other plays, where many 
people are required to act their parts, if the 
actors should rashly do or say whatever their 
fancy led them to, there must of necessity be 
such confusion as would disgust the audience : 
but, when every person has his part perfect, 
and the scenes are regularly performed, it is 
that order which makes the play agreeable and 
pleasing to the beholders. 

" < So likewise, good wife, an army, when it 
is once in disorder, is under the greatest con- 
fusion and consternation, if the enemy is at 
hand ; for the enemy has little to do to over- 
come them ; their own hurry and confusion 
will contribute more to their overthrow than 
the attacks of the adversary. Here you may 
imagine waggons, footmen, horsemen, chariots, 
elephants, and baggage, all intermixed and 
crowded together : obstructing and hindering 
one another. If one runs, he is stopped by 
him that would stand the battle ; and he that 
stands is jostled by every messenger that passes 
him ; the chariots overrun the men of arms ; 
and the elephants and horsemen, which in their 
proper places would be useful, are intermixed 
among the foot, trampling on them, and in a 
great measure doing them as much mischief as 
their enemies would do. And suppose, while 
an army is in this confusion, they are attacked 



by their enemy in good order, what can they 
expect but destruction 1 But an army drawn 
up in good order, how glorious a sight is it to 
their friends, and how terrible to their enemies ! 
How delightful it is to see the infantry drawn 
up and exercising in good order, or marching 
with so much exactness and regularity, that the 
whole body moves like one man ! How agreea- 
ble is this to their friends ! And to observe 
an army drawn up in a line of battle, well-dis- 
ciplined, and advancing in good order, have not 
their enemies reason to fear them 2 Or what 
makes a galley, well-furnished with men, so 
terrible to the enemy, and so pleasant a sight 
to their friends, but because of its swift passage 
upon the waters 1 And what is the reason 
that the men within it do not hinder one an- 
other, but that they sit in order, make their 
signs in order, lie down in order, rise up in 
order, and handle their oars in order. 

" « As for confusion and disorder, I can com- 
pare it to nothing better, than if a countryman 
should put together in one heap, oats, wheat, 
barley, and pease, and when he had occasion to 
use any one of them, he must be obliged to 
pick out that sort grain by grain. Wherefore, 
good wife, by all means avoid confusion as 
much as possible, and study good order in every 
thing, for it will be both pleasant and profitable 
to you. Every thing then, as you have occa- 
sion for it, will be ready at hand to use as 
you please, and what I may happen to ask for 
will not be to seek ; let us therefore fix upon 
some proper place where our stores may be laid 
up, not only in security, but where they may be 
so disposed, that we may presently know where 
to look for every particular thing. And when 
once we have done this in the best order we 
can, then acquaint the steward of it, that when 
any thing is wanted he may know where to find 
it ; or when any thing is brought into the 
house, he may at once judge of the proper 
place to lay it in. By this means we shall 
know what we gain and what we lose ; and, 
in surveying our storehouses, we shall be able 
to judge what is necessary to be brought in, 
and what may want repairing, or what will be 
impaired by keeping. When we have visited 
these a few times, we shall grow perfect in the 
knowledge of all our goods, and readily find 
what we seek for.' 

"I remember, good Socrates," said Ischo- 
machus, " I once went aboard a Phoenician 
ship, where I observed the best example of 



GOOD HUSBANDRY. 



659 



good order that I ever met with : and, especi- 
ally, it was surprising to observe the vast num- 
ber of implements, which were necessary for 
the management of such a small vessel. 

" What numbers of oars, stretchers, ship- 
hooks, and spikes, were there for bringing the 
ship in and out of the harbour ! What num- 
bers of shrowds, cables, halsers, ropes, and 
other tackling, for the guiding of the ship ! 
With how many engines of war was it armed 
for its defence ! What variety and what num- 
bers of arms, for the men to use in time of 
battle ! What a vast quantity of provisions 
were there for the sustenance and support o'f 
the sailors ! And, besides all these, the load- 
ing of the ship was of great bulk, and so rich, 
that the very freight of it would gain enough 
to satisfy the captain and his people for their 
voyage: and all these were stowed so neatly 
together, that a far larger place would not have 
contained them, if they had been removed. 
Here, I took notice, the good order and dispo- 
sition of every thing was so strictly observed, 
that, notwithstanding the great variety/ of mate- 
rials the ship contained, there was not any thing 
on board which the sailors could not find in an 
instant; nor was the captain himself less ac- 
quainted with these particulars than his sailors ; 
he was as ready in them, as a man of learning 
would be to know the letters that composed 
the name Socrates, and how they stand in that 
name. Nor did he only know the proper 
places for every thing on board his ship ; but, 
while he stood upon the deck, he was consider- 
ing with himself what things might be wanting 
in his voyage, what things wanted repair, and 
what length of time his provisions and necessa- 
ries would last : for, as he observed to me, it 
is no proper time, when a storm comes upon 
us, to have the necessary implements to seek, 
or to be out of repair, or to want them on 
board ; for the gods are never favourable to 
those who are negligent or lazy ; and it is their 
goodness that they do not destroy us when we 
are diligent. When I had observed the good 
order which was here practised, I informed my 
wife of it ; at the same time admonishing her 
to observe the great difficulty there must needs 
be to keep up such a regular decorum on board 
a ship, where there were such numerous varie- 
ties of materials, and such little space to lay 
them in: «But how much easier, good wife,' 
said Ischomachus, < will it be for us, who have 
large and convenient storehouses for every thing 



to its degree, to keep a good decorum and 
order, than for those people on board a ship, 
who yet are bound to remember where, and 
how every thing is distributed in the midst of 
a storm at sea ] But we have none of these 
dangers to disturb and distract our thoughts 
from the care of our business; therefore we 
should deserve the greatest shame, and be in- 
excusable, if we were not diligent enough to 
preserve as good order in our family as they do 
on board their vessel. B,ut we have already 
said enough,' continued Ischomachus, «con- 
cerning the necessity and advantage of good 
order; nor is it less agreeable to see every 
thing belonging to the dress, or wearing apparel, 
laid carefully up in the wardrobe ; the things 
belonging to the kitchen, let them be there ; 
and so those belonging to the dairy, likewise in 
the dairy ; and, in a word, every thing which 
regards any kind of office belonging to the 
house, let it be neatly kept and laid up in its 
proper office. And this is reputable both to 
the master and mistress of the house ; and no 
one will ridicule such good management, but 
those who are laughed at for their own ill man- 
agement. This, good wife,' said Ischomachus, 
« you may be sensible of at an easy rate, with 
little trouble. Nor will it be difficult to find 
out a steward, who will soon learn from you the 
proper places or repositories for every thing 
which belongs to the house; for in the city, 
there is a thousand times more variety of things 
than ever we shall have occasion for ; and yet 
if we want any thing, and send a servant to 
buy it for us, he will readily go to the place 
where it is to be had, from the good disposition 
of things in the several shops which are prop- 
er for them, and from the remembrance he 
will have of observing them in such and such 
places. There can be no other reason for this, 
than the disposing every thing in the market or 
city in its proper place, as all kinds of fowls at 
the poulterers', all sorts of fish at the fish- 
mongers', and the like of other things which 
have places determined for them ; but if we go 
about to seek a man <Vho at the same time is 
seeking us, how shall we find one another, 
unless we have beforehand appointed a meet 
ing place ? Then, as for setting our household 
goods in order, I spoke to her in the following 
manner." — 

IX. " But tell me, good Ischomachus," said 
Socrates, " did your wife understand and prac- 
tise what you taught her?" — "She promised 



660 



THE SCIENCE OF 



mo." answered Ischomachus, both by words and 
by her countenance, that she agreed to what I 
said, and was delighted that method and good 
order would take off so great a share of her 
trouble ; she rejoiced to think she should be 
delivered from the perplexed state she was in 
before, and desired that I would not delay putting 
my promise in practice as soon as possible, 
that she might reap the fruits of it." — " And 
how did you proceed, good Ischomachus?" 
said Socrates. " I answered her," said Ischo- 
machus, « in such a manner that she might 
learn first what a house was properly designed 
for ; that it was not ordained to be filled with 
curious paintings or carvings, or such unneces- 
sary decorations ; but that the house should be 
built with due consideration, and for the con- 
veniency of the inhabitants ; and as a proper 
repository for those necessaries which properly 
belong to -a family, and, in some measure, di- 
rects us to the proper places wherein every 
particular ought to be placed : the most private 
and strongest room in the house seems to de- 
mand the money, jewels, and those other things 
that are rich and valuable ; the dry places ex- 
pect the corn ; the cooler parts are the most 
convenient for the wine ; and the more light- 
some and airy part of the house for such things 
as require such a situation. I showed her like- 
wise," continued Ischomachus, « which were 
the most convenient places for parlours and 
dining-rooms, that they might be cool in sum- 
mer and warm in winter ; and also, that as the 
front of the house stood to the south, it had 
the advantage of the winter's sun ; and in the 
summer it rejoiced more in the shade, than it 
could do in any other situation. Then," said 
Ischomachus, « I appointed the bed-chambers, 
and the nursery, and apartments for the women, 
divided from the men's lodging, that no incon- 
veniency might happen by their meeting with- 
out our consent or approbation ; for those who 
behave themselves well, and we allow to come 
together to have children, they will love us the 
better for it ; but those, who through subtilty 
will endeavour to gain their ends with any of 
the women without our consent, will be always 
contriving and practising ways to our disadvan- 
tage, to compass or carry on their lewd designs. 
When we were come thus far," proceeded Ischo- 
machus, " we began to set our goods in order. 
In the first place, we assorted all the materials 
belonging to sacrifices: after that, my wife's 
apparel was assigned to their proper places ; 



her richest habits by themselves, and those 
which were in more common use by them- 
selves. Next to these, we appointed a ward- 
robe for the master's clothes : one part for his 
armour and such accoutrements as he used in 
war, and another for his wearing apparel, to be 
used upon common occasions : after these, we 
directed places for the instruments which be- 
long to spinning, and for the bakehouse, the 
kitchen, and the baths ; and took care, in the 
•appointment of all these things, to make a 
division between those things which are most 
commonly required to be in use, and such as 
are only in use now and then : we likewise 
separated those things which were for a month's 
service from those which were to serve twelve 
months ; for by this means we might know the 
better how our stock is employed. When we 
had done this, we instructed every servant re- 
spectively where every thing belonging to his 
office might be found, and directed them care- 
fully to observe, that every implement under 
their care should be put. into the same place 
where they took it from, when they had done 
using it ; and as for such things as are but 
seldom required to be used, either upon festi- 
vals, or upon the reception of strangers'; those 
we delivered into the care of a discreet woman, 
whom we instructed in her province ; and when 
we had made an account with her of the goods 
delivered into her care, and taken it in writing, 
we directed her to deliver them out .to those 
under her, as she saw proper occasions, and be 
careful to remember who were the persons to 
which she delivered every particular ; and that 
upon receiving again the things which she had 
delivered out, they should be every one laid up 
in their proper place. In the next place, we 
chose a discreet, sober, and judicious woman 
to be our storekeeper, or housekeeper, one who 
had a good memory, and was diligent enougn 
to avoid faults, studying our pleasure and satis- 
faction in all her business, and endeavouring to 
gain our esteem, which we always signified by 
presents, by which means we gained her love 
and friendship for us ; so that, whenever we had 
occasion to rejoice, we made her partaker of 
our mirth ; or if any accident happened which 
brought sorrow with it, we made her acquainted 
with that likewise, and consulted her in it : 
this made her bend her mind to the advance- 
ment of our fortunes. We instructed her to 
show more esteem for those servants in the 
house whom she found were deserving of 



GOOD HUSBANDRY. 



661 



favour, than the others who neglected their 
duty ; for we took care to observe to her, that 
those who did well were worthy reward in the 
world ; while those who were deceitful and 
evil-minded, were rejected of the people. And 
then, good Socrates," said Ischomachus, « I 
let my wife know that all this would be of 
little effect, unless she was careful to observe 
that every thing was preserved in the 'good or- 
der we had placed it : for in cities, and in other 
governments that are well ordered, it is not 
enough to make good laws for their conduct, 
unless there are proper officers appointed to see 
them put in execution, either to reward those 
who deserve well, or punish the malefactors. 
« This, dear wife, I chiefly recommend to you,' 
continued Ischomachus, < that you may look 
upon yourself as the principal overseer of the 
laws within our house.' And I informed her 
also, that it was within her jurisdiction to over- 
look, at her own pleasure, every thing belong- 
ing to the house, as a governor of a garrison 
inspects into the condition of his soldiers, or 
as the Senate of Athens review the men of 
arms, and the condition of their horses ; that 
she had as great power as a queen in her own 
house, to distribute rewards to the virtuous and 
diligent, and punish those servants who deserved 
it. But I further desired her, not to be dis- 
pleased, if I intrusted her with more things, 
and more business, than I had done any of our 
servants ; telling her at the same time, that 
such as were covenant-servants have no more 
goods under their care and trust, than are de- 
livered to them for the use of the family ; and 
none of those goods may be employed to their 
own use, without the master's or mistress's 
consent : for whoever is master or mistress of 
the house, has the rule of all that is within it, 
and has the power of using any thing at their 
pleasure ; so that those who have the most 
profit by goods, have the most loss by them, if 
they perish or are destroyed. So it is there- 
fore the interest of them that have possessions, 
to be diligent in the preservation of them." — 
« Then," said Socrates, " tell me, good Ischo- 
machus, how did your wife receive this lesson ?" 
— " My wife," replied Ischomachus, " received 
it like a woman ready to learn and practise 
what might be for the honour and welfare of 
us both, and seemed to rejoice at the instruc- 
tions I gave her." « It would have been a 
great grief to me,' said she, * if, instead of those 
good rules you instruct me in, for the welfare 
56 



of our house, you had directed me to have no 
regard to the possessions I am endowed with ; 
for as it is natural for a good woman to be 
careful and diligent about her own children, 
rather than have a disregard for them ; so it is 
no less agreeable and pleasant to a woman, 
who has any share of sense, to look after the 
affairs of her family, rather than neglect them.'* 
X. « When I heard," continued Socrates, 
" the answer which the wife of Ischomachus 
gave him, I could not help admiring her wis- 
dom." — « But I shall tell you yet much more 
of her good understanding," said Ischomachus : 
" there was not one thing I recommended to her, 
but she was as ready to practise it, as I was 
willing she should go about it." — " Go on, I 
pray you, good Ischomachus," said Socrates, 
"for it is far more delightful to. hear the vir- 
tues of a good woman described, than if the 
famous painter Zeuxis was to show me the 
portrait of the fairest woman in the world."— 
" Then," continued Ischomachus, " I remem- 
ber, on a particular day, she had painted her 
face with a certain cosmetic, attempting to 
make her skin look fairer than it was; and 
with another mixture had endeavoured to in- 
crease the natural bloom of her cheeks ; and 
also had put on higher shoes than ordinary, to 
make her look taller than she naturally was. 
When I perceived this," said Ischomachus, " I 
saluted her in the following manner : < Tell 
me, good wife, which would make me the 
most acceptable in your eyes, to deal sincerely 
by you, in delivering into your possession those 
things which are really my own, without making 
more of my estate than it is ; or for me to de- 
ceive you, by producing a thousand falsities 
which have nothing in them : giving you chains 
of brass, instead of gold, false jewels, false 
money, and false purple, instead of that which 
is true and genuine V To which she presently 
replied : < May the gods forbid that you should 
be such a man ! for, should you harbour such 
deceit in your heart, I should never love you.' 
— « I tell you then, dear wife,' replied Ischo- 
machus, * we are come together to love one 
another, and to delight in each other's per- 
fections : do you think I should be the more 
agreeable to you in my person, or should you 
love me the better, if I was to put a false lustre 
upon myself, that I might appear better com- 
plexioned, more fair in body, or more man- 
ly than what nature has made me ; or that I 
should paint and anoint my face, when you 



662 



THE SCIENCE OF 



receive mc to your arms, and give you this 
deceit instead of my natural person V — « Sure- 
ly, dear Ischomachus,' replied his wife, < your 
own person, in its natural perfections, is 
preferable to all the paints and ointments 
you can use to set it off; nor can all the 
art you might use be comparable to your na- 
tural appearance.' — < Believe then, good wife,' 
said Ischomachus, < that I have the same ab- 
horrence of false lustre that you have: can 
there be any thing more complete in nature 
than yourself] or would there be any thing less 
engaging to me than that you should use any 
means to hide or destroy those perfections in 
you which I so much admire Ί The God of 
nature has appointed beauties in all creatures, 
as well in the field as among the human race ; 
the magnificence of the male to be admired by 
the female, and the tender and curious texture 
of the female to be admired by the male. It 
is natural for the creatures in the field to dis- 
tinguish one another by the purity of their 
beauties ; there is no deceit, there is no cor- 
ruption : so the men always admire that body 
which is most pure, or the least deformed by 
art. Such wiles and deceits may, perhaps, 
deceive strangers, because they will not have 
opportunities of discovering and laughing at 
them ; but if such things should be practised 
between those who are daily conversant with 
one another, how soon will the imposition be 
discovered ! how soon will they be ridiculed ! 
For these deceits appear at the rising out of 
bed, and from that time till the persons have 
had opportunity of renewing them ; as well as 
when they sweat, when they shed tears, when 
they wash, and when they bathe themselves.' 

" What answer, good Ischomachus," said 
Socrates, " did your wife give you to this lec- 
ture ?"— « The best that could be," replied 
Ischomachus, " for she has never since at- 
tempted any of these false glosses, but has 
constantly appeared in her natural beauties, 
and repeated her solicitations to me to instruct 
her, if there was any natural means of assist- 
ing them. I then directed her that she should 
not sit too much, but exercise herself about 
the house as a mistress, to examine how her 
several works went forward ; sometimes to go 
among the spinners or weavers, to see that 
they did their duty, and to instruct those who 
were ignorant, and encourage the most deserv- 
ing among them ; sometimes to look into the 
bake-house, to see the neatness and order of 



the woman that looks after it ; and sometimes 
visit her housekeeper, to account with her for 
the yarn, or other commodities, that are 
brought into her charge : and now and then 
to take a turn about her house, to see that 
every thing is disposed in its proper place. 
This method, I suppose," said Ischomachus, 
" would be a means of giving her a healthful 
exercise, and at the same time of leading her 
to that business which would be for her ad- 
vantage, in benefiting our fortune. I also 
told her, the exercise of bolting, baking, and 
looking after the furniture of her house, to 
brush it and keep it clean, when she wanted 
something to do, would be commendable, and 
help to employ her ; for I recommended ex- 
ercise to her as a great benefit : < for exercise,' 
said Ischomachus, « will create you an appetite 
to your meat, and by that means you will be 
more healthful, and add, if possible, to the 
bloom of your beauty : and also the clean ap- 
pearance of the mistress among the servants, 
and her readiness to set her hand to work, will 
encourage them to follow her example : for a 
good example does more than all the compul- 
sion that can be used. Those who study no- 
thing but their dress, may indeed be esteemed 
by those who understand nothing else ; but 
the outside appearance is deceitful. And now, 
good Socrates, I have a wife who lives up to 
the rules given her." 

XI. " Then," said Socrates, good Ischoma- 
chus, you have fully satisfied me concerning the 
duty of a wife, as well as of your wife's good 
behaviour, and your own management. I beg 
now you will acquaint me, good Ischomachus," 
continued Socrates, « what method it is that 
you have taken on your part towards the 
management of your fortune, and especially 
what it is that has gained you the character of 
a good and honest man ; that when I have 
heard what you have done, I may give my 
thanks according to your deserts." — " I shall 
be glad," replied Ischomachus, " to satisfy you 
in any thing within my power, provided you 
will correct my errors, if I am guilty of any." 
— " But," answered Socrates, " how can I cor- 
rect you, when you are already possessed of 
the character of a good and honest man 1 and 
especially when I am the man who is taken 
for the greatest trifler, and who employs him- 
self in nothing but measuring the air ; or, 
which is a far worse character, that I am a 
poor man, which is a token of the greatest 



GOOD HUSBANDRY. 



663 



folly 1 This, indeed, might have been a 
trouble to me, if I had not met the other 
day a horse belonging to Nicias, with a crowd 
of people about him, admiring his good quali- 
ties, and talking abundance in praise of his 
strength and spirit: this made me ask the 
question of the master of the horse, Whether 
his horse was very rich 1 but he stared upon 
me, and laughed at me, as if I had been a mad- 
man ; and only gave me this short answer ; 
« How should a horse have any money V When 
I heard this, I went my way contented, that it 
was lawful for a poor horse to be good, on the 
account only of his free heart and generous 
spirit ; and therefore, I conclude, it is likewise 
possible for a poor man to be good : for which 
reason, I beseech you, good Ischomachus, tell 
me your manner of living, that I may endea- 
vour to learn it, and model my life after your 
example ; for that may well be called a good 
day, when a man begins to grow good and 
virtuous." — " Good Socrates, you seem to ban- 
ter me," said Ischomachus : " however, I will 
tell you, as well as I can, the whole method of 
my living, which I design constantly to follow 
till the day of my death. I perceived that 
except a man knew well what was necessary to 
be done, and diligently applied himself to put 
his knowledge in practice, the gods would not 
suffer him to prosper. And I also observed, 
that those who act with wisdom and diligence, 
the gods reward them with riches. There- 
fore, first of all, I paid my adoration to the 
gods, and implored their assistance in all that 
I had to do, that they would be pleased to give 
me health, strength of body, honour in my 
city, good will of my friends, safety in the day 
of battle, and that I might return home with 
an increase of riches and honour." — « When I 
heard that," said Socrates, " I asked him, are 
riches then so much worthy your esteem, good 
Ischomachus ; seeing that the more riches you 
have, the more care and trouble you have to 
order and preserve theml" — Then Ischoma- 
chus replied : " I have no small care to pro- 
vide me with riches, for I have great pleasure 
in serving the gods honourably with rich sacri- 
fices ; and also to serve my friends, if they 
happen to want ; and likewise to help the city 
in time of danger or distress." — « Truly, what 
you say, good Ischomachus," said Socrates, " is 
honourable, and becoming a man of power and 
substance." — To which Ischomachus answered : 
«« These are my reasons, good Socrates, why I 



think riches worth my labour; for there are 
some degrees of men who cannot subsist with- 
out the help of others ; and there are also 
some who think themselves rich enough, if 
they can get what is barely necessary for their 
support. But those who order their houses 
and estates with such discretion and good 
judgment, that they advance their fortunes and 
increase their riches ; and by that means be- 
come serviceable and honourable to the city, 
and are capable of serving their friends ; why 
should not such men be esteemed wise and 
generous, and deserve power 1" — «You are in 
the right," replied Socrates ; " there are many 
of us that may well respect such men : but I 
pray you, good Ischomachus, go on to relate 
what method you take to support your health 
and strength of body, and what means you use 
to return home honourably from the war : and 
as for the ordering and increasing of the estate, 
we may hear that by and by." — " I think," said 
Ischomachus, « these things are so chained to- 
gether, that they cannot well be separated ; 
for when a man has a sufficient store of meat 
and drink, and uses a convenient share of ex- 
ercise, his body must of necessity be healthful 
and strong ; and such a body, when it is well 
exercised in the affairs of war, is most likely 
to return home from battle with honour. And 
he who is diligent and industrious in his busi- 
ness, must as surely improve his estate." — 
" Good Ischomachus," said Socrates, " all that 
you have yet said, I grant to be good, that he 
who uses diligence and exercise will increase 
his fortune. But tell me, I beseech you, what 
exercise do you take to maintain your good 
complexion, and to get strength, and how do 
you exercise yourself to be expert in war, and 
what methods do you follow to increase your 
estate, that enables you to help your friends, 
and assist the city in honour and strength * 
These things I desire to learn." — " To tell 
you freely, good Socrates," said Ischomachus, 
« I rise so early in the morning, that if I 
have any one to speak with in the city, I 
am sure to find him at home ; or if I have 
any other business to do in the city, I do it 
in my morning's walk : but when I have no 
matter of importance in the city, my page leads 
my horse into the fields, and I walk thither, 
for I esteem the walk into the free air of the 
country to be more healthful than to walk in 
the galleries or piazzas of the city ; and when 
I arrive at my ground where my workmen aro 



664 



THE SCIENCE OF 



planting trees, tilling the ground, or sowing, 
or carrying in of the fruits, I observe how 
every thing is performed, and study whether 
any of these works may be mended or im- 
proved : and when I have diverted myself 
enough at my villa, I mount my horse, and make 
him perform the exercise of the academy, such 
as is serviceable in war ; and then ride him 
through all the difficult paths, waters, through 
trenches, and over hedges, to make him ac- 
quainted with those difficulties as much as 
possible, without hurting him : and when 
I have done this, my page takes my horse 
and leads him trotting home, and takes along 
with him to my house, such things out of 
the country as are wanted, and walk home 
myself: then I wash my hands, and go to 
such a dinner as is prepared for me, eat- 
ing moderately, and never to excess, or too 
sparingly." 

" Good Ischomachus," said Socrates, " you 
do your business very pleasantly ; and your 
contrivance is excellent, in performing so many 
good things at one time, as increase your 
health, your strength, your exercise in war, 
your study for the increase of your estate : 
all these to be done under one exercise is a 
great token of your wisdom ; and the good 
effect of this exercise is apparent enough 
to all that know that you are healthful and 
strong, and every one allows you to be the 
best horseman in this country, and one of the 
richest men in the city." — " Alas ! good So- 
crates," answered Ischomachus ; " and yet, 
though I believe this to be true, I cannot es- 
cape detraction. You thought, perhaps, I was 
going to say, that it was these things which 
gave me the name of an honest and good man." 
— " It was my thought," and Socrates ; » but 
I have a mind to ask you, how you guard 
against detractors, and whether you speak in 
vour own cause, or in such causes as relate to 
/our friends]" — «Do you believe," answered 
ischomachus, "that I do not sufficiently do 
ny part against my detractors, if I defend myself 
J y m y ?°°d deeds, in doing no wrong, and act- 
ing as much as I can for many men's good 1 or 
do you not think I am in the right if I accuse 
men who are mischievous, and do injustice in 
private cases, and to the city 1" — « I pray you 
explain yourself," said Socrates. « I must tell 
you," said Ischomachus, « I am always exer- 
cising myself in rhetoric and eloquence, and 
in the practice of justice ; for if I hear one of 



my servants complain of another, or justify 
his own cause, I always endeavour to settle the 
truth between them ; or if I discover any dis- 
pute among my friends or acquaintance, I 
endeavour to make it up, and recover their 
friendship for one another, by showing them 
the happiness and profit of friendship, and the 
distraction and inquietude which attend those 
who are at variance with one another. I praise 
and defend those who are accused wrongfully, 
or are oppressed without a cause ; and before 
the lords of our government I accuse them 
who are promoted unworthily ; I praise them 
who set about 'their business with care and 
deliberation, and blame such who go rashly 
about their work. But I am now brought to 
this dilemma, whether I am to bear with 
faults, or punish them." — " What is your 
meaning in that," said Socrates, " and who is 
the person you mean i v — " It is my wife," 
said Ischomachus. — « In what manner then 
are your disputes'!" said Socrates. — « We have 
very little occasion for that," replied Ischoma- 
chus, « as yet ; nor have we more words in our 
disputes than, such a thing is not done so care- 
fully as it might have been ; and that we may 
learn by a false step how to guide ourselves 
for the future : but if she should be unfortu- 
nate enough to give her mind to lying and 
deceit, there is no reforming her." To this 
Socrates answered : " If she should at any 
time tell you a lie, you will hardly insist upon 
the truth of the matter. 

XII. "But, perhaps, good Ischomachus, I 
detain you from your business, and I would by 
no means hinder a man of your capacity and 
understanding from proceeding in your affairs." 
— " You are no hindrance to me," answered 
Ischomachus, " for I am determined to stay 
here till the court is up." — "This gives me 
another token of your justice," said Socra- 
tes ; " it is an instance of your circumspec- 
tion, and regard to maintain the noble cha- 
racter the world has given you, of being a 
good and honest man ; for, notwithstanding 
the many employments you usually engage 
yourself in, and the delightful method you take 
in the exercise of them, yet because of your 
promise to these strangers, to wait for them 
in this place, you choose to neglect your 
own business and . pleasure, rather than prove 
worse than your word." — " As for the busi- 
ness you speak of," said Ischomachus, " I 
have taken care that nothing shall be ne- 



GOOD HUSBANDRY. 



665 



glected ; and my greatest pleasure is in being 
punctual with those that I appoint; for in 
my farm I have my bailiff or steward of hus- 
bandry, and deputies who take care of my 
business." — " Since we are fallen into this dis- 
course, pray tell me, good Ischomachus," said 
Socrates, " when you have occasion for a good 
bailifF or steward for your country affairs, do 
jou use the same method as if you wanted a 
good builder, to inquire after one who is best 
skilled in the science ? or do you teach and in- 
struct those you hire into your service, in the 
business you< ;i want to employ them in ?" — 
" Good Socrates," answered Ischomachus, " I 
endeavour to teach them myself; for he whom 
I instruct in the management of my affairs, 
when I am absent, will know the better how 
to carry on my works agreeable to my liking ; 
rather than if I was to employ one who already 
had a pretence to knowledge of the business I 
wanted him for : as Τ guess I have experience 
enough to set men to work, and to direct them 
how they shall go about their business, I there- 
fore suppose I am able to teach a man what I 
can do myself." — " Then, surely, your bailiff 
in husbandry," replied Socrates, «must be 
always ready and willing to serve you ; for, 
without he has a love for you, he will never 
use the utmost of his diligence for the advance- 
ment of your affairs, though he be never so ex- 
pert in his business." — "You say right," an- 
swered Ischomachus: "but the first of my 
endeavours .is to gain his love and affection to 
me and my family, by which means he has a 
regard to my welfare." — " And what method 
do you take, good Ischomachus," said Socrates, 
" to bring the man to love and respect you and 
your family ? Is it by the benefit you do him, 
by learning him a profitable business 1" — «I 
do not suppose that," said Ischomachus ; « but, 
whenever the gods are favourable to me in the 
advancement of my fortune, I always reward 
my steward." — " So I suppose," said Socrates, 
" that you mean by this, that such people as 
you assist with money or goods will bear you 
the best service and respect.'' — « Yes, certainly," 
said Ischomachus, " for there are no instru- 
ments in the world so engaging, or that will 
prevail so much over mankind, as money or 
profit." — " But is it sufficient for him to love 
you?" replied Socrates; » for we have instan- 
ces enough that men love themselves before all 
others; and we have also some examples of 
those who are lovers of themselves, and yet 
56* 



are so negligent of their own profit, that they 
never reap those things they wish for." — Ischo- 
machus answered : " But, good Socrates, be- 
fore I choose them among my servants that I 
have brought to love me, to dignify with the 
places of stewards or deputies, I teach them 
the good consequence of diligence and industry." 
— "Is it possible you can do that?" said So- 
crates ; « for, in my opinion, we can hardly 
bring men to do another man's business as punc- 
tually as he might do it himself." — " That I 
allow," said Ischomachus : " I mean, that we 
can never instruct a man to use the same dili- 
gence for another that he would do for himself." 
— " But," replied Socrates, " who are those, 
then, whom you think worthy of employment, 
or of receiving your instructions ?" — To this 
Ischomachus answered : " Those, in the first 
place, who cannot avoid drunkenness, are ex- 
cluded from this care ; for drunkenness drowns 
the memory, and is the occasion of forgetful- 
ness." — « And is this the only vice," said So- 
crates, « which is the occasion of negligence?" 
— " No," replied Ischomachus, « for those who 
indulge themselves in sleep, are incapable of 
such employments." — " And are there any 
more," said Socrates, " whose vices make them 
unfit for your service?" — "Yes," answered 
Ischomachus ; " for I am persuaded those who 
are addicted to the flesh, bend their minds so 
much to that thought, that they neglect all 
other business ; for their whole hope and study 
is upon those they love: and if one was to 
order them to business, it would be the great- 
est punishment that could be inflicted on them ; 
for there can be no greater pain laid upon 
any creatures in nature, than to prevent them 
from the object of their desires. For these 
reasons, when I find people engaged in such 
affairs, I set them aside, and never take the 
pains to instruct them in the matters that 
relate to <my estate." — " But what say you," 
said Socrates, " of those who have a provident 
thought, and are saving on their own account ; 
do you believe these would not be diligent in 
the management of your estate?" — "These," 
replied Ischomachus, « I choose to employ 
before all others ; for they are sooner brought 
to be diligent than those who have contrary 
sentiments ; and, besides, it is easy to show 
them the profit of diligence ; and if such a man 
happens to come in my way, I commend him 
and reward him." — "But how do you treat 
those servants," said Socrates, " who are ready 
41 



666 



THE SCIENCE OF 



to obey you in all your commands, and are 
diligent at your word, and have a moderate 
share of good order in the management of 
themselves ?"— " These," said Ischomachus, 
•< I have a great regard for ; for I carefully re- 
ward those who are diligent, and lay as many 
hardships as I can upon those who are idle and 
careless."—" But tell me, dear Ischomachus," 
said Socrates, « is it possible to reform a man 
who is naturally negligent !" — " No more," an- 
swered Ischomachus, " than it would be for a 
man who is ignorant in music, to teach and in- 
struct another man in that science ; for it is 
impossible to make a good scholar, if the mas- 
ter does not know his business ; and, by the 
same rule, no servant will be diligent when his 
master sets him the example of neglect. I have 
heard often enough, that bad masters made bad 
servants; and I have often seen a small 
reproof to a servant put him or her upon 
their duty. However, the best way to make a 
good servant, is for the master to set him a 
good example of industry, and be careful and 
watchful to oversee and regard, that every one 
about him is diligent in their respective office, 
and reward those who are deserving, and pun- 
ish the negligent. The king of Persia once 
spoke much to the purpose in a case of this 
nature. When he was riding upon a fine 
horse, one of the company asked him what 
made his horse so fat : his reply was, « The 
eye of his master ;' and we have many beside, 
good Socrates, who think that every thing 
whatever is improved by the same regard of 
the master." 

XIII. " But, good Ischomachus," said So- 
crates, " when you have trained up your stew- 
ard to be diligent, and to observe your direc- 
tions, do you esteem him thoroughly qualified to 
be your steward pr bailiff, or has he then any 
thing else to be instructed in !" — « Then," an- 
swered Ischomachus, " there is yet more which 
is necessary for him to understand ; for he 
must learn the particulars of his business, to 
know when and how he must dispose of every 
thing; for, without the knowledge of these 
particulars, a steward is an insignificant person ; 
he is like a physician who has the care of a 
patient, and is up early and late to attend him, 
and at last knows nothing of his distemper." — 
" But when he has learned all this, good Ischo- 
machus," said Socrates, " is he then perfectly 
qualixled to be your steward, or director of your 
farm?" — «There is still more required of 



him," replied Ischomachus, " for he must learn 
to rule, as well as direct the workmen." — " And 
is it possible," said Socrates•, " that you can 
teach a man to govern, or know the great sci- 
ence of command ?" — " I think," said Ischo- 
machus, " there is no difficulty in it ; though, 
perhaps, the reasons I may give for it are ridi- 
culous." — "An affair of this consequence," 
said Socrates, " is no laughing matter ; for the 
man who can instruct others how to govern, 
must himself be a person of great wisdom, and 
deserve the highest character ; for he, who can 
teach men how to rule, may teach them how to 
become masters : and he who can raise them 
to that dignity, may teach them those princely 
virtues, which will make them worthy the 
command of kingdoms." — " Good Socrates," 
answered Ischomachus, " let us look into 
the fields among the beasts for an example of 
the facility of learning to govern. Those 
creatures who are restiff and stubborn are beat- 
en into obedience ; while, on the other hand, 
those who obey our directions are treated hand- 
somely, and rewarded. Colts, when they are 
under the management of the breaker or jockey 
are caressed when they take their lessons kind- 
ly ; but when they are restiff or disobedient, 
they receive the correction of the lash ; and by 
these means they are brought to make good 
horses. If we breed spaniels, we treat them 
in the same manner, to learn them to hunt, to 
take the water, to fetch and carry, and be 
watchful ; but, as for men, we may persuade 
them, and bring them to obedience, by setting 
before them rewards and punishments, and 
teaching them that it will be for their advantage 
to obey ; but, as for bondmen, or those of the 
lowest rank, they may be brought to obedience 
another way ; provide well for their bellies and 
tbey will do any thing ; while those, who have 
noble spirits, are best encouraged by praise, for 
praise is no less welcome to them, than meat 
and drink is to those of the meaner sort. And 
when I have instructed my steward to govern 
by my example, I add this, as an instruction to 
him, that in the bestowing of clothes or apparel 
among my workmen.Jhe should always give the 
best to those among them who aremost dili- 
gent in their business ; for industrious men 
ought always to have better dress, and have the 
pre-eminence in all things, before the lazy and 
negligent ; for I am of opinion there is nothing 
more irksome to industrious servants, than to 
see those who are negligent in their business 



GOOD HUSBANDRY. 



667 



promoted or encouraged, while they themselves 
are neglected and overlooked. It discourages 
them from minding their business for the fu- 
ture ; therefore I always take care to keep that 
difference among my servants. And when I 
observe that my bailiff shows the same regard 
for those servants under his care, I praise him 
for it ; but when I perceive he has preferred 
any one unworthily, by means of flattery or 
some such deceit, I never suffer his award to 
pass, but blame him and reprimand him." 

XIV. « Then," said Socrates, " tell me, good 
Ischomachus, when you have thus taught your 
steward to rule, and discipline the workmen 
and servants under his care, is he then com- 
pletely qualified for your service 1 or is there 
any thing else that you are to instruct him in 1" 
To this Ischomachus replied : « There is yet 
a very material point, which concerns the busi- 
ness and character of a good steward ; and that 
is, honesty ; for if after he has received all my 
former instructions, he gives his mind to pilfer, 
and clandestinely to make away with my goods, 
his diligence in overseeing the management of 
my lands will be but of little profit to me, or 
it may be I may happen to be out of pocket 
by his service, so that I had much better be 
without the industry of such a man." — " But, 
good Ischomachus, I pray you tell me," said 
Socrates, » Are you capable of teaching men 
justice and honesty V — "Yes," replied Ischo- 
machus ; " but I find that it is not every one I 
teach or instruct in these ways of truth and 
equity, who follow my instructions : but, that 
I may yet make my servants follow the rules 
of justice which I teach them, I use tffbse laws 
of Draco and Solon, which say, that little pil- 
ferers must be punished, but the great robbers 
must be imprisoned and put to death. Whereby 
it appears, that those who enrich themselves 
by indirect methods, and amass to themselves 
fortunes by thievish practices, those goods shall 
not be profitable to them. And to these laws 
I likewise add some of the Persian laws : for 
those of Draco and Solon only inflict punish- 
ments on those who do amiss ; but those of the 
king of Persia do not only punish those who 
do wrong, but reward those who do right. 
There are some men, who out of covetousness 
care not what they do, nor what indiscreet 
means they take, so that they gather riches to- 
gether ; seeing that others can amass great for- 
tunes in an honest way ; believing that, so long 
as riches may be got by honest men, every one 



who is rich shall be accounted an honest man• 
but these have never any pleasure or good ad- 
vantage in their ill-got goods; or it is very 
rarely that they preserve them : but those who 
get their riches by industry and honesty, are 
always prosperous, and have pleasure in what 
they have got, especially because they have 
wronged no man. If among my people I dis- 
cover any such who have that covetous and de- 
ceitful temper, and do not receive benefit by 
my instructions, I discharge them out of my 
service. And, on the other hand, those who 
make honesty their rule and study, behave 
themselves as true and faithful servants, with- 
out having so much regard to profit, as honour 
and praise from me ; if they are bondmen, I 
give them their liberty ; and do not only pro- 
mote them and advance their fortunes, but 
take every opportunity of recommending them 
to the world as good and honest men ; for I 
judge, that the man may be esteemed good and 
honest, who upon the principle of virtue will 
employ himself for his master's interest, and 
will not scruple going through a little difficulty 
for his master's service, when there is occasion, 
without a design of making his advantage of 
him by deceitful or indiscreet means. 

XV. Such a man, when I have once gained 
his esteem and affection, by instructing*him in 
the science of making a good advantage of the 
work he is employed in, and have sufficiently 
instructed him to rule ; I am persuaded he 
will transact every thing for his master's ad- 
vantage, as well as if the master was continu- 
ally to be present : and, with these qualifica- 
tions, I think a man sufficiently capable of the 
business of a steward, and worthy of being em- 
ployed in that office." — ¥ But, methinks," said 
Socrates, « the principal part of a steward's 
business you have not yet explained." — " What 
js that, good Socrates V said Ischomachus. — 
" I remember," said Socrates, *« in your dis- 
course, you said, that before all things a stew- 
ard ought to know every particular of his 
business, and how to order every thing for his 
master's profit ; for, without that, you observed 
that diligence would be of little use." — " Then, 
I suppose, good Socrates," answered Ischo- 
machus, " you would have me instruct you in 
the science of husbandry?" — «That is my 
desire," said Socrates ; «• for the science of 
husbandry is extremely profitable to those who 
understand it ; but it brings the greatest trouble 
and misery upon those farmers who undertake 



668 



THE SCIENCE OF 



it without knowledge." — " I shall first of all, 
good Socrates," said Ischomachus, "acquaint 
you, that husbandry is an honourable science, 
and the most pleasant and profitable of any 
other : it is favoured by the gods, and beloved 
by mankind, and may be learned with ease. 
Husbandry, therefore, is becoming a gentle- 
man ; for if we were to take a view of all 
creatures upon earth, those only are esteemed, 
and worthy our regard, which are docile enough 
to become profitable to us; while the others, 
which are wild and fierce in their nature, and 
are not capable of becoming useful to us, are 
rejected." — " If I remember right," said Soc- 
rates, " you have already instructed me, that a 
steward or deputy should, first love you, then 
be diligent; in the next place, he should be 
able to rule, and then be honest; but I am 
impatient to hear how he must behave himself 
in the practice of husbandry, with regard to 
the works, when and how they are to be done ; 
but hitherto you have not explained those 
particulars, but passed them over as if you 
imagined I knew as much of the affair as your- 
self, or understood the business. For my. part, 
I am in the same state, with regard to hus- 
bandry, that a man would be who does not un- 
derstand letters, and you were to show him a 
writin* ; he will be never the better for seeing 
that writing, unless he know the use of the 
letters that composed it. So I imagine, that 
it is not enough to be diligent in the science of 
husbandry, but a man must understand every 
particular of it. This I suppose you are a 
master of, but you have not 3'et acquainted me 
with the matter. Therefore, if I was now to 
set about the business of husbandry, I should 
be like a quack in physic, who went about 
visiting of sick people, and neither knew their 
distempers, nor what medicines were proper for 
them. Therefore, good Ischomachus, I desire; 
you will learn me every particular point of 
the husbandry you practise." — « Good Socra- 
tes," -replied Ischomachus, "the science of hus- 
bandry is not like other sciences, which re- 
quire length of time to study them, or a great 
deal of labour to compass them before a man 
can get his living by them ; for husbandry is 
easily learned, by observing the workmen now 
and then, and by consulting those who un- 
derstand it. By these means you may in- 
struct your friends in it. Again, we may 
observe, that men of other sciences, which are 
artificers, will always keep some secret of their 



business to themselves ; but the husbandmen 
are open and free in their discoveries, that 
every one may learn from them. The hus- 
bandman, who has the greatest knowledge in 
planting of trees, is proud of being observed, 
or that any man takes notice of his excellence 
in that art. And the sower is no less pleased 
to have any one stop to look upon him. And 
if you ask him about any thing which has been 
well done in his way, he will be free enough 
to inform you how it was done. And so, good 
Socrates, we may see by this, that husbandry 
teaches men good manners and good nature." — 
" This," said Socrates, " is a good beginning : 
and now you have come thus far, I cannot 
leave you till you have given me every particu- 
lar relating to husbandry ; and especially I insist 
upon it, because you say it is a science so easy 
to learn. You will therefore have the less 
trouble to instruct me ; and it will be the 
greater shame to me, if I do not learn it by 
your instructions, particularly since it is so 
profitable a science." 

XVI. " I am very willing to answer youi 
desire," said Ischomachus, " and instruct you 
in every point of husbandry. The principal 
part, which men dispute about, is the soil. 
On this account, all the philosophers, who 
have busied themselves about it, have given us 
more words than truth ; for they throw some 
occult quality in the way, which leaves us as 
we were before : and at the best tell us, that 
he, who designs to be a husbandman, must 
first know the nature of the soil." — " It is not 
contrary to my opinion," said Socrates, " that 
one ougnt to know the quality of the soil ; for 
those who do not know what the ground will 
bring forth, how can they appoint either trees, 
plants, or seeds for it, which are natural to its 
intent, or are proper for it 1" — " Dear Socrates," 
said Ischomachus, " this is easily discovered, 
by observing the grounds of other people, where 
you may see the diversities of plants growing 
on them, and by a little observance that way, 
you will learn wiiat they will produce, and 
what are contrary to their nature ; and when a 
man has once made his due observation of this, 
he will see that it will be unprofitable to re- 
sist nature or the will of Providence. Foi 
when a man plants or sows those things 
which he accounts necessary for his use, 
and the soil does not delight in the nour- 
ishment or production of them, or has not 
a will to bring them forth, his expense and 



GOOD HUSBANDRY. 



6G9 



trouble is to no purpose. But if he cannot 
discover the nature of the grounds next about 
him, which either through idleness, or any 
other cause, have been mismanaged or neglect- 
ed, let him consult other lands remoter from 
him ; and if even they happen not to be culti- 
vated, he may learn by the weeds that grow 
upon them, what they will produce : for those 
plants, which grow wild, show best the incli- 
nation and disposition of the soil, so that 
husbandmen may even learn their business by 
observing what the ground will produce of it- 
self." — " Then," replied Socrates, « I perceive 
that a man need not abstain from husbandry 
purely because he does not know how to de- 
scribe the nature of a soil; for, I remember, I 
have seen fishermen who have employed them- 
selves continually upon the sea, without inqui- 
ring what the water is, or its principles, but pass 
over it, and when they find any thing to their 
advantage they take it, and leave the rest. The 
same, I suppose, is the design of the husband- 
men ; when they look upon soils, it is to ob- 
serve what they bring forth, that is valuable, 
and what they will not." — " In what point of 
husbandry would you have me begin," said 
Ischomachus, " dear Socrates, for you talk like 
an adept in the science "\ Your reasoning is 
good, and must proceed from understanding." 
— « All that I mean by my reasoning with 
you," replied Socrates, « is to know how I shall 
till the ground, so as to reap the most profita- 
ble crops of corn, or other fruits, from it; for 
it is becoming a philosopher to inquire into 
those things which are pleasant and profitable." 
— " I suppose," said Ischomachus, "you already 
understand that the stirring or breaking of the 
gi-ound, which one may call fallowing, is of 
great advantage." — " This," answered Socrates, 
" I believe." — « And suppose we were to fal- 
low or plough the ground in winter?" said 
Ischomachus. — « That . I don't approve of," 
said Socrates ; " for the earth is then too wet, 
in my opinion." — " And what do you think if 
we were to turn it up in the summer"?" said 
Ischomachus. — " Then, I doubt," said Socrates, 
" it would be too dry and hard for the plough." 
— " Then let us plough," said Ischomachus, 
•' in the spring." — « I think you are much in 
the right," said Socrates, " for then the ground 
is most free and ready to open itself to the 
plough, and also is most ready to distribute its 
virtue." " It is not only so," answered Ischo- 
machus, « but then whatever weeds are upon 



the ground, being turned into the earth, enrich 
the soil as much as clung. And again, these 
plants are not grown to such a point of maturity 
or perfection that their seeds are ripe, and there- 
fore cannot fill the ground with weeds; and 
besides, I suppose you know that both the 
fallowing and tilling of ground is always the 
better as the ground has the fewer weeds in it ; 
for, besides the hindrance the weeds may give 
to corn, or other profitable herbs, they prevent 
the ground from receiving the benefit of the 
sun and free air." — " This I agree to," said 
Socrates. — " Then," replied Ischomachus, " do 
not you think that often stirring the ground in 
summer will be the best way for it to enrich 
itself by the air and sun, as well as to destroy 
the weeds'?" — "I am very sensible," said So- 
crates, « that weeds will wither and dry quickly 
in the summer ; and the ground can never re- 
ceive more benefit from the sun, than if it is 
stirred with the plough, or fallowed in the heat 
of summer : and if a man dig his ground in 
summer, he will have the same advantage in 
destroying of weeds, which will then soon die ; 
or else, by turning them in before they seed, 
they will enrich the grqund : and by the turning 
up of the earth at that season, the sourness and 
rawness of that, which is turned up, will be 
corrected by the sun;" 

XVII. « So I find," said Ischomachus, " that 
we are both of one opinion concerning the 
stirring and fallowing of the ground." — " It 
is true," said Socrates ; " but, to proceed to 
sowing, do you allow that the old opinion, 
which is agreed to and followed by the present 
operators in husbandry, concerning the season 
of putting the seed into the ground, is agreea- 
ble to reason, or are you of another opinion ]" 
— To this Ischomachus replied ; " When sum- 
mer is once past, and September is upon us, all 
men then wait the pleasure of the gods to send 
rain to moisten the ground and prepare it for 
the seed ; and, as soon as the rains fall, then 
every one employs himself in sowing, as the 
gods seem to direct " — " Then," said Socrates, 
" it seems that all men in the world have deter- 
mined, by one assent, that it is not convenient 
to sow when the ground is dry ; and those who 
act against this rule of nature are sufferers by 
it, as if they had offended the gods, by practi- 
sing against their laws." 

" We agree likewise in this," said Ischoma- 
chus." — " Then,*' Socrates replied, " I perceive 
that mankind consent to the order of nature, 



670 



THE SCIENCE OF 



which is the will of the gods ; as, for example, 
every one thinks it convenient to wear furred 
gowns and' warm clothes in the winter, and 
then also to make a good fire, if he can get 
woo d." — "But there are many," said Ischoma- 
chus, " who vary in their opinions concerning 
the time of sowing; some will sow sooner, 
others later." — ■ There is good reason for 
that," replied Socrates, "for the gods do not 
always give us the same kind of weather one 
year as another. Therefore it is sometimes 
best to sow early, and at other times it is 
better to sow late." — " I allow what you say," 
said Ischomachus : " but whether is it best to 
sow much seed, or little ?" — " I am of opinion," 
answered Socrates, « that it is best to allow 
seed enough, and distribute it truly and equally 
upon the ground : but one may sow the seed 
too thick, as well as employ too small a 
quantity of it." — " I agre*e with you," said 
Ischomachus, " in this point." — " I imagine," 
said Socrates, « there is a great art in sowing." 
— " It is surely so," replied Ischomachus ; " for 
there are many sorts of grain, and all of 
them must be cast upon the ground by a man's 
hand." — "I have seen that," said Socrates. — 
« But some men," replied Ischomachus, * can 
cast it even, and distribute it equally upon the 
ground, and others cannot." — " Then I sup- 
pose," said Socrates, " that the skill in sowing 
the seeds depends upon the frequent practice 
and exercise of the hand ; as those who play 
upon the harp, or other instruments of music, 
must keep their hands continually in practice, 
that their fingers may readily follow their 
mind." — "You reason well," said Ischoma- 
chus : " but suppose the ground is light and 
open, or suppose it is stiff and heavy ?" — 
" What would you have me understand by 
that?" said Socrates: "do you not take .the 
lighter ground to be the weakest, and the 
heavy ground to be the strongest ?*' — " I am 
of that opinion," said Ischomachus. — " I would 
then fain know of you," said Socrates, « whe- 
ther you would allow the same quantity of 
seed to one kind of ground as you would to 
another, or whether you make any difference ?" 
— " You know, good Socrates," said Ischoma- 
chus, " that it is as natural to put the most 
water to the strongest wines, and the stronger 
a man is, the greater burden he may carry ; so 
some men are nourished with a very spare 
diet, while others require a greater share of 
nourishment : the same ought to be considered 



in our present case." — " Will not the ground," 
said Socrates, " grow more strong by the more 
use, as horses and mules are thought to do 1 ?" 
+— " This I take as a jest," said Ischomachus : 
" but what I think necessary to acquaint you 
of, is, that you sow your grain when the 
ground is moist, and has the best advantage of 
the air; and when the corn is come up, and is 
high in the blade, if you then turn it into the 
ground with a plough, it will greatly enrich the 
land, and give it as much strength as a good 
dunging would do ; and we must also remark, 
that if we continue to sow for a long space 
the same sort of grain upon any ground, but 
upon that especially which is weak or over- 
charged with seed, it will impoverish the 
ground, and wear it out of heart. We may 
compare this to a sow which suckles many pigs, 
and sustains them till they grow large ; the 
more pigs she suckles, the more will she be 
weakened." — " You intimate by this," said 
Socrates, * that one ought to sow the smaller 
quantity of grain upon the weakest soil." — " It 
is true," replied Ischomachus, " and is what 
we have partly agreed on before, that to over- 
burden ground with seeds or corn, is the ready 
way to weaken it." — "But for what reason, 
good Ischomachus, do you make ditches or 
thorows in the corn fields'!" — "You know 
very well," replied Ischomachus, « the winter 
is subject to wet weather." — " What mean you 
by that 1 ?" said Socrates. — "When the rains 
fall in great quantity," replied Ischomachus, 
" the wet is apt to do great damage to corn ; 
for sometimes our corn fields are incommoded 
with waters, and the corn, in some of its parts, 
smothered with mud ; and besides, the roots of 
the corn in other places will be washed bare ; 
the waters also carry the seeds of weeds to the 
lower parts of the ground, and by that means 
fill the corn with weeds." — " I presume," said 
Socrates, " what you say is agreeable to rea- 
son." — "And do you think," said Ischoma- 
chus, " that corn which is subject to these 
inconveniences ought not to be assisted?" — 
" Undoubtedly," answered Socrates. — " Then 
what shall we do," said Ischomachus, " to pre- 
vent the waters from covering the corn with 
mud?" — "I find then," said Socrates, " it is 
proper to ease the ground from wet to secure 
the corn." — " But," said Ischomachus, "if the 
roots of the corn should be laid bare, and the 
earth about them worn away ?" — " Then 1 
suppose," continued he, " the best way to 



GOOD HUSBANDRY. 



671 



remedy that, is to find some means of cover- 
ing the roots with earth, that they may be well 
nourished." — " But if the weeds, which may 
come up by this management," replied Socra- 
tes, " should suck up, or destroy the nourish- 
ment which the corn ought to receive, like the 
drone-bees in a hive, who are of no value in 
themselves, and yet live upon the industry of 
the working bees, and destroy the provisions 
which they have laid up to be manufactured 
into wax and honey." — "The weeds," replied 
Socrates, " should then be plucked up^ as the 
drones in a hive are killed and discharged 
from it."-— "Do you think then," said Ischo- 
machus, " that water-thorows, or trenches in 
the ground to draw off the water, are not good 
to save corn Ί" — " I see now the use of simi- 
les," said Socrates ; for there is nothing can 
instruct me so much as similes ; for by them 
you have learned me to know the disadvantage 
of weeds among corn, as well as instructed me 
that drones are not always advantageous to 
bees. 

XVIII. " But now I desire of you, dear 
Ischomachus, to tell me what is the business 
of harvest]" — "This," replied Ischomachus, 
" I shall be ready to do, if you are not already 
as wise• as myself. I suppose," continued he, 
" you have heard that corn must be reaped 1" — 
" Certainly," said Socrates ; " but I am im- 
patient till you proceed to inform me what are 
your sentiments in the affair of reaping, or 
getting in the harvest." — " Which do you 
think, good Socrates, we ought to do ; — to 
stand to reap with the wind, or to reap against 
it V — " I suppose, " said Socrates, " it would 
be improper to reap against the wind, for it 
would increase the labour ; it would hurt the 
eyes, and be likewise more difficult to the 
hands ; for we sometimes meet with corn that 
is laid or beat down by the wind."—" And 
then," replied Ischomachus, " how will you 
cut it ? will you cut the tops only 1 or cut it 
close to the ground 1" — « If the straw is short," 
replied Socrates, " I would cut it near the 
ground, for the advantage of the straw ; but if 
the straw is very long, then I would rather 
cut it about the middle, for two reasons. In 
the first place, because 'the corn will be sepa- 
rated more easily from the straw : and in the 
next place, the remaining straw, if it is burned, 
will enrich the ground very much ; or if it is 
afterwards cut and mixed with dung, it will 
increase it." — « Good Socrates, your discourse," 



said Ischomachus, " shows me plainly, that you 
understand reaping as well as I do." — « As 
you agree with me," said Socrates, " in what 
I say concerning reaping, I suppose I am right 
in my argument ; but let me now see if I un- 
derstand how to separate the corn from the 
straw." — " You know, undoubtedly," said Is- 
chomachus, " that horses do that work." — « I 
am sensible," said Socrates, " that it is not 
only horses that separate corn from the straw, 
by treading upon it, but asses and oxen also 
are used on the same occasion." — " But how 
do you think, good Socrates," said Ischoma- 
chus, " that horses, or the other creatures you 
speak of, can so equally tread the corn as to 
get it all clear of the straw V* * — " The men 
who have the care of this work," said Socrates, 
" take care to stir the corn as they see occa- 
sion, that it may be all equally separated from 
the straw, flinging into the way of the cattle's 
feet such corn as they observe to lie still in> 
the straw." — " I perceive," said Ischomachus, 
" that you understand this part of husbandry 
as well as myself." — " In the next place," said 
Socrates, " let us examine how we ought to 
clean corn from the husk or chaff." — " I sup- 
pose," said Ischomachus, "you know that if 
you begin to winnow your com on that side of 
the winnowing place which is next the wind, 
the chaff will be scattered all over the winnow- 
ing floor 1" — " It must certainly be so," said 
Socrates. — " And it must also fall upon the 
corn," said Ischomachus. — " This," said So- 
crates, " is certain ; but it is the skill of a 
good husbandman to winnow his corn in such 
a manner that the chaff may fly from it, and be 
carried to its proper place." — « But when you 
have cleaned the corn," said Ischomachus, " as 
far as the middle of the winnowing place, will 
you rather let it remain there, or carry the 
clean corn to another place where you design 
to lodge it 7" — " When I have a sufficient quan- 
tity of corn clean," said Socrates, " I would set 
that by ; lest in cleaning the rest, the corn I 
have already cleaned, and lies scattered abroad 
upon the floor, should partake of the chaff 
from the corn that is cleaning, and then Ϊ shall 
be obliged to do my work twice over." — " I 
find, good Socrates," said Ischomachus, " that 
you are sufficiently skilled in the manage- 



1 It was the method among the ancients, to have the 
corn trodden out by cattle, for the flail is a modern In- 
vention. 



07-2 



THE SCIENCE OF 



meat of corn, even to the cleaning of it, 
for the markets; and I am of opinion, that 
you are well able to instruct, rather than to 
be instructed. In my discourse with you on 
this branch of husbandry, I find that I have 
yet some remembrance of the management of 
corn. If there is no more in it than what we 
have mentioned, I knew as much of it many 
years ago. And now I recollect that once I 
could play upon the harp, and the flute, could 
paint, and carve, and knew many other scien- 
ces, and yet I never had a master to teach me 
any of these sciences, no more than I had one 
to instruct me in this branch of husbandry : 
but I have seen men work as well in the scien- 
ces I speak of as in husbandry. You are 
satisfied," said Ischomachus, " that husbandry 
is a pleasant science, and that it is easy to 
learn." * 

XIX. " I am persuaded," said Socrates, 
.«,« that I now understand, and have long since 
known, the business of sowing and reaping of 
corn. But I was not certain in my judgment, 
till I had the opportunity of conversing with 
you about it : but I desire you to tell me, 
whether setting of trees is any part of husband- 



ry 



Yes," replied Ischomachus. — « Then," 



said Socrates, " though I know something rela- 
ting to sowing and cleaning of corn, yet I doubt 
I am ignorant in the business of planting of 
trees." — «« I guess," said Ischomachus, " you 
have as much knowledge in the one as in the 
other." — « I must certainly be ignorant," said 
Socrates, « in the art of planting trees, because 
I do not know what sort of earth a tree should 
be planted in, nor what depth, nor of what size 
the tree should be : nor yet, when it is planted, 
what is the best means to make it grow." — « I 
am ready to instruct you," said Ischomachus, 
" in any thing you are ignorant of. Have you 
observed, good Socrates, what holes or pits are 
■commonly made to plant trees in !" — «« I have 
observed that very often," said Socrates. " Have 
you ever observed these deeper," said Ischo- 
machus, "than three feet?" — ««No," replied 
Socrates, <« nor yet more than two feet and a 
half." — «« And the breadth of the trench which 
is made for planting a tree, did you ever ob- 
serve that?" said Ischomachus ; «« for by such 
inquiries you may guess at the size of the trees 
which are fit to be transplanted." — « I never," 
said Socrates, « saw any wider than two feet 
and a half." — «« And have you ever seen any 
shallower than two feet?" said Ischomachus. 



" I have not observed," said Socrates, «« any of 
those trenches which are dug for planting trees 
less than two feet and a half deep ; for if the 
trees were to be set shallow, the summer heats 
would soon make them wither, and scorch the 
roots." — " Then I suppose," said Ischomachus, 
'« that your opinion is, that the trenches or 
holes, which are to be dug for planting of trees, 
ought to be no deeper than two feet and a 
half, and just as much over ?" — " I guess," 
said Socrates, " they should be so." — « But do 
you consider the nature of the ground," said 
Ischomachus, " and make the proper differen- 
ces — which is dry, and which is wet ?" — " The 
ground," said Socrates, «« which lies about Li- 
cabetus, I call dry ground ; and the ground 
about Phalericus I call wet ground, for that is 
a marsh." — " I then desire to know," said 
Ischomachus, " whether you would plant trees 
deeper, or shallower, in wet than in dry soil ?" 
— « My opinion is," said Socrates, " that in the 
dry ground we ought to dig the trenches the 
deeper, for in wet ground we shall soon come 
to the water, and I do not think it convenient 
to plant trees deep in such wet places." — « You 
argue very rightly," said Ischomachus ; « but 
do you know, good Socrates," continued he, 
" when you have the choice of :jhese grounds, 
which are those trees which are most proper to 
plant in them ?" — '* I think I do," said Socrates. 
— « And do you think," replied Ischomachus, 
" that when you set a tree to the best advantage, 
it will be best to plant it in such earth as has 
been made very fine by working, or in such as 
has not been made loose and open by culture?" 
— « It is my opinion," said Socrates, «« that a 
tree planted in w r ell-loosened earth will prosper 
much better than in that which has been un- 
cultivated." — ««Do you allow, then," said 
Ischomachus, " that the earth ought to be fine 
and prepared on this occasion ?" — " I guess it 
should be so," said Socrates. — « But concern- 
ing the branch or cutting of a vine, when you 
plant it," continued Ischomachus, " will it 
grow better if you set it upright in the gTound, 
or lay it along in the earth?" 1 — «' Certainly," 
said Socrates, * it will grow the stronger if we 
plant it, or lay it lengthwise in the ground ; for 
the more roots it gains, the greater strength it 



* The laying the cuttings of vines lengthwise in the 
ground, is the French way now practised; for they 
strike root at every joint; and the more joints they 
have the more roots they get, and the stronger shoots 
they make. 



GOOD HUSBANDRY 



673 



will have in its shoots." — " We are both 
of one opinion," said Ischomachus. " But 
when you plant one of these cuttings or 
branches of vines, would you leave it with 
the earth loose about it, or tread it hard over 
the part of the cutting which you bury 1" — «I 
am of the opinion," said Socrates, « that it is 
best to tread down the earth very close about 
it, for else the ground would lie so hollow all 
round, that the air and moisture would come 
unequally to it, and rot and spoil the roots ; or 
else the sun's heat would too soon reach it, and 
prove of as bad consequence." — « So far we 
are of one opinion," said Ischomachus. — " And 
must I plant or raise a fig-tree," answered So- 
crates, " as I do the vines Ϊ" — " I suppose so," 
said Ischomachus ; " for he who is master of 
the art of raising vines, may as well raise figs, 
or most sorts of trees." — « But is there 
nol^" replied Socrates, " something particular 
in the propagating of olive-trees 1" " You may 
observe that," said Ischomachus, " on every 
highway side, when we set a large truncheon 
of an olive-tree, we dig deep holes, and plant 
them very deep in the ground, covering the top 
of the truncheon with clay, and yet we do not 
find that any other trees or plants are covered 
in this manner." — " I know this," replied So- 
crates, « for I have often seen it." — « Surely 
then," answered Ischomachus, « when you 
have seen an experiment, you must remember 
it; and especially in this common case you 
know that it is not sufficient to put clay over 
the large top of the olive truncheon, but also to 
cover the clay close with a shell." 1 

" All that you have said relating to this, I 
likewise know perfectly," said Socrates ; « but 
when we began to discourse whether I under- 
stood the planting of trees, I was not satisfied 
whether I was sure of the right method : and 
when you came to the particulars, I gave you 
my opinion freely ; and it happened to agree 
with you, who of all men upon the face of the 
earth are esteemed the most perfect husband- 
man. I am happy, good Ischomachus," con- 
tinued Socrates, « in what you have taught me, 
which by degrees I brought you to do : 'you 
have taught me every particular of good hus- 



1 In the modern practice we find it necessary to keep 
out the air and rain from those large incisions, or 
places which have suffered amputation, by soft wax, or 
such vegetable mummies as I have taught Mr. Whit- 
mill to make and sell. The shell over the clay is, I 
suppose, put there to keep out the wet and ill weather. 
57 



bandry ; and have led me, by your instructions 
in those things I did not understand, to those 
that I find I have some knowledge in ; and, by 
your easy way of reasoning, I shall be capable 
of remembering every thing you have laid be- 
fore me." — " Do you believe," said Ischoma- 
chus, " that if I were to discourse with you 
concerning the goodness and fineness of silver 
and gold, that you could answer as pertinently 
as you have done to the affair of husbandry 1 or 
if Τ were to ask you concerning music and 
painting, do you think that you could reason 
about them so well as you have done in hus- 
bandry 1" — " I think so," said Socrates ; " for 
you have satisfied me that I am not ignorant in 
husbandry, and yet I never had any master to 
instruct me in it." — " You may remember," 
said Ischomachus, « thai in this discourse I told 
you that husbandry was easily learned by a 
little observation and conversation ; for the 
practice of it teaches us many particulars, which 
no master can ever teach us, or would ever 
have thought on. In the first place, the vine 
will, of its own accord, run up trees, if there 
are any near it. This natural disposition in 
the vine shows us, that we ought to sustain the 
vine with props. Again : we observe that it 
spreads its leaves abroad the most at that time 
of the year when its fruit is in its growth; 
which shows us, that the fruit during its 
growth, should be shaded from the too scorch- 
ing rays of the sun. And again, we may ob- 
serve, that about the time when grapes ripen, 
the leaves shrink, and lay the fruit more open 
to the sun, that they may ripen the better : so 
it appears that shade is necessary to help 
the growth of fruit, and a full sun is natural to 
the good ripening of fruit. And also when we 
see the vine full of clusters, we find some ripe, 
and others green ; then let the ripe clusters be 
gathered, for otherwise they would spoil and 
rot, as it is in the fruit of the fig-tree ; gather 
those which you perceive are completely ripe, 
lest they drop and are lost." 

XX. " It is surprising to me," said Socrates, 
" that seeing husbandry is so easy to learn, we 
find such a vast difference among the husband 
men; some we may observe to be very rich, 
while others have hardly bread to eat." — To 
this Ischomachus replied: "It is not the want 
of knowledge which makes the poor husband- 
man, for both the rich and the poor may 
have the same knowledge in sowing or planting, 
or in the virtue of the soil, and what is best 
4K 



674 



THE SCIENCE OF 



to plant upon it, and in the ordering of 
vines, or that ground is improved by fallowing 
and by manuring : but that which makes 
some farmers poor and some rich, is because 
the first are negligent and lazy, and the 
latter are industrious and thrifty. The poor 
farmers often lose the profit of a year by ne- 
glecting to make proper provision either by 
fallowing, manuring, or sowing ; nor has he any 
wine through his neglect in planting of vines, or 
taking care to prune and dress those vines he 
has already : such a man has neither oil, nor 
figs, for he neglects the care of his tree. It is 
for these causes, good Socrates, that you find 
one farmer richer than another ; for the know- 
ledge of farming, or any thing else, is of no 
service or advantage, if it is not industriously 
practised. And so among generals of armies, 
it is likely that they all understand their busi- 
ness, but yet we perceive that some of them 
gain more honour and more riches than others. 
Their case is like that of the husbandmen ; 
the industrious are always gainers, while the 
negligent always come off losers. If a general 
leads an army through an enemy's country, and 
be discreet and careful, he will march his for- 
ces in good order, and be vigilant ; so that upon 
any occasion he is prepared for battle ; and yet 
there are some generals who know these things, 
and do not act with that care, which ever 
brings them either honour or profit. All 
these are convinced that there is a necessity of 
keeping watches, and sending out scouts to 
reconnoitre the enemy, or observe their motion ; 
but yet some neglect this business, and lose 
themselves by it. So likewise we all know 
that manuring the ground is necessary; but 
yet some are negligent, and never employ 
themselves about it, though it may as well be 
done by turning of cattle into it, as by other 
means. Some farmers use all their industry to 
gather together all the sorts of manures they 
can find ; and others, though they might as 
well enrich their ground by the same means, 
yet never set their minds about it. The rain 
falls in hollow places, and remains there to the 
injury of the ground ; and where this happens, 
it shows the carelessness of the farmer ; the 
weeds which rise on this occasion are witnesses 
of his negligence ; for the diligent farmer always 
takes care to lay his ground in good order, and 
to clear it of weeds ; and the very weeds he 
pulls up reward him for that work; for if he 
cast these weeds into a pit of water, and let 



them rot there, they will produce as good 
manure as dung itself. For there are no herbs 
or plants which will rot by lying in water, that 
will not make good manure for land ; nor is 
there any sort of earth which will not make 
very rich manure, by being laid a due time in 
a standing water, till it is fully impregnated 
with the virtue of the water. * We may yet 
remark further, that if the ground be too wet 
to sow upon, or too surly or sour to plant in, 
there is still a remedy for it ; if it be wet, we 
may drain it by ditches or thorows ; and if the 
ground be stiff and sour, mix it with such things 
as are light and dry, or of a contrary nature to 
the soil. We find some husbandmen have 
regard to this, and some have no thought of it, 
and throw away those things which might 
prove to their profit. But suppose we were 
to know nothing of ground, .or what it would 
bring forth, or can see neither tree nor plant 
upon it ; nor have the opportunity of consult- 
ing, or learning, from some experienced hus- 
bandman, the worth of the ground ; may we 
not satisfy ourselves at a very easy rate, by 
trying what it will bear or bring forth, in making 
a few experiments upon it? Is not this more 
easy than to experience what a horse or a man 
is 1 for in all that we can discover by our ex- 
periments upon soils, we are sure of the truth 
of what we see ; there is no dissimulation : 
therefore the ground is the best master or 
director for the husbandman, in showing him 
what things are proper for it, and what are the 
contrary ; and it gives us satisfactory proofs 
who among the farmers are diligent and dis- 
cerning, and who are not. For the science of 
husbandry is not like other sciences, or trades 
or callings ; for in them the artificers may ex- 
cuse themselves by saying they wanted skill in 
what they wanted to undertake ; but husbandry, 
we know, is within the compass of every man's 
knowledge ; so that whenever we see that the 
ground is tilled and sown, it will always pro- 
duce something beneficial, and is the most 
pleasant of all others : and therefore I suppose 
it is that husbandry, above all other sciences, 
encourages men to practise it : and besides, 



* This is a remark very well worthy our observation, 
especially where manures are scarce. As for the com 
mon notion, that weeds will breed weeds, it is an error 
unless we suppose that weeds have their seeds ripe 
when we use them on this occasion ; and as for earth 
being laid in water for a manure, it is much more bene- 
ficial to lands than the cleaning of ponds and ditches. 



GOOD HUSBANDRY. 



675 



this is preferable to all others, because every 
man, who has the least regard to himself, 
must surely know that no man can live 
without necessaries : and what does not this 
produce 1 We may therefore know, that those 
who will not learn such sciences as they might 
get their living by, or do not fall into husban- 
dry, are either downright fools, or else propose 
to get their living by robbery or by begging. 
But we will suppose that some of the husband- 
men we speak of, are such as employ deputies 
or bailiffs to look over their workmen ; and 
the overseers of some do right, and the greater 
part do wrong. Those who do right will take 
care to see their work done in season ; but the 
negligent steward will not keep his workmen 
to their business ; he will let them leave their 
business when they think convenient, without 
regard to his master's profit. And to com- 
pare the diligent and careless steward, there 
will be the difference, that he who sets his 
people to work regularly and keeps them em- 
ployed, gains half as much more as the man 
who is careless of his labourers : it is like two 
men who are sent out to travel fifty miles, 
who are both equally strong and in health ; the 
man who is the most industrious shall perform 
his day's journey to the utmost of his power, 
and lose no time; while the other stops at 
every spring, at every shade, and at every 
refreshment he can get, and loses so much in 
his progress, that though they both run and 
walk alike, the lazy and negligent man makes 
two days of the same length that the industri- 
ous man makes in one day : so, in all sorts of 
works, there is a great deal of difference be- 
tween the man who sets himself heartily about 
his business, and him who is careless and does 
not regard his work ; for when these last hap- 
pen to weed or clean the vines at such an im- 
proper season that the weeds spring again, 
they rather spoil than mend their vineyards : 
their absolute neglect would have been more 
excusable. Such errors as these are the oc- 
casion why many farmers are sufferers. A 
man who has a large family, and is at great 
expenses for the maintenance of his house, if 
he cannot get enough by his rents and by his 
husbandry to find him ^nd his people with 
necessaries, must certainly come to poverty. 
But such as are diligent, and apply themselves 
to husbandry, will as certainly increase their 
substance, and may easily grow rich. I re- 
membei my father had an excellent rule, which 



he advised me to follow ; that if ever I bought 
any land, I should by no means purchase that 
which had been already well improved, but 
should choose such as had never been tilled; 
either through the neglect of the owner, or for 
want of capacity to do it : for he observed, 
that if I was to purchase improved grounds, I 
must pay a high price for them, and then I 
could not propose to advance their value, and 
must also lose the pleasure of improving them 
myself, or seeing them thrive better by my 
endeavours. It was my father's opinion, that 
both land and cattle, with good management 
and industry, would doubly improve, and re- 
ward the master, and be no less pleasant than 
profitable to him. There is nothing which 
brings us a better return for our care and 
labour, than such ground as has lain a long 
time without culture ; nor is there any thing 
so agreeable and pleasant, as to observe the 
good use such lands make of the industry and 
labour we bestow on them. Nothing rewards 
our labours so much as these ; and I assure 
you," continued Ischomachus, « that I have 
often brought such land, as had never pro- 
duced any thing of value, to bring such crops 
as were twice as much worth as the price I 
gave for the ground. This, I suppose, you 
will remember and teach to those who fall 
into the way of your instructions. I may 
observe to you also, good Socrates, that my 
father neither learned this, nor any other 
branch of husbandry, from any one ; his ge- 
nius led him to study the reason of it, and 
even to assist in the working part ; for he de- 
lighted extremely to see the reward of his own 
labour and industry, and well knew that he 
could never expect so great a return from cul- 
tivated and improved grounds, as from uncul- 
tivated lands, which he took in hand. I be- 
lieve, good Socrates, that you have heard of 
my father's excellence in husbandry above all 
the Athenians, and of his natural bent of 
fancy towards it." — Then Socrates replied . 
" Tell me, good Ischomachus, did your father, 
when he had improved such parcels of land, 
keep them to himself, or sell them to good 
advantage ?" — " Now and then," replied Ischo- 
machus, " he sold a parcel of land when he 
could receive a sufficient advantage for his 
improvements ; and immediately bought fresh 
unimproved land in the room of it, that he 
might enjoy the pleasure of bringing it to 
his own mind." — " By what I can under- 



G76 



THE SCIENCE OF 



stand." said Socrates, "your father was wise 
and diligent in the science of husbandry, and 
had no less desire towards it, than the corn 
merchants have to find out where the best 
wheat is to be had ; not even scrupling to pass 
the roughest seas, or run any other hazard 
to gain their intent ; and when they have 
bought up as much corn as they can pur- 
chase, they then immediately despatch it to 
their own houses ; and reserve it in their ware- 
houses till they see a good opportunity of 
selling it. I suppose then they do not sell it 
without consideration, or carelessly dispose of 
it at low markets ; but are first assured where 
they may sell it at the dearest price." — " You 
seem to banter," replied Ischomachus ; " but 
can we say the mason is in the wrong who 
builds houses and sells them, and perhaps has 
afterwards an advantage in repairing or improv- 
ing them V 

XXI. " I am very well persuaded," said 
Socrates, " from what you sa% that your opin- 
ion is, every man ought to study that thing 
chiefly which may redound the most to his ad- 
vantage, with the greatest facility. For, in 
the discourse we have had, you have insisted 
that Husbandry is the science most easily learnt 
of any other, and particularly have given proofs 
of its being the most profitable study a man 
can pursue : and what you have observed in 
your discourse relating to it, has convinced me 
that husbandry is as pleasant and profitable as 
you represent it." — « It is certain, as I have 
told you," replied Ischomachus, «that hus- 
bandry is a most delightful and beneficial 
study ; and it is as sure that it may be greatly 
advanced by the application, industry, and good 
management of the professors of it : we may 
compare it to a galley upon the sea, which is 
obliged to make its way as far in a day with 
oars, as it should with sails. We find that 
those masters or overseers of the rowers, who 
keep them encouraged with good words and 
proper rewards, gain so much upon the 
good-will of the labourers under their com- 
mand, that they even outdo themselves, and 
perform almost as much work as double the 
number would do of such who are under the 
discipline of careless or surly masters: for, 
where such evil masters happen to rule over 
any sets of people, they never have their work 
done with a good-will, nor to the purpose : but 
a generous spirit in a master creates a free, 
nearly spirit in his servants, which makes them 



work merrily and heartily, sweating and press- 
ing upon one another who shall excel in his 
business : so there are likewise some captains, 
who are of that ill disposition towards their 
soldiers, and use them with that vile barbarity, 
that they can never gain their will to perform 
any thing for their service either in peace or 
war ; and in time of war especially, rather than 
assist, will expose their captains to the utmost 
danger. Nor can such leaders ever bring the 
men under their commission to be ashamed of 
any thing they do, even though they commit 
the worst actions ; for the unmerciful or care- 
less officer hardens the soldiers, that they have 
neither a regard for right or wrong : but there 
are other captains, who have discretion and 
prudence enough to manage their soldiers with 
so much good order, and gain so much upon 
their affections, that if these were to have the 
command of the same which we have been 
speaking of, would bring them to duty, and to 
act as one man in their officers' defence and 
service, in time of necessity ; and instruct them 
to be ashamed of every thing that is base or 
dishonourable ; exciting them to diligence, and 
to work with good will in such things as are 
becoming them to do, praising their labours, 
and rewarding them on all occasions. Such 
rule and management gains the captain victory 
and honour ; for it is not only the business of 
the soldier to learn to draw the bow, or throw 
the javelin, but to know how and when to obey 
the word of command : and nothing will bring 
them sooner to this, than to gain their love 
and affection ; for the general or captain who 
has good sense enough to gain the good esteem 
of the men under his command, may lead them 
through the greatest dangers. It is, therefore, 
such generals as have good generosity and dis- 
cretion, who, in the management of their sol- 
diers, commonly gain the characters of valiant 
and expert officers : for, though the number of 
the soldiers contribute to gain the battle, yet 
without the commanding officer gives them 
good instructions, and gains their love and 
affection to him, they never act to the purpose ; 
nor can their captain gain any reputation by 
them ; so that the great name is rather gained 
by wisdom and pruAnce, than by labour and 
strength of body : and it is no less to be ob- 
served in the science of husbandry, or othei 
sciences, that those stewards, who have discre 
tion and generosity enough to gain the good 
will of the men they employ, such will always 



GOOD HUSBANDRY. 



677 



find their work well done, and increase their 
riches. But if a master, or his overseer, be 
careless, and at the same time has the power 
of rewarding and punishing those under his di- 
rection, and, when he views his workmen, does 
not make them sensible, either one way or 
other, of his authority ; whenever he comes, 
or goes, it is the same thing to them ; they 
work or play at their discretion. Such a one 
is very little worth the regard of any man : but 
the man who ought to be admired and valued, 
is he, who, when he comes among his servants, 
creates in them a pleasant countenance, and 
makes them rejoice, every one running or stri- 
ving in their business to serve him, and using 
all ways to get his praise and love. Such a man 
as this is worthy the rank of a king. A master 
57* 



of any science, as well as husbandry, who has 
good sense enough to bring his family to such 
affection towards him, and good order, he does 
not possess this by learning only, but he must 
receive his good nature and wisdom from the 
gods ; he must be born with a generous nature, 
which must proceed from the gods; for I have 
never yet found the true gift of government, 
but it was attended with generosity. Where 
these excellent qualities appear, all under that 
direction are willing to obey, and especially if 
the power of rule be in the hands of those who 
are endowed with virtue and temperance : but 
.where a master exercises himself in cruelty, or 
acts in a tyrannical way, against the good-will 
and reason of mankind, he can never hope for 
the least ease or comfort." 



DISCOURSE 



UPON 



IMPROVING THE REVENUE OF THE STATE 



ATHENS. 

TRANSLATED 

f 

By WALTER MOYLE, Esq 



[679] 



DISCOURSE 



IMPROVING THE REVENUE OF THE STATE 



ATHENS 



I always held it for a certain maxim, that go- 
vernments resembled their governors, and that 
the prosperity or declension, the vigour or de- 
cay of all states, was derived from the virtues 
and vices, the abilities or weakness of their 
rulers : but since it is generally alleged in vin- 
dication of the Athenian ministry, that they un- 
derstand the common principles of justice as well 
as the rest of mankind, but that they are com- 
pelled by the necessities * of the common people 
to oppress their confederate 2 cities with unrea- 
sonable tributes and taxes : I have attempted 
to examine whether this apology is well ground- 
ed, and whether they are not capable by native 
riches, and revenue of the state of" Athens, to 



ι Δ«ώ δε τί\ν του ττλήδουί πινίχν. The state of Athens 
was at a great charge in maintaining the common 
people. They were allowed three oboli a man for every 
cause they judged; and this pension was called the 
τ^»»βολοι/ δικάτηχον: Lucian in bis accusato. And 
some days many thousands received this pension. 

The θίοό^ιχον was an allowance of two oboli a-piece, 
to pay for the sight of public shows. Liban. in argu. 
Olyn. prims. 

The !κκλ!ΐ<Γ»«<Γτ«κοι/ was an obolus a-piece, paid them 
every time they assembled, Jull. Poll. 1. 6. c. 9 ; and this 
pension was afterwards increased to three oboli. Be- 
sides, all maimed and disabled citizens had a pension 
of two oboli a day. Harpocrat. in verbo ύδύνχτοι. 

a Xenophon says only ττερί τ»ς ττΌκε»ς, but the word 
β-υμμα,χ,ίδχς is plainly understood, as appears from the 
sequel of this discourse, and Xenophon 's treatise of the 
government of Athens. This tax upon the confederates 
was at first but 460 talents, but it was afterwards ad- 
vanced to 1300. Plutarc. in vita Aristidis. This tribute 
was so burdensome, that it provoked the confederates 
to frequent revolts. 



maintain the whole body of our people, which 
is the justest and most honourable provision 
can be thought of: for I imagine if such a de- 
sign could be compassed, that the wants of 
the people would be more effectually relieved, 
and the jealousies and suspicions of our neigh- 
bours would be quieted. 

Upon a general view of the whole matter, it 
appeared to me that the Athenian territory 
is capable of affording a mighty income and 
revenue, the truth of which assertion may be 
easily evinced by a brief survey of the state and 
nature of the country. 

The fruits of the earth, and native products 
of our soil, are a proof of the temperature of 
our climate and the mildness of our seasons ; 
for we have plants which bear in great abund- 
ance in our country, which will never grow in 
others ; and our sea, as well as land, abounds 
in all things necessary for life, or luxury : add 
to this, that all the blessings which the gods 
have made peculiar to the different seasons of 
the year, begin earlier, and end later with us, 
than in any part of the world. 

Besides the vast plenty we enjoy of perish- 
able goods, our soil affords us some staple and 
permanent commodities, such as our noble 
quarries of marble, out of which are drawn the 
best materials for the building and ornamenting 
of temples, and for the altars and statues of the 
gods, and which both the Greeks and barbar- 
ous nations set a high value upon. 

And where the soil is too barren to receive 
the common improvements of husbandry, it 
4L 681 



682 



REVENUE OF THE 



contains hidden treasures, which will feed a 
much greater number of mouths than any arable 
lands can do : for the Divine Bounty has be- 
stowed upon us inexhaustible mines of silver, 
an advantage which we enjoy above all our 
neighbouring cities by sea and land, who never 
yet could discover one vein of silver ore in all 
their dominions. 

We have reason likewise to believe that 
Athens is seated in the centre of Greece, and 
the habitable world ; for all nations are incom- 
moded with more intense degrees of heat or 
cold in proportion to their (northern or south- 
ern) distance from us ; and that we lie in the 
heart of Greece is evident, for all travellers, 
that pass by sea or land, from one extremity 
of Greece to the other, must take Athens in 
their way. 

And though Attica is no island, yet we 
have the same benefit of trading with all winds, 
for we are bounded on two sides by the sea, 
and by being joined to the continent we have 
the convenience of driving on an inland traf- 
fic. 

Other cities lie exposed to the fury of bar- 
barous nations, but we are so far from having 
so ill a neighbourhood, that the states which 
border immediately upon us, lie at a remote 
distance from them. 

To all those advantages which conspire to 
the felicity and greatness of our state, and which 
we owe to the happy situation, and the native 
wealth of our country, a mighty improvement 
might be made by the institution of public laws, 
in favour of strangers who establish themselves 
among us ; for besides the general benefits de- 
rived to all cities from numbers of people, our 
strangers would be so far from living on the 
public, and receiving pensions from the state as 
our own citizens do, that they would maintain 
themselves, and be the foundation of the noblest 
\ branch of our revenue by the payment of the 

aliens' duties. 1 



An effectual inducement to the settlement 
I of foreigners among us might be established, by 
! taking off all those public marks of dishonour 
from them which are of no service, nor advan- 
j tage to the state, and by excusing them from 
serving among our heavy-armed troops ; for an 
exemption from the dangers of war, and from 
the necessity of being absent from their families, 
and trades, 2 would be a very powerful encour- 
agement. 

It is likewise the interest of the common- 
wealth, rather to fight our battles with our own 
troops, than to keep up in our armies, a mixture 
of Lydians, Phrygians, and Syrians, and all 
kinds of barbarous nations, out of whom the 
greatest number of our aliens are composed. 

Besides the advantage of avoiding the con- 
fusion such a mixture of troops produces, it 
would be more for our reputation abroad, to 
trust the fortune of our state to the courage 
and valour of our own citizens,than in the hands 
of foreigners. 

Besides all other proper encouragement to 
strangers, the privilege of being enrolled 3 
among our horse, would more warmly unite 
them in our interests, and prove a solid foun- 
dation of strength and greatness to the state. 

It would be likewise a strong inducement to 
greater numbers of considerable strangers to 
plant among us, if we gave the waste ground 4 
within our walls to be built on by such of them 
as deserved and desired it of the public. 

The institution of a new magistracy, 5 like 
the public guardians 6 of our orphans, for pro- 
tection and security of strangers, with rewards 
of honours and dignities to those, who, by their 



1 M6toi)ciov, aliens' duties. This was an annual tribute 
paid by the aliens, of twelve drachmas for every man, 
and six for every woman. Harpocrat. in verbo /κίτοικιον. 
The number of the aliens amounted generally to 10,000. 
Originally at Athens there was no distinction between 
strangers and natives, for all foreigners were naturali- 
zed promiscuously, Thucyd. 1. 1. c. 2. Thus all the 
Plateeans were naturalized at once, Thucyd. 1. 3.c. 55; 
and this custom was the foundation of their future 
greatness. But as the city grew more populous, they 
grew more sparing of this favour. Scholi. Thucyd. I. 
1 c 2; and tb>3 privilege was given to such only as 



had deserved it by some extraordinary service to the 
state. Demost. oratio contra Neaeram. 

οΤΙχνων, not-rtxvcuv. The Basil edition reads it right; 
for most part of the mechanic and handicraft trades 
were carried on by the aliens at Athens. Xenoph. de 
Polh» Athen. 

a ToC isTTTixoC. Xenophon explains this passage in his 
Hipparchicus, where he advises the state to enrol aliens 
among their horse. Besides the dignity of the horse- 
service, there was a considerable pay in peace and war 
allowed them. Ulpianus in Timocratem. Xenoph. in 
Hippar. 

* See Thucydides' history of the Peloponnesian war, 
book 2. chap. 17. 

»ΜΕτο»κοφύλ*χίί. Every alien by the laws of Athens, 
was obliged to choose a private patron among the citi- 
zens. Harpocration in verbo ώξοσ-τίτ^ς. But here 
Xenophon proposes public patrons for the whole body 
of the aliens. 

β >o f φ*νοφύλ«χί5. Vide Demosthen. contra Macar 
tatum. 



STATE OF ATHENS. 



683 



care and industry, procured the most numerous 
settlements of foreigners among us, would gain 
the affections of the aliens, and have a very 
happy effect, in drawing a vast concourse of 
exiles 1 and strangers to live under the protection 
of our government, and augment our public 
revenue. 

III. That of all cities, Athens lies the fairest 
for inviting an extended commerce, is evident 
from the convenience of our stations and har- 
bours, where ships can ride secure in all 
weather. And whereas in other trading cities 
merchants are forced to barter one commodity 
for another, in regard their coin is not current 
abroad, we abound not only in manufactures, 
and products of our own growth, sufficient to 
answer the demands of all foreign traders, but 
in case they refused to export our goods, in re- 
turn for their own, they may trade with us to 
advantage, by receiving silver in exchange for 
them, which transported to any other market, 
would pass for more than they took it for at 
Athens. 2 

It would be a great encouragement to com- 
merce, if prizes and rewards were allotted to 
such judges of the court-merchant, 3 as made 
the quickest and justest determination of all 
causes relating to trade, that the merchant 
might not lose the benefit of his market by an 
attendance upon the courts of justice. 

It would be likewise for the honour and ad- 
vantage of the public, to give the first rank 4 



ι Άττόλίίίί. Men whose cities have been destroyed. 

« Πανταχού πΧ'Τον τοΰ «,ςχκιυ \αμβά,νονο•ιν. The 

meaning of Xenophon is that the Athenian money was 
more valuable abroad than the coin of any other nation, 
because it was of finer silver. For it is impossible that 
an ounce of Athenian silver should be worth more in 
specie than an ounce of other silver of the same fine- 
ness. ' Sensus moresque repugnant atque ipsa utilitas.' 

A table of the Attic coins reduced to the value of 
English money. 

£ s. d. 

The obolus was equal to Η 

The triobolus was three oboli, and made 3| 

The drachma was six oboii, and made 7£ 

The mina was an hundred drachmas, and made 3 2 6 
The common Attic talent consisted of 60 
minse, which amounts in our money to 



187 10 



These are the common Attic coins, which are most 
frequently mentioned by their writers, and which I 
have reduced to our English money, to make way for 
the easier understanding of this discourse. 

s Τοΰ ίμποςιου «.ξχ*. This court of judicature was 
probably the same with the ναυτοίικαι, mentioned by 
Suidas and Hesychius, in verbo ναυτοίικαί. 

4Π ? ο*ί£«*ίί τ(/<ϊΐΓθϊΐ. This was a right of prece- 



and precedence in all public places to foreign 
seamen, and merchants, and to invite to the 
public feasts of the city, such of them as by 
their ships or commodities do service to the 
state ; for this distinction of honour, as well as 
the consideration of their own profit, would 
invite them to make quick returns from their 
voyages to so friendly a government. 

And it is manifest beyond all contradiction, 
that our trade and commerce would be extend- 
ed, our exportations and importations increased, 
and the standing income and revenue of the 
state improved, in proportion to the number of 
foreign seamen, and merchants of all kinds 
that establish themselves among us. 

To the improvement of these articles of our 
revenue, nothing more is required than a gen- 
erous lenity and indulgence in our public laws, 
and a universal encouragement and protection 
to strangers. But the improvements that may 
be added by other methods to advance our 
standing income, will of necessity require a 
settlement of some public fund. 5 

And I have good grounds to believe that 
the people will make large contributions in 
favour of such a public undertaking, when I 
consider what sums they advanced when we sent 
succours to the Arcadians under the command 
of Lysistratus, and likewise of Hegesilaus. 6 

How often have we set out squadrons of gal- 
leys by extraordinary subsidies, without any cer- 
tain prospect of advantage to the state "? but this 
we were all sure of, that no particular contri- 
butor would ever be repaid the whole, or any 
part of his money. 

But in the present case no man can possess 
a more honourable or advantageous revenue, 
than what he will receive in recompense for 
his contribution to this public fund : for a 
contributor of ten minse, will receive a trio-' 
bolon 7 a day from the state, which in a year's 



dence in the theatres, senate, assemblies of the people 
and in all public places whatsoever. Schol. Aristoph. 
in equ. This custom was practised by the Spartans, 
who gave this privilege to the Deceleans. Herodotus, 
lib. 9. c. 72. 
» 'A(po ?j u^ a fund. Harpoc. Hesychius in verbo 

ΰφοξμη. 

β Hegesilaus commanded the Athenian troops sent 
to the assistance of the Mantineans at the battle of 
Mantinaea; which is a proof that this discourse was 
written after that battle. TMog. Laer. in Xenoph. Di- 
odorus Siculus by mistake calls him Hegelochus. 

t Ύξΐώβοκον. Salmasius de modo usurarum thinks 
thattuis was the τ ξ .ώ/3ο\οκ J.xxo-t.xoy which the people 



684 



REVENUE OF THE 



time, amounts to near 20 per cent. This is a run- 
ning income as high as the produce of Nautic 1 
interest : and a contributor of five minse, will 
at the year's end receive more than a third 2 part 
of the capital sum he advanced ; as for the 
body of the people, if they pay in one mina 
a piece, they will in a year's time very near 
double 3 their principal money, and be paid in 
the city, without any hazard, or contingency, 
upon the public faith,which is the most certain, 
and most lasting profit. 



received for judging causes. But Xenophon's computa- 
tion plainly confutes this opinion : he says that a con- 
tributor of 10 mins, or 1000 drachmas, at the rate of a 
triobolus or half a drachma a day, will in a year's time 
receive almost the fifth part of the principal money he 
advanced, which is very true, for reckoning (as Xeno- 
phon always does in this discourse)360 days to the year, 
the payment of a triobolus a day will amount to 180 
drachmae, which is near the fifth part of 1000 drachms. 
Butthe payment of Λβτ§»ώ/3ολον διχίσ-τιχον could nev- 
er amount to this sum, because the holydays, by the 
confession of Salmasius,took up two months in the year, 
and on these days the people never heard causes, so that 
30 drachmas must be deducted from 180, which reduces 
the sum to 150, which is little more than the seventh 
part of 1000, so that Salmasius is mistaken, orXenophon 
was a very loose calculator. The true meaning of the 
passage I take to be thus : Xenophon in the following 
part of this discourse, in order to make provision for 
the citizens, makes a proposal to the state, to buy as 
many slaves as would treble the number of their own 
citizens, which slaves were to be let out at the rate of 
an obolus a day to the adventurers in the mines, which 
brought in a revenue of three oboli a day to every 
citizen, because the slaves were thrice as many as the 
citizens among whom this revenue was to be divided. 
And this I take to be the triobolus mentioned by Xen- 
ophon, which every citizen was to receive in recompense 
for his contribution. 

ι It was the highest interest, and is here opposed to" 
lend interest, which was considerably less; for in the 
former the creditor run a greater hazard; for if the 
merchant who borrowed the money, employed it in 
trade, lost his ship, the creditor lost his money, and 
had no right to demand it of the merchant; a trade 
somewhat like our bottomry. This interest generally 
amounted to 20 per cent, or the fifth part of the princi- 
pal per annum. It is true it often varied, and was higher 
or lower according to the plentyand scarcity of money, 
or the danger and distance of the voyage ; but the 
general medium may be safely established at 20 per 
cent. There are several contracts of money lent upon 
Nautic interest, extant in the orations of Demosth. 
contra Lacrit. pro Phormi. contra Pant, contra Phormi. 

» rD.aov » β«-/τ(<τον. More than a third part of the 
principal money : for a tribolus a day in a year 
makes 180 drachma?, which is above the third part of 
five mins or 500 drachms. The -Γθκος ίπίτξίτο; was the 
highest Nautic interest, and came to above 33 percent. 
There is an instance which comes very near this com- 
putation.in the Oration of Demosthenes contra Phormi. 

• 180 drachms is almost double one mina, or 100 
drachms 



I am of opinion likewise, that private stran- 
gers, and foreign cities, kings, 4 and governors, 
if they had the honour of being registered to 
posterity in our public monuments and records, 
as benefactors to the state, would mutually vie 
in emulation who should contribute most largely 
to the carrying on so generous a design. 

The necessary funds being advanced, it 
would be for the honour and interest of the 
state, to build a greater number of public inns, 
and houses of entertainment in our ports, for 
the use of seamen, in the trading parts of the 
city for merchants, and in general for the 
reception of all strangers whatsoever. 

And if we build shops, warehouses, and ex- 
changes for common retailers, the rents of the 
houses would be a great addition to our public 
revenues, and the magnificence of the buildings 
would be an ornament to the city. 

As the public builds galleys for war, so it 
might likewise be for the advantage of the state 
to make a new experiment, and build merchant 
ships for trade, which might be farmed out, 
like the other branches of our revenue, upon 
good security ; for if this design was found 
practicable, it would prove a considerable article 
in the increase of our public income. 

IV. Our silver mines alone,if rightly managed, 
besides all the other branches of our revenue, 
would be an inestimable treasure to the public. 
But for the benefit of those who are unskilled 
in inquiries of this nature, I design to premise 
some general considerations upon the true state 
and value of our silver-mines, that the public, 
upon a right information, may proceed to the 
taking such measures and counsels, as may im- 
prove to the best advantage. 

No one ever pretended from tradition, or the 
earliest accounts of time, to determine when 
these mines first began to be wrought, which 
is a proof of their antiquity ; and, yet as ancient 
as they are, the heaps of rubbish which have 
been dug out of them, and lie above ground, 
bear no proportion with the vast quantities 
which still remain below, nor does there appear 
any sensible decay, or diminution in our mines ; 
but as we dig on, we still discover fresh veins 
of silver-ore in all parts, and when we had most 



« Foreign cities, &c. Foreign states often contributed 
to the public buildings of the Greeks. The Rhodians 
when their Colossus was overturned by an earthquake, 
received contributions from all the neighbouring states 
in order to restore it. Polybius, lib.'5. And there are 
many inscriptions of such public benefactors extant in 
Gruter, and elsewhere. 



STATE OF ATHENS. 



685 



labourers at work in the mines, we found that 
we had still business for more hands than were 
employed. 

Nor do I find that the adventurers in the 
mines retrench the number of their workmen, 
but "purchase as many new slaves as they can 
get ; for their gains are greater, or less, in pro- 
portion to the number of hands they employ. 
And this is the only profession I know of 
where the undertakers are never envied, be 
their stock or profits ever so extraordinary, 
because their gains never interfere with those 
- of their fellow traders. 

Every husbandman knows how many yoke 
of oxen and servants are necessary to cultivate 
his farm, and if he employs more than he has 
occasion for, reckons himself so much a loser ; 
but no dealer in the silver mines ever thought 
he had hands enow to set to work. 

For there is this difference between this, 
and all other professions; that whereas in 
other callings, for instance, braziers and black- 
smiths when their trades are overstocked, are 
undone, because the price of their commodities 
is lowered of course, by the multitude of sellers ; 
and likewise a good year of corn, and a plenti- 
ful vintage, for the same reason does hurt to 
the farmers, and forces them to quit their em- 
ployment, and set up public houses, or turn 
merchants and bankers. 

But here the case is quite otherwise, for the 
more ore is found, and the more silver is 
wrought, and made, the more adventurers come 
in, and the more hands are employed in our 
mines. 

A master of a family indeed, when he is 
well provided with furniture, and household- 
goods, buys no more, but no man was ever so 
overstocked with silver, as not to desire a 
farther increase ; if there are any who have 
more than their occasions require, they hoard 
up the rest with as much pleasure as if they 
actually made use of it. 

. And when a nation is in a flourishing condi- 
tion, no one is at a loss how to employ his 
money : the men lay it out in fine armour, in 
horses, and in magnificent houses and buildings; 
women lay it out in great equipage, costly 
habits, and rich clothes. 

And in accidents of war, when our lands lie 

fallow and uncultivated, or in a public dearth 

and scarcity, what reserve have we left to 

apply to but silver, to purchase necessaries for 

58 



our subsistence, or hire auxiliaries for our de- 
fence 1 

If it be objected that gold is as useful as 
silver, I will not dispute it ; but this I am sure 
of, that plenty of gold always lowered its value, 
and advanced the price of silver. 

I have insisted the longer upon these general 
reflections, to encourage adventurers of all 
kinds, to employ as many hands as possible in 
so advantageous a trade, from these plain con- 
siderations, that the mines can never be ex- 
hausted, 1 nor can silver ever lose its value. 

That the public has known this long before, 
is evident from our laws, which allow foreigners 
to work our mines upon the same terms 2 and 
conditions our own citizens enjoy. 

But to draw this discourse more immediately 
to the subject of my present consideration, 
which is the maintenance of our citizens, I will 
begin to propose those ways and means, by 
which the silver mines may be improved to the 
highest benefit and advantage to the public. 
Nor do I set up for the vanity of being admired 
for an author of new discoveries : for that part 
of my following discourse, which relates to 
the examples of the present age, lies obvious 
to all the world ; as for what is past it is matter 
of fact, and every man might inform himself 
that would be at the pains of inquiring. 

It is very strange, that after so many pre- 
cedents of private citizens of Athens, who have 
made their fortunes by the mines, the public 
should never think of following their example : 
for we who have heard, that Nicias, the son of 
Niceratus, had a thousand slaves employed in 
the mines, whom he let out to Sosias the 
Thracian, upon condition to receive an obolus 
a day, clear of all charges, for every head, and 



» ' That the mines can never be exhausted.' It is plain 
from Pausanias that these mines were not worked in 
his time. Paus. Attic ; hut this does not destroy the as- 
sertion of Xenophon, for the plundering the temple of 
Delphi hrought out two millions of our money, which 
lay dead before ; and the conquest of Persia by the Ma- 
cedonians brought such a vast quantity of silver into 
Greece, and consequently made labour so dear, that the 
silver found in the mines would in all probability scarce 
countervail the expenses of the working them ; or it 
might proceed from the subjection of Athens to a for- 
eign power, or from other accidents, and not from any 
decay of the mines. 

ϋ'Εττί «οτοτΕλΕΐ'α. ' Upon the same terms,' &c. The 
state was the proprietor of the silver-mines, and stran- 
gers or Athenians that worked in them, were obliged to 
pay the same tribute of the 24th part of the silver found, 
to the public. Suidas in «>-§άφου μιτ^κκου SUn. 



586 



REVENUE OF THE 



that the same complement of workmen should 
be always kept on foot. 

In like manner Hipponicus had 600 slaves 
let out at the same rate, which yielded him a 
revenue of a mina a day, and Philemonides 
300, which brought him in half a mina a day, 
and many others made the same advantage, in 
proportion to the number of slaves they pos- 
sessed. But what need we to appeal to pre- 
cedents of an elder date, when at this day we 
have so many instances of the same nature 
before our eyes 1 

In the proposals which I offer, there is only 
one thing new, namely, that as private men 
have a constant revenue coming in from the 
slaves whom they let out to work in the mines ; 
so the public, in imitation of their example, 
should purchase as many slaves to be employed 
in the same manner, as will treble the number 
of their own citizens. 

Let any reasonable man take this whole pro- 
posal to pieces, and examine every distinct head 
apart, and then judge whether the design is 
feasible or not. It is plain the state can bear 
the charge of the price of the slaves better than 
private men ; and nothing can be easier than 
for the senate to make proclamation for all 
that have slaves to sell, to bring them in, and 
then buy them up for the public use. 

And when they are bought, what should 
hinder any one from hiring them of the state 
upon the same terms they hire them from pri- 
vate men ; for we see that our revenues are 
farmed by particular men, and the repair, and 
the building of our public structures and tem- 
ples 1 are let out to private undertakers. 

And that the public may be no loser by the 
desertion of slaves, or other accidents, the ad- 
venturers in the mines, like the farmers of our 
revenue, should be obliged to give good security 
to save the state harmless : though at the same 
time the commonwealth may be much more 
easily cheated by the farmers of their revenue, 
than by the hirers of their slaves. 

For how is it possible to discover the frauds 
that are committed in the management of the 



1 'The repair of our temples,' &c. MurS-oZvTxt Ιίξί, 
It was the custom of the Greeks to let out the building 
and repair of their temples to private undertakers, 
Athenaeus I. 6. Herod. 1. 5. c. 62. where he makes use 
of the same word, v>iov μκτϊοϊντχί ; that is, ' they hired 
the building of the temple upon such terms.' And the 
Latins used the word conducunt in the same sense. — 
Conducunt foricas, i. e. repurgandas. Juvenal. Sat. 3. | 



public money 1 there being no visible distinc- 
tion between public and private money; the 
same materials and stamp being common to 
both. But when our slaves are burned with the 
public mark of the state, with severe penalties 
to be inflicted upon all that buy, or sell them ; 
what danger is there of their being etolen 1 
Thus much of my proposal as relates to the 
buying and preserving our slaves, appears prac- 
ticable beyond all contradiction. 

If any one questions whether, after we have 
purchased a great number of workmen, there 
will be adventurers enow to hire them of the 
public, let him consider, that the undertakers 
who have a good stock of slaves will hire more 
of the state ; for the mines are so great, that 
they will require a vast number of hands to 
work them ; and many of the workmen that 
are grown old and unserviceable, and many 
others, Athenians, and strangers whose bodies 
are not vigorous enough for labour, would yet 
be willing to get their living by easier callings, 
would turn adventurers in the mines, and hire 
our slaves ; so that there is little danger of 
wanting employment for our workmen. 

Twelve hundred slaves, when bought, will 
probably in five or six years' time, produce a 
revenue sufficient to purchase as many more as 
will make the number 6000. This number, at 
the rate of an obolus a day a head, clear of all 
charges, will afford a yearly revenue of sixty 
talents. 2 

And if but twenty of these talents are laid 
out in the purchase of more slaves, the city 
may employ the overplus as they think con- 
venient ; and when the number of slaves is 
increased to 10,000, it will produce a standing 
revenue to the public, of a hundred talents 
a year. 

To demonstrate that the mines would take 
up a greater proportion of slaves to work them, 
I appeal to the authority of all these living 
witnesses who remember, what numbers of 
workmen were employed in them before the 
taking of Decelea 3 by the Lacedemonians. And 



a ' Revenue of 60 talents.' This computation proves 
that Xenophon reckoned but 360 days to the year : for 
6000 oboli, multiplied by 360, make 2,160,000 oboli; 
which sum, divided by 600 (for 600 oboli make a mina) 
makes 3,600 minae. which divided by 60 (for 60 minae 
make a talent,) reduces the whole sum to 60 talents. 
And the following computation of 100 talents a year, 
produced by 10,000 oboli a day, answers exactly to the 
former. 

a ' The taking of Decelea,' &c. Decelea was taken 



STATE OF ATHENS. 



687 



our silver mines that have been wrought for so 
many ages, with such numbers of hands, and 
continue still so far from being drained, or ex- 
hausted, that we can discover no visible differ- 
ence in their present state from the accounts 
our ancestors have delivered down to us, are 
undeniable proofs of my assertion. 

And their present condition is a good argu- 
ment that there never can be more hands at 
work in the mines than there is employment 
for: for we dig on still without finding any 
bottom or end of our mines, or decay of the 
silver-ore. 

And at this day we may open new mines as 
well as in former ages, and no one can deter- 
mine whether the new mines may not prove 
more rich than the old ones. 

If any one demands why our miners are not 
so forward in pursuit of new discoveries, as 
formerly ; I answer, it is not long since that 
the mines have begun to be wrought afresh, 
and the present adventurers are not rich enough 
to run the risk of such an undertaking. 

For if they discover a rich mine, their for- 
tunes are made; but if they fail, they lose all 
the charges they have been at ; and this con- 
sideration chiefly has discouraged the adven- 
turers from trying so dangerous an experiment. 

But in order to remedy this difficulty, I have 
some proposals 1 to offer to the public. There 
are ten tribes at Athens, and to each of these 
I would have the government assign an equal 
proportion of their public slaves, to be employ- 
ed in seach of new mines, and the gains to be 
equally divided in common among all the 
sharers in the ten tribes : for if the mines 
were once settled upon this establishment, and 
the whole undertaking carried on by a national 
stock, the adventurers would run little hazard ; 
and if but one of the ten tribes succeeded in 
the attempt, the whole community would be 
gainers ; and if two, three, four, or half the 
tribes had the same good fortune, the profits 
would be proportionably greater; for it is a 
wild supposition, and against the experience of 



and fortified by the Lacedemonians in the 19th year of 
the Peloponnesian war, and lying in the heart of Attica, 
it gave opportunity to 20,000 Athenian slaves to desert 
to the enemy. Thucyd. 1. 7. c. 27. 

» Xenophon in his former proposal would have 10,000 
slaves let out at a certain rate to the adventurers in the 
mines, but in this second proposal he advises the state 
itself to adventure in search of discoveries of new 
mines, which work was to be carried on by another 
set of slaves, and not by the former 10,000. 



all ages, to imagine that not one in ten should 
succeed in such an undertaking. 

Companies of private adventurers may carry 
on the same trade in a joint-stock, nor is there 
any danger that they and the national company 
will interfere one with another; but as con- 
federates are strengthened by their mutual 
assistance to each other, so the more adven- 
turers of all kinds are employed in the mines, 
so much larger will the gains and advantages 
be to all. 

Thus have I briefly proposed some considera- 
tions to the public, for establishing the manage- 
ment of the national revenue upon such an in- 
stitution, as shall make effectual provision for 
the whole body of our people. 

Nor let any man be discouraged from the 
considerations of the vast expense, which will 
be necessary for the perfecting so great a work ; 
for there is no necessity that either the whole 
design must be finished at once, or the public 
will receive no advantage from it ; quite the 
contrary, every step we advance in our way, 
the state will gain ground ; and by the gradual 
progress we make in our public buildings, in 
the rigging out our trading-vessels, or in the 
purchase of our slaves, the commonwealth 
will be an immediate gainer. 

And it is certainly more for the advantage 
of the public to parcel out the design, and 
finish it by degrees, for when many houses 
are building at once, they cost more, and are 
worse built : in like manner, if we purchase 
our complement of slaves all at once, we must 
pay more for them, and buy worse into the 
bargain. 

But if we proceed gradually, according to our 
abilities, we shall still have the same advantage 
of continuing any right methods we pitched 
upon in the beginning, and shall be at liberty 
to correct the oversights and mistakes we made 
at our first setting out. And if we perfect 
some parts of our undertaking, and delay the 
execution of the rest, the revenue arising from 
part of our design, which is finished, will be 
sufficient to answer the whole expense of the 
remainder ; but if we resolve to execute the 
whole project at once, the whole charge of the 
enterprise must be raised at once likewise. 

And then the great difficulty which will be 
objected to this whole scheme is, that in case 
the public purchase so great a number of slaves, 
the mines may happen to be overstocked ; but 
there can be no grounds for such an apprehcn• 



G8H 



REVENUE OF THE 



sion, if we take care every year to employ no 
more than there is actually occasion for. 

Thus I tfcink the easiest methods of finishing 
this design are the best and most effectual. It 
may be objected that the immense charges of 
this war have exhausted our treasure in suqh a 
manner, that it will be impossible for the pub- 
lic to raise any new subsidies, much less to ad- 
vance the necessary funds of such an undertak- 
ing. But this difficulty may be easily removed, 
for let the state employ no more money in the 
administration of the government the next year 
after we have a peace, than the annual income 
of the public produced during the war, and 
whatever additional improvements of our 
revenue are made by the peace, from the en- 
couragement of strangers and merchants, from 
the increase of our exportations and importa- 
tions, occasioned by the resort of more people, 
and from a greater vent of commodities in our 
ports and markets, let all that be appropriated 
to this particular service in order to advance 
the national revenue. 

If any one imagines that a war will ruin our 
whole undertaking, let him but consider that 
the execution of this design will enable us to 
meet a foreign invasion, with so many advan- 
tages on our side, that a war in such a juncture 
will be less formidable to us, than to our ene- 
mies themselves. 

For what advantage can better enable us 
to carry on a vigorous and successful war, than 
numbers of men 1 and by such an addition to 
the stock of our people, as might be made by 
due care and encouragement ; what levies 
might be raised, what mighty fleets and ar- 
mies set out to disappoint all the designs of our 
enemies 1 

And I have reason to believe that it is possi- 
ble to work our mines in the conjuncture of a 
foreign war, for they are covered on the south- 
sea, by a strong citadel in Anaphlystus, and on 
the north-sea, by another Jn Thoricus, and 
these two fortresses lie at the distance of but 
60 furlongs from one another. 

But if a third fort was built upon the top of 
a mountain, in the middle of the two former, 
the three works would meet together, and other 
silver mines would be inclosed in a circle, and 
guarded on all sides, and the workmen at the 
first notice of an invasion might retire to a place 
of security 

But if we are invaded with more numerous 
armies, our enemies may make themselves 



masters of our corn, wine, and cattle that lie 
without the works ; but if they possess them- 
selves of our silver mines, what can they find 
to carry off more than a heap of stones and 
rubbish 1 

But how is it possible for our enemies to 
make an inroad upon our mines 1 for the city 
Megara, which lies nearest, is above 500 fur- 
longs from them ; and Thebes, which is nearer 
than any but Megara, is more than 600 furlongs 
distant from them. 

If they advance to our mines in a small body 
from this side, they must leave Athens behind 
them, and run the hazard of being cut off by 
our horse and flying parties ; and it is a wild 
notion to imagine that they will invade us with 
their whole force, and unguard their own 
country, and leave it exposed to our inroads ; 
for in such a case, Athens would be nearer to 
their cities than their own army. 

But suppose they marched up to our mines 
with a numerous army, how could they subsist 
for want of provisions 1 if they foraged in small 
parties, they would be in danger of having their 
convoys intercepted ; if they foraged with their 
whole armies, they must act upon the defensive, 
and we should be the aggressors. 

The revenue arising from our slaves would 
not only make a considerable article in the 
charge of maintaining our citizens, but by the 
vast concourse of people from all parts, the 
customs of the fairs and markets at the mines, 
and the rent of our public buildings, and melt- 
ing-houses, and many other heads, would pro- 
duce a mighty income to the state. 

The state, upon such an establishment, would 
be peopled with a prodigious number of inhab- 
itants, and the value of lands at the mines 
would be as high as those that lie near Athens. 

A pursuit of such measures and counsels 
would not only enrich the city, but introduce 
a habit of obedience in the people: reform 
their discipline, and revive the courage of the 
nation. 

For if, upon this improvement of our revenue, 
a larger allowance was established for the 
maintenance of our youth, they would be trained 
up to the art of war in our public academies 1 
with more exactness, and perform their military 



* There were at Athens, and in other parts of Greece, 
military academies or gymnasia, where the young men 
exercised. Theophrastus de Blanditia. Aristoph. et 
S&hol.in Equi. Xenoph. in 1. 2. 3. et Glib, de rebus Gra?c . 



STATE OF ATHENS. 



689 



exercises with a more regular discipline, than 
the racers in the torch-course 1 are taught to 
observe. And our troops in garrison and the 
standing guards of our coasts, would do their 
duty in their several posts with more cheerful- 
ness, if any effectual provision was settled for 
their subsistence. 

V. If it be made to appear that the revenue 
of Athens can never be improved, or advanced 
to the full height without a peace, it may de- 
serve the public inquiry, whether the establish- 
ment of a council of peace 2 would not be for 
the benefit and advantage of the state. 

For the institution of such a magistracy 
would invite more numerous settlements of 
foreigners to make Athens the place of their 
abode. 

For it is an absurd supposition to imagine, 
that peace will weaken our strength, and ruin 
our authority and reputation abroad ; for of all 
governments, those are happiest who have con- 
tinued longest without war, and of all common- 
wealths, Athens lies fairest for flourishing and 
increasing by the arts of peace. 

For Athens in time of peace is the great 
theatre to which all mankind have occasion to 
resort : to begin with merchants and command- 
ers of ships, where can the traders in wine, oil, 
corn, or cattle have a quicker vent, or a better 
market for their commodities than at Athens 1 
Where can monied men make a better improve- 
ment of their wealth ; and where is there 
greater encouragement for those who live by 
arts of invention and ingenuity ? 

Where is there better employment for arti- 
ficers and mechanic trades 1 Where can the 
sophists, philosophers, poets, and the. lovers of 
the liberal arts, resort to a more renowned 
school of learning and humanity 1 Where is 
there a nobler scene to gratify the curiosity of 
all strangers that are delighted with divine 
rites and institutions, and the celebrations of 
religious games and festivals 1 And- where 



1 Έι/ τ«Γ? χχμπχσ-ι. Torch-course. There was a 
festival at Athens, on which a certain number of men 
ran with lighted torches in their hands. Paus. Attic. 
To this ceremony Lucretius makes that fine allusion in 
his second book, 

Et quasi cursores vitai lampada tradunt. 

ίΕί^νοφύλακι•;. " Council of peace." This new mag- 
istracy which Xenophon proposes to be instituted for 
the preservation of the public peace, was to be, in all 
probability, like the Εΐ^νοίΐκ*» or feciales of the Ro- 
mans, who were instituted by Numa for the'same con- 
siderations. Dion. Halicarn. lib. 2. 
58* 



can merchants of all kinds whatsoever find a 
better market to make quick returns of their 
money, than Athens 7 

If my opposers acknowledge all this to be 
true, but still imagine that we can never re- 
cover the dominion of Greece but by a war, I 
desire them to look back to the Persian inva- 
sion, and examine whether it was by force of 
arms, or our good offices to the Greeks, that 
we were placed at the head of the naval 
confederacy, 3 and the common treasury of 
Greece 1 

And when by a tyrannical exercise of our 
power we lost our jurisdiction, by an alteration 
of our measures, and a milder administration, 
we were restored 4 to our, ancient authority by 
the joint consent of all the islands. 

Did not the Thebans, in acknowledgment of 
our generous assistance to their state, place us 
at the head of the common alliance I 5 and our 
rivals the Lacedemonians, for the same con- 
sideration, quitted their old pretensions, and 
suffered us to give laws to the last treaty, 6 and 
dispose of the supreme command of Greece at 
our own discretion. 

And at this juncture, in the general confu- 
sion of Greece, we have the most favourable 
opportunity of recovering our ancient dominion 
without difficulty, hazard, or expense, that ever 
any nation had : for if we set up to be the 
common mediators of Greece, and interposed 
our authority to unite all the divided interests 
abroad, and reconcile all the factions at home ; 
and if by solemn embassies to all the neighbour- 
ing states we declared for the liberty of Delphi, 7 



a ΈλΜνοτοί^ι Λς , After the Persian invasion the Athe- 
nians had the command of the confederate fleet, and 
were made treasurers of the money contributed by the 
Greeks to the carrying on the war against Persia. 
Thucydides, lib. i. 

« The Athenians recovered the command of the Greek 
islands, (which they lost in the Peloponnesian war,) in 
the fourth year of the 100th Olymp. Diod. Sicul. lib. 15. 

* This alliance between the Thebans and Athenians 
was made in the second year of the 96th Olympiad. 
Diod. Siculus, lib. 14. Xenophon, lib. 3. de rebus Gra=c. 

« This league between the Spartans and Athenians 
was made in the fourth year of the I02d Olympiad, not 
long after the battle of Leuctra. Diod. Sic. 1. 15. Xen. 
1. 7. de rebus Grsec. 

* The Greeks made it a part of their religion, to pre- 
serve the liberty of Delphi. Thus the Lacedemonian* 
entered into a war to restore the oracle to the Delphi- 
ans, Thucyd. lib. I.e. 112. And the firstarticle of their 
leasues often began with a mutual engagement on both 
parts, to protect the liberty of Delphi. Thucyd. 1. 4. c. 
118. 1. c. 5. 18. Besides their religion ; they had reasons 

4M 



690 



REVENUE OF THE 



all Greece would support us at the head of so 
glorious a cause, and unite in a general confe- 
deracy against common enemies, who endea- 
voured to make themselves masters of Del- 
phi, 1 when the Phocians were reduced to 
extremity. 

And if we afterwards warmly interested 
ourselves to establish a general peace by sea 
and land ; all Greece, next to the security of 



of state for this proceeding: for if Delphi were subject 
to a foreign power, the priestess might be forced to utter 
whatever oracles the conqueror pleased to impose: nor 
could the resolutions and sentences of the Amphictyons, 
who often sat at Delphi, be free and unbiassed so long 
as Delphi was under a foreign dominion. 

» If we knew who the enemies were that designed to 
seize upon Delphi, it would be no difficult matter to de- 
termine exactly the time when it was written. Jason, 
the tyrant of Thessaly, had formed a design uponDelphi, 
but his death prevented the execution of it. Diod. Sic. 
Xenop. Hist. Grsec. ^Elian. Frag. Butthis passage can- 
not be understood to mean this attempt, for Jason was 
assassinated in the third year of the 102d Olympiad, 
some years before the battle of Mantinaea, and this dis- 
course as I have proved in a former note, was written 
after that battle. I think that this passage (taking the 
word εκλιπόντων in a neutral sense as I have rendered 
it, and for which there are a thousand authorities,) 
ought to be understood of a design the Thebans had 
formed upon Delphi. The story in short is this: the The- 
bans being engaged in a war with the Phocians, upon 
some dispute about a frontier, formed a design upon the 
temple of Delphi. Demost. de falsa Legatione, Ulpia- 
nus. And the Phocians at the same time being con- 
demned by the Amphictyons to pay a great fine for 
ploughing up some consecrated land, the Greeks pre- 
pared to execute the sentence by force of arms. The 
Phocians being unable to resist such an approaching 
storm, were reduced to great extremities, and compelled, 
for their own preservation to seize upon the treasures of 
Delphi : this gave beginning to the Holy War, and all 
Greece engaged in the quarrel. The Athenians assist- 
ed the Phocians, but Xenophon advises them to break 
off that alliance, and declare for the liberty of Delphi, 
and under that plausible pretence to unite all Greece 
against the Thebans, who were equally criminal with 
the Phocians, (as Demosthenes observes,) for having 
formed the first design upon the temple. This counsel 
he recommends to the Athenians as the best method 
to recover the dominion of Greece. I know it will be 
objected that Diog. Laertius places the death of XeDO- 
phon in the first year of the 105th Olympiad, and the 
Phocian war breaking out some years after, it will be 
impossible to explain this passage in my sense. 

To this I answer, that this account of Laertius is cer- 
tainly false : for Xenophon, in his Greek history, men- 
tions the death of Alexander the tyrant of Pliers ; 
which happened, as Diodorus observes, in the fourth 
year of the 105th Olymp. so that Xenophon must be a 
prophet, or be alive at that time, three years after his 
supposed death. Xenophon likewise in the conclusion 
of bis Greek history affirms, that after the battle of Man- 
tinsa, Greece was in a greater disorder and confusion 
than ever. But we read of no considerable commotion 



their own governments, would desire the pre- 
servation of Athens. • 

If any man can have so wild a notion, as to 
imagine that war will contribute more to the 
increase of the riches of the state than peace, 
I know no better way to decide the controver- 
sy, than by appealing to the experience of for- 
mer ages, and producing precedents to the 
contrary out of our own story. 



in Greece till the breaking out of the Holy War, in the 
first year of the 106th Olympiad, which engaged all 
Greece in an intestine division. 

To confirm this account of Laertius, it may be urged 
that Xenophon lived ninety years, according to Lucian 
in Macrob. And being present at the battle of Delium, 
which was fought in the first year of the 89th Olympiad, 
about sixty-seven years before the Holy War, it is high- 
ly improbable that he was living at the time of the Holy 
War. It is true, Laertius says, that Socrates saved 
Xenophon's life at that battle ; but Athensus, 1. 5. says, 
that Socrates was not at the battle ; and it is probable 
that the other part of the story of Xenophon's being 
there, maybe equally fabulous, especially if what Athe- 
naeus (according to Casaubon's correction) says be true, 
that Xenophon was but a boy at the banquet of Callias, 
which was three years afterwards. Besides he is called 
a young man in his expedition into Asia ; but at this 
rate he must have been fifty years old at that time, an 
age at which a man cannot properly be called young. 

But granting that he was present at th*e battle of 
Delium, if we allow him to be eighteen years old, the 
age, if I mistake not, that the Athenians usually made 
their first campaign, he would be but eighty-one years 
old on the first year of the 105th Olympiad, and conse- 
quently might write of the Holy War, which broke out 
four years afterwards. Nor does Lucian precisely limit 
his age to ninety years only, but Bays he lived above 
ninety years. 

Xenophon in this discourse says, that the Athenians 
had been engaged in a war by sea and land ; that the 
war by sea was at an end, but the war by land still con- 
tinued. This exactly agrees with the Bellum Sociale, 
or the war of the Athenians against their revolted 
islands, which wa3 carried on by sea, and begun in the 
third year of the 105th Olympiad, and ended in the se- 
cond year of the 106th Olympiad, two years after the 
breaking out of the Holy War, which the Athenians 
were then engaged in. 

By this account Xenophon wrote this discourse about 
the third year of the 106th Olympiad, a year after the 
conclusion of the peace with the Islands. 

If the account of Xenophon's death in Laertius be 
true, I cannot believe this work to be genuine ; for I 
think it almost impossible to explain this passage in any 
other sense. But the authority of all the writers who 
ascribe this discourse to Xenophon, and the conformity 
of the style with the rest of his works, and that charac- 
ter of piety which runs through the whole piece, which 
is so peculiar to the writings of Xenophon. and that par- 
ticular maxim at the conclusion of this treatise, " of un 
dertakrng every thing under the favour and protectioi 
of the gods," which he inculcates in all his works, an* 
particularly at the end of his i i--i ? xt*.c; l are undenia 
ble proofs that this discourse ia genuine. 



STATE OF ATHENS. 



691 



For upon inquiry he may find that the vast 
treasure we had amassed in peace, was all con- 
sumed in our former wars ; and to quote in- 
stances of a fresher date, in the present war all 
the branches oT our income have been deficient, 
and what money came in upon the public funds, 
has been all applied to the pressing occasions 
of the state; but since the seas have been 
open, and our trade free, every article of our 
income is advanced, and the government is 
at liberty to employ it as they think conve- 
nient. 

Not that I would advise the commonwealth 
to sit down tamely by their injuries in case of 
a foreign invasion ; but this I am sure of, that 
we should be better enabled to revenge the 
affront, if we are not the aggressors, for our 
enemies will never be able to form a confede- 
racy to support them in an unjust war. 

VI. Upon the whole matter, if nothing in this 
proposal appears impossible, or difficult, and if 
a pursuit of these counsels and resolutions will 
gain the affections of Greece, and establish our 
security at home, and increase our reputation 
abroad ; if the common people will abound in 
all things necessary for life, and the rich be 
eased of their taxes to the wars : if in this 
universal plenty our temples will be rebuilt, 
and our religious festivals and solemnities cele- 



brated with more magnificence ; if our walls, 
docks, and arsenals will be repaired, and our 
priests, senate, magistrates, and cavalry, re- 
stored to their ancient rights and privileges, is 
it not fit that all engines should be set at 
work to promote so glorious an undertaking, 
that in our days we may see our country esta- 
blished upon a solid foundation of security and 
happiness 1 

And if the public, upon due consideration, 
thinks fit to execute these orders and institu- 
tions, I would advise them to send ambassadors 
to Delphi and Dodona to consult the gods, 
whether such a reformation of our government 
would not turn to the advantage of the present 
age, and the benefit of all posterity. 

And if these resolutions are ratified by the 
divine approbation, to consult the oracle once 
more, to the protection of what gods we should 
recommend the success of this enterprise, and 
then to propitiate those gods we are directed 
to apply to, in order to engage their assistance ; 
and after this solemn invocation to enter boldly 
upon the execution of this design : for it is 
but reason that all undertakings should be 
attended with more favourable success, that 
are begun, and carried on, under the imme- 
diate care and protection of the Divine Provi- 
dence. 



ON THE 



ATHENIAN REPUBLIC 



[693] 



ON THE 



ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 



I. The Athenians, 1 in my opinion, are en- 
titled to little commendation for having origi- 
nally adopted their present political institutions, 
because they are calculated to give an undue 
ascendancy to the poor and the bad over the 
rich and the good : I cannot therefore commend 
them. These institutions, however, as they 
have been adopted, can be demonstrated by 
abundant proofs to be admirably adapted to 
support the spirit of their constitution, and to 
enable them to transact public business, though 
among the rest of the Greeks a contrary opin- 
ion is prevalent. 

First then, at Athens, the poor and the ple- 
beians are wisely rendered more influential 
than the nobles and the rich ; because the lower 
orders man the ships, and extend the power of 
the republic : for pilots, 2 and pursers, and com- 



» 5i-££i S\. This treatise, from ils abrupt introduction, 
is generally supposed to have been a fragment of a 
larger work, in which a comparison was instituted be- 
tween the different forms of government in ancient 
Greece. 

ζχ.υβεξνϊτκι,&ο. KuiS^vimr wasthe master or pilot, 
who had the care qf the ship, and the government of the 
seamen in it, and who sat at the stern to steer. All things 
were conducted according to his direction ; and it was 
therefore necessary that he should possess an exact 
knowledge of the art of navigation, called χυβί^ν^τι^ 
Tt%v>i,andwhich chiefly consisted in the proper manage- 
ment of the rudder, sails, and of the several instruments 
used in navigation; in the observance of the winds, and 
of the motions of the celestial bodies ; in the knowledge 
of commodious harbours, of rocks, and quicksands.— 
Χελίυσ-τίυ, the purser, whom some interpret the boat- 
swain,signified the word of command to the rowers, and 
distributed to all -the crew their daily portion of food.— 
TI f ωξίΐ ; or πξωξίτνς, the boatswain, was next under the 
pilot, and, as the appellation imports, had his station 

Upon the prOW, 5 τοΰ χυβίζν^του iii*oi/oc, ός 7Γζωςευς τϊ}$ 

»£»!5 κ*λ£(τ«ι. Το his care were committed the tackle 
of the ship and the rowers, whose places were assigned 
by him. He assisted the master at consultation respect- 
ing the seasons, and other matters. 



manders of fifties, and boatswains, and ship- 
builders, acquire much more real influence to 
a republic than the nobility and richer citizens. 
This being the state of their affairs, it seems 
a matter of justice that all the citizens should 
participate in the offices of state, whether they 
be filled by lot 3 or by open suffrage, and that 
every citizen who chooses should be allowed to 
speak publicly at their deliberations. 

The people never require a participation in 
those offices, whether superior or inferior, in 
which are centred the safety or danger of 
the whole nation : nor do they expect to be 
eligible to the offices of generals or masters of 
horse, as the people know that it is much, more 
advantageous for them not to engage in such 
offices, but allow them to be possessed by the 
rich ; but the people lay claim to all those 
offices to which salaries are attached, and 
which better the circumstances of their fa- 
milies. 4 

The Athenians invariably give greater ad- 
vantages to the bad, the poor, and the plebei- 
ans, than to the good ; and this circumstance, 
though it has excited the wonder of many, 
still proves incontestably their desire to pre- 
serve the spirit of a democratical government. 
For the poor, the plebeians, and the lower 
orders, when held in consideration, and when 
their numbers increase, extend the democracy : 
but when the rich and good are prosperous, 

3 x.h*ew. Those who were chosen by lot were ο-τ^τ. 

>tyot } ΊτττΛζ %o», ίικ«<Γτ»ι,/3ουλ£υΓα(, \ττκττά.τ χι των ττξυ* 

t«v£iov, TxyuiBi, γρχμμχτίΐς,χογιττχι, and several oth- 
ers. These were called κλ>^ω λ*%όντ£;, χλ»?ωδΙντ £ <τ, 
κληρωτό*, χυαμευτο/. Those, on the contrary, whoweie 
chosen by the suffrages of the people, were called χΙξ<.• 

TO», oeif ίδεντί?, xstg ατονηοει/τις. 

*μισ-9οςορ!χς. Judges, senators, and the citizens who 
frequented the public assemblies, received a certain 
allowance in money. 

09 5 



696 



ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 



then the plebeians are exerting themselves to 
strengthen a party opposed to them in interest. 

In every country the better portion of the 
people is hostile to a democratical government : 
for among that class the least petulance and 
injustice exist, and the most ardent desire 
of reputation and probity ; but among the ple- 
beians the greatest ignorance, insubordination, 
and wickedness are to be found : for their 
poverty leads them to crimes, and unskilful- 
ness and ignorance, through want of money to 
some men * 

It might be remarked that they should not 
have allowed every person without distinction 
to speak publicly and attend the senate, but 
should have restricted this right to men of the 
greatest genius and virtue : yet in this respect 
they have consulted excellently, by permit- 
ting even the bad to speak. For if the higher 
orders alone had harangued and deliberated, it 
might be of advantage to men like themselves, 
but not so to the plebeians : and at present 
when every one may speak, a bad man is en- 
abled to rise and propose what may be advan- 
tageous to himself and his equals. 

The question may be asked, What proposal 
can such a man make, likely to be profitable 
either to himself or the people 1 But they 
know well that his ignorance and wickedness, 
coupled with good will towards them, are more 
likely to be beneficial to them than the virtue 
and wisdom of the good man conjoined with 
malice. 

Such institutions will not produce the best 
system of government, but they are admirably 
calculated to preserve the democracy. The 
people by no means desire a well constituted 
republic which would inevitably subject them 
to slavery ; they prefer to be free and to govern. 
A bad constitution gives them little uneasi- 
ness; for what you consider a bad political 
condition, enlarges their power and preserves 
their freedom. 

If you desire a well constituted republic, you 
must first procure men of the greatest talents 
to make the laws ; then the good will punish 
the bad ; and consult on what is most beneficial 
to the commonwealth, and not allow persons 

ι Commentators have proposed many alterations of 
this sentence, so as to produce a meaning somewhat 
corresponding with the context; but they require to 
supply many words. We have, therefore, thought, it 
preferable to give a translaton of the words as they 
ptand, without attending to the proposed emendations. 



like madmen to consult, harangue, and address 
public assemblies. These advantages would 
speedily reduce tfie plebeians to a state of 
slavery. 

The licentiousness of slaves and of aliens at 
Athens is excessive ; none are allawed to strike 
them ; nor will the slave yield to the freeman. 
I will explain the cause of this practice being 
indigenous. If it were customary for the slave, 
or alien, or freedman to be struck by the free- 
man, the citizen of Athens would frequently 
be beaten under the supposition of his being a 
slave ; for neither in dress nor personal appear- 
ance are the people superior to slaves or aliens. 

It may be reckoned a subject of "wonder that 
slaves are there allowed to live luxuriously, 
some of them even magnificently ; yet even in 
this they appear to have acted with judgment. 
For where a naval power exists, it is neces- 
sary, for pecuniary considerations, to humour 
the slaves, and allow them a more liberal mode 
of living, that their masters may receive from 
them their hire for labour performed in the 
fleet ; for where the slaves are rich, it is no 
longer expedient that my slave should dread 
you ; but in Lacedaemon my slave dreads you ; 
and where my slave is afraid of you, there is 
danger lest he should surrender his property to 
get rid of personal fear. 

This consideration urges us to grant an equa- 
lity of rights to slaves and freemen ; and also 
to aliens and citizens, because the republic 
requires the aid of aliens on account of the 
multiplicity of her arts and the exigencies of 
the naval service. This is the reason that we 
have justly admitted the aliens to an equality 
of rights. 

The people have here abrogated the gym- 
nastic exercises and profession of music at 
private expense, as being unsuited to their 
means, and being deprived of leisure to attend 
to them. In the public academies 2 and gym- 



a z-y,y!xir 7 &c. Xefcwyoi were at the expense of 
players, singers, dancers, and musicians, as oft as there 
was occasion for them at the celebration of public festi- 
vals and solemnities. — Τυμνχΰ -txg χ= < were at the charge 
of the oil and other necessaries for the wrestlers and 
combatants. — Te^e^ex-' were obliged to provide neces- 
saries for the subsistence of the crew belonging to the 
fleet; for, in general, the republic only furnisheu the 
rigging and sailors. They were also to build ships. To 
this office no certain number of men was appointed : 
hut their number was increased or diminished as the 
value of their estates, and the exigences of the common- 
wealth, seemed to require. Commonly, however, there 
were two to each galley, who served six months each 



ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 



697 



nastic exercises, and in serving on ship-board, 
they know that when the rich act as choregi, the 
people are instructed and supported ; when the 
rich command at sea and in military academies, 
the people labour and are paid. The people, 
therefore, think it proper to receive money for 
singing, running, dancing, and serving on ship- 
board, that they may enjoy themselves, and the 
rich become poorer. 

In deciding cases in courts of justice, equity 
is less an object with them than advantage. 

Those who are deputed from Athens by sea 
to visit the allies, are reported to abuse and 
detest the good among them, knowing that the 
governor must be hated by the governed ; and 
that if the rich and the nobles are powerful 
in these cities, the power of the populace at 
Athens will be of very short duration. For 
these considerations, then, they dishonour the 
good, despoil them of their property, banish, 
and kill them : but they increase the influence 
of the bad. On the contrary, the good among 
the Athenians preserve the good in the allied 
republics, knowing it to be advantageous for 
themselves always to preserve the best citizens 
in these states. 

It might be observed that the strength of 
the Athenians lies in their allies being able to 
contribute money. But to the plebeians it 
seems to be a greater advantage that each indi- 
vidual Athenian should possess the property 
of their allies, and that the allies should have 
only so much as to enable them to supply 
themselves with food and to till the fields with- 
out being able to conspire against their masters. 

The Athenian people, at first sight, appear 
to have enacted a bad law, in obliging their 
allies to resort to Athens for the decision of 
their lawsuits. 1 The Athenian people, on the 
other hand, only consider what advantage is 
likely to accrue to themselves from this prac- 
tice. First of all, they receive the court dues 2 



χ π-χιΤν er« Si /,ας Άδήναζε. The great inconvenience 
which attended the administration of justice to the in- 
sular allies of Athens, seems to have been frequently 
brought forward as a heavy accusation. Isocrates al- 
ludes to it in Panath., ΧΜ» τής ts iocoej xo» τχς χ,ξΚΓΒΐ; 
τάς svSxSs γιγνομίνχς Toiff α-υμμύχοις — $ιχβχΚου<τι. 

a τίν πςυτχνε'ιων. Commentators differ as to the a- 
mount and appropriation of this money. Aristotle in 

his Polit. says, τα5Ίκαίττ^«ί« μισ-βοφάςχ xxriarTtiTS Πεξί. 

xM;. The Scholia on the Clouds of Aristophanes, 1134, 

translate πξυτχναον thus: «,ςγύξίον τι,όπις χχτετίβε• 
trxv of $ιχ.χζομενοι χμ$οτεςοι } χχι S ipeiyoiv xxt β $ιώχων. 
PollUX VIII. 38. adds, I S's ijTTJi0Eis xttsSISou to ττχς χμ. 
φοτί^ων ίοοίν ίΚχμβχνον Si αυτό of ίικαο-τα/. Κ*ι of 
μ»ν »πο sxosTOv δςχχμΰν χχξΐ Χ'λ'νν διχχζομενοι τςιις 

59 



throughout the year ; besides, remaining at ease 
at home, without sailing to foreign lands, they 
administer the government of the allied states ; 
preserve their lower orders, and ruin their 
enemies in the courts of justice : but if each of 
the allies had the administration of justice at 
home, as they bear a deadly hatred to the 
Athenians, they would ruin those among them- 
selves who were most friendly to the Athenian 
people. 

In addition to these, the Athenian people 
gain these advantages from justice being ad- 
ministered to the allies at Athens ; for first, 
the city receives the hundredth part of what is 
landed at the Piraeus, and the keepers of 
lodging-houses gain profit, and those who pos- 
sess cattle and slaves for hire : heralds, too, 
are benefitted by the arrival of the allies. 

Besides, if the allies did not come for de- 
cision in law-suits to Athens, they would only 
pay their respects to those of the Athenians who 
were delegated to visit them, such as generals 
and trierarchs and ambassadors ; but at present 
each individual of the allies is obliged to flatter 
the Athenian plebeians, knowing that when he 
comes to Athens, the decision of his lawsuit 
depends solely and entirely on the people, who 
are the law at Athens. He is obliged, in 
courts of justice, to supplicate the people, and 
even when one enters the court to seize him 
by the hand. By these means the allies are 
rendered much more the slaves of the Athenian 
people. 

Moreover, on account of their transmarine 3 
possessions, and to avoid giving umbrage to 
the magistrates of these places, they and their 
followers are obliged to learn secretly to handle 
the oar; for the man who sails frequently 
must handle the oar, both himself and domes- 
tics, and become acquainted with nautical 
phrases. 

Thus they become good pilots by their ex- 
perience and exercise at sea. Some are trained 
in piloting small vessels ; some, vessels of bur- 
den ; and some are advanced from them to the 
galleys : many of them are even able to take 
the charge of ships as soon as they go on 



ίρχχμχς xaTSTJOsvTO• oi S"e strt χιΧιων μεχζι μυ^>ων ι 

τυχόντα. He also subjoins the opinion of others, πςκ. 

τχνιιχ avxt το ίπιδίΛχτον του τιμημχτος xxTxriSeaSxt 
Si «uto tous γξ χψχμενους irt μκτβοδοσ-ίχ. τίν Sixxttwv. 

Ammonius and Thomas Magister have adopted the 
latter opinion. 

s Ιττίςοςιοις. These possessions were. in the islands, 
the Chersonesus, Thrace, and elsewhere. 

4N 



698 



ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 



board, from having been exercised at sea all 
their lives. 

II. The land army, 1 which is by no means 
in good condition at Athens, is thus consti- 
tuted : They reckon themselves inferior by 
land to such of their enemies as are there 
reckoned the most powerful ; but to the allies 
who pay tribute they deem themselves supe- 
rior, and they suppose that they will maintain 
the sovereignty as long as they are superior to 
their allies. 

I will now enumerate a few of the advan- 
tages of their condition as decided by fortune. 
Those who are governed by land can collect 
men together from small towns, and figbl in 
great numbers ; but those who are governed 
by a naval power, such as islanders, cannot 
collect into one place the inhabitants of other 
towns for mutual aid ; for the sea intervenes, 
and their governors are masters of the sea : 
and if it were possible secretly to collect the 
islanders together into one island, they could 
be reduced by famine. 

The cities on the continent, 2 which are go- 
verned by the Athenians are retained in sub- 
jection, the larger ones through fear, the 



ι το ?£ Sz-xj-rir.iv. So much is lost here that it is diffi- 
cult to judge of the author's meaning. His intention 
seems to have been to draw a comparison between the 
land and naval forces, and to point out by what means 
the Athenians aimed to obtain and preserve the 
sovereignty of Greece. To όπλιτιχ,ον, therefore, which 
elsewhere signifies the heavy-armed troops in a land 
army, seems to designate the land army as contradis- 
tinguished from the naval power ; and we are informed 
that the latter was in greatest repute. Thucydides, 1. 
143, and Isocrates Orat. de Pace, state that their ships 
were formerly manned with slaves and aliens, and that 
the citizens engaged in the land service. This practice 
was so much changed in the time of Isocrates, that the 
land army was composed of foreigners, and the fleet of 
citizens. The power of the Athenians extended to the 
islands and often to cities on the" continent, and for this 
reason, our author informs us, the Athenians attached 
little importance to the land forces, but exerted them- 
selves to increase and support their power at sea. 
Wherever our author speaks indefinitely of enemies, he 
refers to the Lacedemonians. Plutarch, in his life of 
Themistocles, informs us how that general gradually 
induced the Athenians to turn their attention to gain- 
ing an aseendancy at sea : <ί s τ» πιζχ μιν evSi τα; ίμίοα; 

ά,ϊιομχχονς Οντα?, τ>[ ί' κττο rSiv vtiav aXxtj χ,χι tzv; Bag. 
£*ίίυ; άμϋνχτίχι κχι της Έλλάίο; »%%tiv δυνχμίνους, 
ί*π μζνιμπν ό?τλ«Τίόν, ω; $υτι TlKxr-jiVj νχίτχ; ν.χι bx\• 
αττιου; Ιττοιι^ΤΕ. 

* ιν τ? /5T£i f£ o. Ha-Mcoj here seems to mean the 
shore of Asia Minor. Both Isocrates and Xenophon 
frequently use the word in this sense. In Greece 
Proper, no cities or states were subject at this period to 
the authority of the Athenians. 



J smaller through penury. For there is no city 
which does not require either to import or ex- 
port. This they cannot do unless they be sub- 
ject to the masters of the sea. Those who 
have the ascendancy at sea can do what can- 
not be done by those who have it on land : 
they can make a descent on the country of a 
more powerful nation, and lay it waste with 
fire and sword ; they can land at those places 
where either there is no enemy at all, or not 
so many as to dare to encounter them. In 
doing this by sea the difficulty is less than 
when attempted with a land army. 

Besides, it is possible for those who rule the 
sea to sail away from their own country on 
whatever voyage they please ; but those who 
rule on land cannot depart a distance of many 
days' journey from their own country ; for their 
marches are slow, and they cannot carry pro- 
vision for a long journey in an overland expe- 
dition. He who marches by land, too, must 
go through a friendly country, or force his 
way by the sword ; but he who goes by sea, 
wherever he is superior, may make a descent ; 
and where inferior, can sail past that country 
until he reaches a friendly country or a nation 
inferior in power. 

And then the blight of the crops, which 
proceeds from heaven, is borne with difficulty 
by those who rule on land, but with ease by 
the rulers of the sea. For the crop is never 
everywhere at the same time deficient ; so 
that from the prosperous and fertile land pro- 
visions reach the lords of the sea. 

And if we may enumerate small advantages, 
by the command of the sea, they associate with 
other nations, and discover their different kinds 
of good cheer : and whatever is pleasant in 
Sicily, or in Italy, or in Cyprus, or in Egypt, 
or in Lydia, or in Pontus, or in Peloponnesus, 
or any where else, all these may be collected 
into one spot by having the ascendancy at sea. 
And, besides, becoming acquainted with the 
words of many languages, they choose from 
them the most elegant and useful. The rest 
of the Greeks have adopted one peculiar lan- 
guage, mode of living, and dress ; but the 
Athenians have adopted a compound from 
Greeks and Barbarians. 

The people, knowing that every poor man 
cannot sacrifice to the gods, enjoy the festivals, 
possess temples and groves, and inhabit a 
beautiful and extensive city, devised means for 
obtaining these. The state, then, publicly 



ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 



G99 



sacrifices all the victims, and the people enjoy 
the banquets and divide the victims by lot. 
Some of the rich possess, privately, places for 
exercising, and baths, and places for undress- 
ing before the baths ; but the people, for their 
own private use, build many palsestra, un- 
dressing places, and baths, and the mob enjoys 
a greater number of these than the few and the 
rich. 

The Athenians are the only nation of the 
Greeks or Barbarians who can possess wealth ; 
for if any state is rich in timber for ship-build- 
ing, where can they dispose of it, unless they 
conciliate the favour of the lords of the sea 1 
and if any state is rich in steel, brass, or flax, 
where can they dispose of it, unless they con- 
ciliate the favour of the lords of the sea 1 and 
from these very materials our ships are made. 
From one nation timber is procured ; from an- 
other, steel ; from another, brass ; from another, 
flax ; from another, wax. f 

In addition to these, we will not allow them 
to be imported by our enemies, who are ex- 
cluded from the use of the sea. And, without 
labour, we enjoy all these benefits from the 
land by means of the sea ; no other city has 
them : nor does the same state abound in tim- 
ber and flax ; for where there is flax, there the 
country is level and woodless : nor are brass 
and steel procured from the same state, nor 
are two or three of the others produced by one 
state : one state abounds in one ; another pro- 
duces another. 

And, in addition to these advantages, near 
every continent there is either a projecting 
shore or an island situated before the coast, or 
a part of the shore, to which there is only a 
narrow approach from the continent; so that 
those who rule the sea may there make a de- 
scent, and do much injury to those who live on 
the mainland. 

They are destitute of one favourable circum- 
stance ; for if the Athenians, while lords of the 
sea, inhabited an island, they would have had 
it in their power, when they pleased, to injure 
others, and suffer no injury in return, as long 
as they commanded the sea ; and their land 
should not be devastated or invaded by the 
enemy. At present, the cultivators of the 
fields, and the rich men of Athens, are much 
afraid of the enemy ; but the people, being 
well aware that the enemy can commit to 
the flames or devastate none of their property, 
live in safety and free from terror. In addition 



to this, they would be freed from another fear 
if they inhabited an island, — that the city would 
never be betrayed by a few, nor would their 
gates be opened, nor would the enemy break 
in upon them. How could these things hap- 
pen to the inhabitants of an island 1 Nor 
would there be seditions among the people if 
they inhabited an island. At present, if a 
sedition took place, it would be with the hope 
that the enemy could be introduced by land : 
if they inhabited an island, they would not re- 
quire to dread such an event. But as it was 
not their fortune to inhabit an island from the 
beginning, they now act thus, — they deposite 
their property in islands, trusting in their 
ascendancy at sea ; and they overlook the de- 
vastation committed on the territory of Attica, 
knowing that their commiseration may deprive 
them of other greater advantages. 

It is necessary, in cities governed by an oligar- 
chy, that alliances and leagues should be rigidly 
observed. If engagements are not strictly per- 
formed, from whom can the injury be supposed 
to have proceeded, except those few by whom 
they were made. Whatever the people may 
decide, any one may lay the blame on the pro- 
poser of the measure, and those who confirmed 
it, asserting that he was not present when the 
decree was passed, and that the proposals by no 
means pleased him. And if, upon making in- 
quiry, they ascertain that these things were 
decided in a full meeting of the people, they 
devise a thousand pretexts not to do what 
they do not wish to do. And when any harm 
happens from what the people decree, they 
complain that a few persons opposed to them 
have corrupted the whole matter, and if any 
good, they appropriate the credit to themselves. 

They do not allow the people to be traduced 
or evil spoken of on the stage, as they do not 
wish to be evil spoken of themselves. But 
they grant liberty to any one to satirise an- 
other individual if he choose, being well aware 
that one of the people or the rabble is sel- 
dom pitched upon for that purpose, but gene- 
rally either one of the rich, of the nobility, 
or the powerful. Very few of the poor or the 
plebeians are traduced on the stage ; and not 
even these, except on account of their officious- 
ness, and of attempting to be more influential 
than the rest of the people. They do not, 
therefore, take it amiss that such persons should 
be satirised. 

I assert, then, that the people at Athena 



700 



ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 



know who are good among the citizens, and 
who are bad : and as they know this, they love 
those who are necessary and advantageous to 
themselves, however bad they may be, and 
entertain a great hatred at the good; for they 
do not think that virtue is naturally beneficial 
to them, but rather injurious. Some, however, 
on the contrary, who, by birth, really belong to 
the people, are by no means plebeians. 

I can easily excuse the people for choosing 
a democracy, as every one must be excused for 
wishing to benefit himself. But whoever is 
not one of the people, and prefers living under 
a state subject to democratic rule, rather than 
one subject to oligarchical, is devising means 
to do injury ; and knows that a scoundrel has 
much greater facility in escaping notice in a 
popular republic, than when the government is 
in the hands of a few. 

III. .1 do not commend the plan of the 
Athenian republic : but since they have thought 
proper to subject themselves to a democracy, 
they seem to me to be preserving the demo- 
cracy, by adopting the plans which I have 
enumerated. 

I observe that some blame the Athenians, 
because the allies sometimes cannot get a re- 
sponse from the senate or the people, after 
having remained a whole year. This happens 
at Athens from no other reason than that the 
multitude of their business prevents them from 
settling the affairs of the allies, and dismissing 
them. 

For how could they, who must celebrate 
more festivals than any of the Grecian cities 1 
and while these last, business of the state is 
at a stand : they must also settle private con- 
troversies and public accusations, and actions 
against public 1 men, so numerous, that all 
their judges cannot settle them. The senate 
have also many deliberations about war, and 
many about procuring money, and many about 
enacting laws, and many about the usual con- 
tingencies in a state, many also about the allies 
and receiving tribute, and they must pay great 
attention to naval and sacred affairs. Is it 
wonderful, then, that, since they have so much 
business to transact, they cannot give sentence 
in every lawsuit 1 



ι iifiiwij, an action against magistrates, ambassadors, 
and other officers, who had misemployed the public 
money, or committed any other offence in the discharge 
of their trusts. The action against ambassadors was 
sometimes peculiarly called 7Γ*ξ»πςκτβί>χ. 



Some say that money is very influential 
with the senate and the people, in procuring a 
decision in a court of justice. I agree with 
them that much can be done with money at 
Athens, and that much more business would 
be settled if a greater number used bribes. 
This, however, I know well, that the state 
could not transact all their necessary business, 
even although much more gold and silver were 
given. It is necessary, also, to give sentence 
in the event of one refusing to furnish a ship, 
and when a building is erecting at the public 
expense. In addition to these, they must de- 
cide who ought to undertake the duty of chor- 
agus, for the Dionysian, 2 Thargelian, 3 Pana- 
thensean, 4 Promethean, 5 and Hephaestian 6 



3Δ<ονύο-ί* were solemnities in honour of Διόνυτος, 
Bacchus, and were sometimes called by the general 
name of 'O^yia, which, though sometimes applied to 
the mysteries of other gods, more particularly belongs 
to those of Bacchus. They were also sometimes deno- 
minated Sxxxem. They were observed at Athens with 
gfeater splendour, and with more ceremonious super- 
stition, than in any other part of Greece ; for the years 
were numbered by them, the chief archon had a share 
in the management of them, and the priests who offi- 
ciated, were honoured with the first seats at public 
shows. At first, however, they were celebrated with- 
out splendour, being days set apart for public mirth, and 
observed only with the following ceremonies ; a vessel 
of wine, adorned with a vine branch, was brought forth; 
next followed a goat ; then was carried a basket of figs; 
and, after all, the phalli. 

» Οχς γί\Κιχ was an Athenian festival in honour of the 
sun and his attendants, the hours ; or, as some think, of 
Delian Apollo, and Diana. It was celebrated on the 
sixth and seventh of θχξγ>ι\κ»ν } and received its name 
from Ά*ξγή\ίχ, which was a general word for all the 
fruits of the earth ; because one of the principal cere- 
monies was the carrying of first fruits in pots called 
θ-ά^λο». The chief solemnity was on the latter day, 
the former being employed in preparing for it. 

Αΐίχνχάίινχιχ was an Athenian festival in honour of 
Minerva, the protectress of Athens. It was first insti- 
tuted by Erichthonius, who called it Ά6ίν*<«, and after- 
wards revived by Theseus, when he had united into one 
city all the Athenian people, and denominated π*ν*6ί. 
vat». At first, it continued only one day ; but was 
afterwards prolonged several days, and celebrated with 
great magnificence. There were two solemnities of 
this name, one of which was called Μιγίλχ Πανάδων»*» 
the Great Panatbenaea, and was celebrated once in five 
years, beginning on the twenty-second of Hecatombaeon: 
the other was denominated ΜιχςχΤίχνχί-/,νχιχ, the Less 
Panathensa, and was observed every third year, or, as 
some think, every year, beginning on the twentieth or 
twenty -first of Thargelion. 

ίΠξομ^ί'χ was an Athenian solemnity celebrated in 
honour of Prometheus with torches in memory of his 
teaching men the use of fire. 

β Ήφχιττιιχ was an Athenian festival in honour of 
4 Ηφ*ίο-το ? , Vulcan. At this time there was a race with 
torches, called χγων \»μπχ$ονχος in the academy. The 
contenders were three young men, one of whom being 



ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 



701 



games. Four hundred trirarchs are appointed 
each year ; and such of these as wish, must 
every year exercise themselves in deciding in 
courts of justice. Besides these, the magistrates 
must he approved of and decided on, pupils are 
to be elected, and keepers of prisoners * to be 
appointed. These must be done every year. 

At intervals, also, they must decide on 
persons refusing to enter the army, 2 and 
if any unexpected instance of injustice should 
happen, and if any unusual insolence should 
be offered or impiety shown. I pass over 
many things ; what is of most consequence 
has been mentioned, except the settlement of 
the tribute : this happens generally every fifth 
year. Do you not think that they must pass 
judgment on all these cases ? 

Some one may say that it is not necessary it 
should be done in their present courts of justice. 
But if he confesses that all these must be set- 
tled, it is necessary that it should be done in the 
course of the year. So that not even at pre- 
sent are they able, in the course of the year, to 
pass judgment, to be a check on evil doers, on 
account of the great number of cases which 
come before them. But it may be said, that 
no doubt it is necessary to judge, but that 
fewer judges should sit together. If they ap- 
point a greater number of courts of justice, 
there will be fewer in each of them ; and it 
will be much easier to corrupt a few judges, 
and bribe them, and cause them to decide with 
less show of justice. It must also be taken 
into consideration, that the Athenians must 
attend to festivals, on which days no decisions 
in courts of justice can be made. They have 
double the number of holidays that any other 



appointed by lot to begin the race, took a lighted torch 
in his hand, and commenced his course : if the torch 
was extinguished before he arrived at the goal, he gave 
it to the second ; and the second, in like manner to the 
third. He who carried the torch lighted to the end of 
the race, was the victor, and was called χαμπαδγιςΌςος 

ΟΓ πυςσ-ηφΌξΟς. 

t φύλακα.; $ισ•μα>των. These Were also called οίίνίίκα, 

the eleven, from their number, and were elected from 
the ten tribes, one from each. To them was added 
a γςχμματίΐς, or registrar, to complete the number. 
Sometimes they were called νομοφύκχχις, keepers of the 
laws; and they superintended public prisoners, and 
conducted criminals to execution. They had power to 
seize on persons suspected of theft and robbery, and, if 
they confessed that they were guilty, to put them to 
death ; but, if not, they were obliged to prosecute them 
in a" judicial manner. 

*ο£<ττ ? ατ£ί«ί, refusing to serve in war was punished 
with κτιμικ infamy. 

59* 



state has ; but we go on the supposition that 
they are equal to them who have least. Since 
this is the state of their affairs, I insist that 
it is impossible that business at Athens can 
be otherwise conducted tha• at present, ex- 
cept that a little alteration may be made on 
their present institutions by addition or sub- 
traction. A great change cannot be made, 
for fear of detracting from the democratical 
influence. 

It is possible to devise many plans to better 
their political state : but it is not easy to pro- 
pose a plan which will procure, a better system 
of government without endangering the demo- 
cracy, except as I have already stated, by a 
little addition or subtraction. 

The Athenians seem also not to have con- 
sulted well, in always supporting the worst 
party in revolted cities. Yet, in this respect, 
they act with judgment ; for if they chose the 
best, they would support a party entertaining 
notions on political points different from them- 
selves : for in no state are the better class of 
citizens friendly to the plebeians, though the 
worst class are friendly to the plebeians; for 
equals entertain friendly notions of their equals. 
These reasons induce the Athenians to prefer 
what is advantageous to themselves. 

As often as they have supported the party 
of the better class, it has been injurious to 
them ; and within a short period the plebeians 
were inslaved. This happened once in the 
case of interference with the Boeotians. 3 Again, 
when they supported the nobility of the Mile- 
sians, who, in a short period after, rose up and 
massacred the plebeians. Again, when they 
took the part of the Lacedemonians against 
the Messenians, a very short time intervened 
until the Lacedemonians overpowered the 
Messenians, and made war on the Athenians 
themselves. 



« Βοίωτο"?. The author is here supposed to allude to 
the unsuccessful expedition of Tolmidas against the 
Boeotian exiles, mentioned by Thucydides, i. 113.; Dio• 
dorus, xii. 6.; Plutarch, in life of Pericles, 24. — 
Μικν,σ-ιων, reference is probably here made to the war 
which the Athenians undertook against the Samians 
when accused by the Milesians, Thucyd. i. 115., Phi- 
tarch, Pericles, 24, Diodorus, 12., and Scholia ad Aris- 
toph. Vesp. 283, though we are not aware that the 
issue of either of these wars corresponded with the allu 
sions in the text. — λ^σ-σ^νιων, the instance here given is 
referred to tbe third Messenian war, in which the Athe- 
nians, being invited by the Lacedemonians to besiege 
Ithome, were immediately after dismissed by'them, 
Thucyd. i. 108. 



702 



ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 



It might be suspected that none are un- 
justly branded as infamous at Athens: there 
are however some, though these are few. 
The popular authority at Athens, however, 
cannot be shaken by the influence of a few. 
Besides, we ought to consider that the mind 
of man is so constituted, that those who have 
been deservedly deprived of their privileges, 
pay little attention to their disgrace; those, 
however, who are unjustly condemned, are 
easily impelled to revenge, under the consider- 



ation of the injury they have received. How 
can it be supposed that the many can be dis- 
honoured at Athens, where the plebeians have 
authority over the laws ? 

At Athens the infamous consist of those 
who rule unjustly, and who do not speak or act 
uprightly. He who takes these things into con 
sideration, can never suppose that any danger 
can spring from those who are branded as in 
famous at Athens. 



ON THE 



LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC 



[703] 



ON THE 



LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 1 



I. As I was once reflecting how Sparta, which 
was not a populous city, had rendered 
herself the most powerful 2 and celebrated in 
Greece, I wondered how this had happened : 
when, however, I took into consideration the 
Spartan mode of living, my wonder ceased. 

Lycurgus, the enactor of the laws, which ren- 
dered them happy, is a man whom I admire, and 
whom I consider the wisest of mankind ; for he 
made his country excel in happiness, not by im- 
itating other states, but by adopting institutions 
quite contrary to that of the majority. 

In the procreation of children — to begin at 
the beginning — other nations nourished their 
young women who were pregnant and well- 
educated, with as moderate a quantity as pos- 
sible of bread and sauces ; they caused them 
to refrain from wine, or to use it in a dilu- 
ted state. And as the greater number of those 
engaged in arts are sedentary, so the rest of 
the Greeks required their young women to 
sit solitary and spin wool. How can it be 

1 This treatise is deservedly held in great estimation, 
as being the work of a man who was trained by a philo- 
sopher who «■£' SiiXtyero (rx.07Tu>v, .... τι ττόλι;, τι 
ΛΌλιτικύί - τι cf.g%y\ κνΰςώπιαν, τι κργ,ίχ,ος ανβςώτων και 
πΐξί των άλλων, ά του; μεν ilSorug ίι^ΕΪτο καλοΰ; χχγχ- 
flouj είναι, τους Ss α^ι/οοΰντος αν$ξ Χ7τοίώ^εις αν iixaiouj 

χίχλ^ο-δ*!, Mem. 1. 1.16. To this may be added Xeno- 
phon's great experience in civil and military affairs, his 
acquaintance with many of the highest in rank of the, 
Lacedemonians, such as Agesilaus, Cheirisophus, and 
others of that nation with whom he lived on friendly 
terms when in exile. 

»£υν*τωτατ»ι. Their superiority first began to appear 
in the Pelopohnesian war, but chiefly about the ninety- 
third Olympiad, when they conquered the Athenians at 
^Igospotamos : from which period they held the sove- 
reignty in Greece till the hundred and second Olympiad, 
that is, till The battle of Leuctra, in which they were 
so completely defeated by the Thebans that they never 
afterwards recovered the shock. 



expected that persons thus trained should pro- 
duce a beautiful and manly offspring 1 

Lycurgus supposed that female slaves were 
perfectly competent to supply clothes : and as 
he reckoned the procreation of children a mat- 
ter of the greatest consequence to free women, 
he, first of all, enjoined that the female, as well 
as the male part of the community, should en- 
gage in bodily exercise ; and as he had insti- 
tuted trials of running and strength with each 
other among the men, he did the same with the 
women, imagining that when both parties were 
robust, more robust children would be pro- 
duced. 

In the connection between man and wife, 
he adopted a plan different from others : as he 
observed that men generally at first associated 
immoderately with their wives, he made a law 
that it should be deemed disgraceful to be seen 
going in or coming out from them. When 
they associated in this manner, their love to 
each other was necessarily stronger, and their 
offspring, if they had any, much more robust 
than if the parents had been cloyed with each 
other. 

He prevented them, besides, from marrying 
whenever they wished, and enjoined that mar- 
riage should be consummated when the body 
was in full strength, as he considered this con- 
ducive to the procreation of a robust and manly 
offspring. 

And as he observed that when an old man 
had a young spouse, he watched his wife with 
jealous care, he devised a law differing from 
other nations, for he decreed that the old man 
should bring to his wife whatever man was 
most deserving of admiration, either for quali- 
fications of body or mind, and should support 
the children produced by them. 

4 Ο 705 



706 



LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC 



If any person, again, should have an aversion 
to living with a wife, and should be desirous 
of η fair and robust family, he enacted a law 
that if he saw a woman of a good disposition, 
and well fitted for procreating such a progenv. 
and could persuade her husband to allow it, 
he should beget children by her. He made 
many similar concessions. For the women wish 
to have the charge of two families, and the 
men to obtain brothers to their children, who 
have a common origin and power but are ex- 
cluded from participating in their property. 

In thus differing from other legislators in 
his enactments regarding the procreation of 
children, I leave others to judge whether he 
was instrumental in producing men to Sparta 
eminently distinguished for size and strength. 

II. Having thus treated of the procreation, 
I will now explain the mode adopted in the 
education of both sexes. Among the other 
Greeks, those who take credit to themselves 
for having their sons best educated, put a ser- 
vant over them as soon as their children under- 
stand what is said to them, and immediately 
send them to schools to be instructed in litera- 
ture, music, and wrestling. Moreover, they 
render their children's feet delicate by sandals, 
and debilitate their bodies by the variety and 
change of their clothes : their appetite, too, is 
the measure of their food. 

But Lycurgus, instead of giving each of the 
children into the charge of slaves, set over 
them one of those men, from whom the chief 
officers of state are chosen, and he was called 
Paedonomus. To him he delegated the autho- 
rity of collecting the boys, and punishing them 
severely when they neglected their duty. He 
also gave him, as assistants, some of the grown 
lads, furnished with whips, that he might pun- 
ish whenever it was necessary, and thus infuse 
into them a great dread of disgrace, and a de- 
sire of obedience. 

Instead of making their feet delicate with 
sandals, he enjoined that they should be ren- 
dered hardy by going barefooted ; as he be- 
lieved that if they exercised themselves in this 
state, they would be able to ascend steep 
places with greater ease, and descend decli- 
vities with much more safety: they would 
skip, leap, and run quicker unshod, if their 
feet were trained to it, than shod. 

And instead of being made effeminate by 
clothes, he decreed that they should accustom 
themselves to one dress throughout the year, 



supposing that they would be thus better en- 
abled to endure the extremes of cold and heat. 

He likewise enjoined that the young men 
should exert themselves never to take so much 
food as to be burdened with satiety ; and that 
they should have some experience in enduring 
hunger, supposing that persons thus trained 
would be more able to endure fatigue when 
necessary, without food ; persevere in exertion 
a much longer time on the same food, when they 
are commanded ; stand less in need of sauces ; 
be much more easily satisfied with any kind of 
food ; and spend their lives much more healthily. 
He also considered that the fare which ren- 
dered the body slender, was more conducive to 
good health, and increasing the stature of the 
body, than that which expanded it. 

But that they might not be too much op- 
pressed by hunger, though he did not permit 
them to receive what they stood in need of 
without difficulty, he allowed them to steal 
what was necessary to satisfy their hunger ; 
and he made it honourable to steal as many 
cheeses as possible. 1 

I suppose every person is aware that he did 
not prescribe the laying of schemes for their 
livelihood, because he had nothing to give 
them, but because it is evident that he who 
intends to steal must watch during the night, 
and cheat during the day, and lay snares, and, 
if he expects to receive any thing, he must 
even employ spies. It is plain, then, that the 
children were thus instructed, because he 
wished to make them most dextrous in pro- 
curing provisions, and well trained for warfare. 

It may be said, Why, then, since he reckon- 
ed it honourable to steal, did he inflict many 
strokes on the person apprehended in the fact 1 
because, I assert, that in all other branches in 
which men receive instructions, they are pun- 
ished unless they act properly up to them. 
They are punished, therefore, when detected, 
because they have stolen in a bungling manner. 

These persons are given in charge to others, 
to be flogged at the altar of Orthian 2 Diana. 



1 This sentence, in almost all editions, is to be found 
farther on in a place where it injures the sense mate- 
rially. We have followed the recommendation of 
Schneider in introducing it here. 

β Οςζιίς. This festival was called Diamastigosis, 
because boys were whipped before the altar of the god- 
dess. These boys, called Bomonicae, were originally 
free-born Spartans; but, in the more delicate ages, they 
were of mean birth, and generally of a slavish origin. 
The parents of the children attended the solemnity, aod 



LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 



707 



By this he wished to prove that, after a 
short endurance of pain, a person may enjoy 
pleasure a long period. He also demonstrates 
by this, that, when speed is required, the indo- 
lent man is of least advantage, and occasions 
most trouble. 

And that the children should not be in want 
of a leader when their psedonomus was absent, 
he decreed that whatever citizen was present 
should be master, and enjoin whatever he 
thought advantageous for the children, and 
punish them when in the wrong. By this 
means he rendered the boys much more mo- 
dest ; for neither boys nor men respect any 
person more than their rulers. And that the 
boys should not be deprived of a leader when 
even no man was present, he decreed that the 
most courageous of the monitors of each class 
should assume the command : so that the boys 
of Lacedaimon are never without a leader. 1 

II. As soon as the boys have become 
youths, then the rest of the Greeks cease to 
be attended 'by slaves who have them in charge 
— cease from attending teachers — no one has 
then rule over them, but they are left to the 
freedom of their own will. Lycurgus enacted 
a different law. 

Having observed that nature had infused 
into persons of their age the greatest exuberance 
of daring, the greatest excess of insolence, 
and the most vehement desire of pleasures, he 
therefore imposed upon them the heaviest toils, 
and contrived as much occupation for them as 
possible. 

He also added, that whoever should attempt 
to evade these, should be deprived of all the 
privileges of the, state ; and thus brought it 
about, that not only public characters, but also 
those who had the charge of individuals, ex- 
erted themselves that they might not, through 
laziness or aversion to labour, become com- 
pletely contemptible in the state. 

Besides, as he was extremely anxious to 



exhorted them not to commit any thing, either by fear 
or groans, that might be unworthy of Laconian educa- 
tion. These flagellations were so severe, that the blood 
gushed in profuse torrents, and many expired under the 
lash of the whip without uttering a groan, or betraying 
any marks of fear. Such a death was reckoned very 
honourable, and the corpse was buried with much so- 
lemnity, with a garland of flowers on its head. The 
origin of (his festival is unknown. The general sup- 
position is. that Lycurgus first instituted it to inure the 
youths of Lacediemon to bear labour and fatigue, and 
render them insensible to pain and wounds. 
* The rest of this section is jr*e* τ$>ν ττκίϊίχϋν Ιξ <ύτων. 



instil into them the principles of modesty, he 
directed that, on the road, they should always 
keep their hands within their ropes, walk in 
silence, look around nowhere, and should only 
attend to those things which were before their 
feet. By this, he proved that the male sex 
can conduct themselves with greater modesty 
than the female. You would certainly no more 
hear their voices than if they had been stones, 
you would have more difficulty in turning their 
eyes than if they were made of brass, and you 
would reckon them much more modest than 
virgins in the bridal-chamber; and whenever 
they came to the philition, 2 you would hear 
nothing from them but what they were asked. 

We have now explained the education, both 
of the Lacedaemonian and the other Grecian 
states, and by which of them men can be ren- 



α φιί.'τίκ or φιλίτ<«, an association of friends. In this 
assembly, kings, magistrates, and private citizens, met 
to eat together in certain halls, in which a number of 
tables were spread, most frequently with fifteen covers 
each, which were called χ»ί Sot • and hence, when any 
one was ejected from the rest, he was said xsxaSisiVSon. 
The guests at one table never interfered with those at 
another, and formed a society of friends, in which no 
person could be received but by the consent of all those 
who composed it. They reclined on hard couches of 
oak, leaning with their elbows on a stone or a block of 
wood. Black broth was served up to them, and after- 
wards boiled pork, which was distributed to each guest 
in equal portions, sometimes so small that they scarcely 
weighed a quarter of a mina each. They had wine, 
cakes, and barley-bread in plenty ; and at other times 
fish and different kinds of game were added by way of 
supplement to their ordinary portion. They, who of- 
fered sacrifices, or went out to hunt, might, on their 
return, eat at home ; but it wa3 necessary to send 
their companions at the same table a part of the game 
or the victim. Near each cover a small piece of bread 
was laid to wipe their fingers. The guests were en- 
joined that their decorum should be accompanied with 
gaiety, and, with that view, a statue of the god of laugh- 
ter, was placed in the hall. But the pleasantries that 
excited mirth were to contain nothing offensive; and 
the too severe sally, if it escaped any one present, was 
never to be repeated in any other place ; the oldest of 
the company showing the door to those who entered, 
reminded them that nothing they might hear was to go 
out there. The different classes of youth were present 
at these repasts without partaking of them : the young 
est carried off adroitly from the table some portion 
which they shared with their comrades ; and the othere 
received lessons of wisdom and pleasantry. These re- 
pasts, during peace, produced union, temperance, and 
equality ; and during war, they held forth to the citizens 
to flee to the succour of another, with whom he had 
participated in sacrifices and libations. The expense 
was defrayed by individuals, who were obliged to fur- 
nish every month, a certain quantity of barley-meal, 
wine, cheese, figs, and even money; am, by this con- 
tribution, the poorest class were in danger of being ex- 
cluded from the meal in common. 



708 



LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 



dared more obedient, more modest, and more 
temperate, we leave others to decide. 

IV. His greatest solicitude was shown to- 
wards the young men, as he considered that if 
they were what they should be, they would 
have great influence in promoting the happi- 
ness and virtue of their fellow-citizens, and 
the welfare of their country. And observing 
that, among those who were possessed of an 
innate desire of emulation, their singing was 
most deserving of being heard, and their gym- 
nastic contests most deserving of being seen, 
he thought that if he could excite in young 
men a contest of virtue, that they would thus 
become possessed of the greatest manliness of 
spirit. How he attained this I will explain. 

The Ephori choose three men come to the 
years of maturity, and these are called hippa- 
gretae. Each of these chooses one hundred men, 
explaining why he prefers some and rejects 
others. They, then, who have not obtained 
this honourable preference, fight with those 
who have rejected them, and those who are 
chosen in their stead, and they strictly watch 
each other lest they should do any thing slily, 
which was not considered honourable. 

And this contest is most agreeable to the 
gods, and most advantageous to the state, in 
which it is shown what a brave man ought to 
do : and they each exercise themselves apart, 
that they may always be most powerful, and, 
if it should be necessary, that they may defend 
the city with all their strength. It is necessary 
for them also to attend to good health, for they 
must box whenever they encounter in this con- 
test. Every man of authority who is present 
may stop the contest. And if any one should 
disobey the person who interrupts the contest, 
the paedonomus leads him to the ephori, and 
they fine him heavily, wishing to hinder anger 
from prevailing so far as to check the due exe- 
cution of the law. 

And with regard to those who exceed the 
years of puberty, from whom all the higher 
officers of the state are chosen, the other Greeks, 
though they deprive them of any anxiety to hus- 
band their strength, still require them to serve 
in the army with others ; but Lycurgus enacted 
a law that it should be reckoned honourable for 
such persons to engage in hunting, unless 
public business prevented it, that they might 
be as able as the young men to endure the 
hardships incident to a soldier's life. 

V. We have now nearly explained what 



mode of life Lycurgus had enjoined by law for 
each period of life. What mode of living he 
adopted, I will now attempt to explain. 

Lycurgus having found the Spartans, like the 
other Greeks, taking their meals at home, and 
knowing that the majority indulge in knavery 
at them, he caused their meals to be taken pub- 
licly, supposing that they would be thus less 
apt to transgress their orders. 

He also ordered food to be given to them that 
they should neither be exposed to repletion nor 
want. Many things, also, beyond their appor- 
tioned quantity, are procured from the hunters ; 
and the rich sometimes give bread in exchange 
for this, so that the table is never either ex- 
pensive or destitute of eatables, as long as they 
enjoy this common meal. 

Moreover, having checked the use of un- 
necessary drinks, which cause both body and 
mind to totter, he allowed every man to drink 
when thirsty ;. for in this manner he supposed 
that the drink would be less injurious and much 
more pleasant. When they lived thus togeth- 
er, how was it possible for any one to ruin 
himself or family by gluttony or drunkenness 1 

For in other cities, equals generally associate 
together, — among these there exists the least 
modesty ; but Lycurgus, in Sparta, mixed 
those of different ages together, to enable the 
younger to be instructed by the experience of 
the elder. 

According to the custom of the country, 
at these public banquets, each one relates what 
gallant feat he has performed to the state ; so 
that no insolence, no drunken frolic, no foul 
deed or indecent language, can ever be there 
introduced. 

Public banquets are useful for this, that the 
citizens are obliged to walk home, and to take 
care that they do not stagger through wine, 
knowing that they do not remain where they 
supped, and they must walk during the night 
as well as day ; for no one not yet freed from 
military duty is allowed to proceed with a 
torch. 

Lycurgus also having observed that, after 
meals, those who contended with others in 
labours, were well coloured, plump and robust, 
and those who did not exercise themselves were 
puffed up, ill coloured, and feeble, turned much 
of his attention to this subject; but consider- 
ing that when each individual exerts himself, in 
his own opinion he appears to have a body fit 
by exercise for business, he commanded that 



LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 



709 



the oldest should always take care on each 
day of exercising, that they should never in- 
dulge so much in meat as to weaken their body 
for exercise. 

And, in this respect, he seems to me not 
to have been mistaken. You will rarely find 
men surpassing the Spartans in health or 
strength of body ; for they are equally exer- 
cised in their legs, in their hands, and their 
neck. 

In this respect also he adopted a plan differ- 
ing from others. For in other cities each indi- 
vidual has authority over his own children, ser- 
vants, and property. But Lycurgus, wishing 
to enable the citizens to enjoy some common 
good, without injuring each other, enacted a 
law, that each individual should have equal 
authority over his own children and those of 
others. 

When any one considers that his fellow-citi- 
zens are fathers of the children over whom he 
exercises authority, he must do it in such a man- 
ner as he would wish it done to his own ; and if 
any boy, at any time, should receive blows from 
another, and inform his father of it, it is dis- 
graceful not to inflict additional blows on his 
son. Thus they have confidence in each other 
that nothing disgraceful will be imposed on 
their children. 

He enacted also, that if any one stood in 
need of servants, he should use his neighbour's. 
He also introduced the common use of hunt- 
ing-dogs, so that those who require them invite 
their proprietor to hunt, and if he has no lei- 
sure, he cheerfully surrenders them. They in 
like manner use their neighbour's horses ; for 
when one is sick and in want of a chariot, or 
desirous of reaching some place quickly, when 
he sees a horse anywhere he takes it, and hav- 
ing made a proper use of it, restores it. 

He did not however wish that done among 
his people, which is customary with others. 
For at times persons belated by hunting stand 
in need of provisions, unless they have been 
previously prepared. He also enacted this law, 
that those who had fed should leave the food 
dressed, and those who needed it should open 
the seals and take whatever they stood in need 
of, and leave it sealed. When they thus divide 
with each other, even those who have little 
property share in all the products of the coun- 
try, when they require any thing. 

VII. With regard to these things, Lycurgus, 
proposed a law in Sparta different from that of 
60 



the other Greeks. For in other cities all the 
citizens are as intent on gain as possible ; 
one engages in farming, another in commerce, 
another in trade, and another is supported by 
the arts. 

But in Sparta, Lycurgus forbade freemen to 
have any connection with matters of gain ; 
whatever procures freedom to cities he enjoin- 
ed them to consider as their only occupation. 

Where he caused every man to contribute 
equally to the necessaries of life, and where all 
eat together, how could wealth be eagerly 
sought after for the sake of voluptuousness 1 
But money was not even necessary for clothes, 
for they are adorned not by costliness of dress 
but by robust constitution of bodies. 

Nor was it necessary to collect money to be 
at expense in assisting their companions, for 
he had• made it more honourable to assist their 
acquaintances with bodily labour than money, 
having demonstrated that the one depended on 
the mind, the other on wealth. 

He also absolutely forbade the procuring of 
money by unjust means. For first of all, he 
instituted such a kind of money, that if only 
10 minae were introduced into a house it could 
neither escape the notice of masters nor ser 
vants, for it would occupy much space and 
would require a carriage to convey it. 

Silver and gold were carefully searched after, 
and if found anywhere the possessor is punish- 
ed. What anxious desire could there then be 
for money, when the possession occasioned 
more pain than the enjoyment pleasure 1 

VIII. We all know how very obedient the 
Spartans were to their rulers and the laws. I 
however suppose that Lycurgus would not have 
attempted to settle this sound political consti- 
tution, before he had converted to his opinions 
the most powerful men in the state. 

I prove it thus, that in other states the moet 
powerful men do not wish to seem to fear ma- 
gistrates, but deem this unworthy of a free- 
man ; but in Sparta the most powerful pay 
great respect to the magistrates, and reckon it 
honourable to demean themselves ; and when 
addressed, not to walk but run to obey. For 
they suppose that if they lead the way in obe- 
dience, the rest will follow their example, which 
was the case. 

And it is probable that these same persons 
assisted Lycurgus in instituting the power of 
the ephori, because they knew that obedienco 
was the greatest good in a state, in an army, 



710 



LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 



in a family, In proportion to the extent of the 
power of the magistracy, they supposed that 
they would inspire terror in the citizens, and 
enforce obedience. 

The ephori then are enabled to amerce whom 
they choose, and are empowered to demand the 
fine instantly ; they are empowered to abrogate 
the authority of the magistrates at times, to in- 
carcerate, and even to institute a trial for life. 
And having so much authority, they do not, like 
other states, allow those chosen always to com- 
mand during the year as they choose, but like 
kings and presidents in the gymnastic contests, 
if they perceive any one acting contrary to law, 
they immediately punish him. 

Though there were many other excellent 
devices which Lycurgus used to inspire in the 
people a wish to obey the laws, this one seems 
to me to have been the best, that he did not 
deliver his laws to the people until he came 
with some of the nobles to Delphi, and ques- 
tioned the god whether it would be more desir- 
able and advantageous for Sparta to obey the 
laws which he had made. When the answer 
was received that it would on every account be 
preferable, he then delivered them, decreeing 
that it was not only against the laws of man 
but against those of heaven, to disobey the laws 
sanctioned by the oracle of Apollo. 

IX. This also is deserving of admiration in 
Lycurgus, that he effected this in the state, that 
an honourable death should be reckoned prefer- 
able to a disgraceful life; and if any one exam- 
ines, he will find fewer of them dying than of 
those who attempt to escape danger by flight. 

So that it may be truly said, that a man is 
preserved a much longer period by bravery 
than by cowardice ; for it is much easier, plea- 
santer, more capable of assisting us in difficulty, 
and stronger ; and it is plain that glory is the 
attendant of bravery, for all men wish to assist 
the brave. 

By what contrivances he attained this object 
should not be overlooked. His laws wisely 
entailed happiness on the brave, misery on 
cowards. 

For in other states when any one acts cow- 
ardly, he is merely branded with the name of 
coward ; he goes to the same market with the 
brave man, and sits or exercises himself if he 
chooses : but at Lacedsemon every one would 
be ashamed to admit the coward into the same 
tent, or exercise himself with him in wrestling. 



Frequently also such a person, when the two 
parties who play at ball are divided, has no 
place assigned for him, and at dances he is ex- 
pelled into the most dishonourable places ; on 
the road too he must give place to others, and 
at public meetings he must even rise to his 
juniors. He must also support his female re- 
lations at home, apart from the public games, 
and they must remain without husbands, in the 
city : the coward was not allowed to take a wife, 
and yet a fine was imposed for not having one. 
He is not allowed to walk about anointed, nor 
to imitate those whose character is irreproach- 
able, unless he wishes to receive blows from his 
betters. 

When such disgrace was inflicted upon cow- 
ards, it cannot be reckoned wonderful that 
death should be preferred by them, to a life so 
dishonourable and infamous. 

X. Lycurgus also seems to me to have wisely 
devised a plan for encouraging the practice of 
virtue throughout life till old age. For to his 
other institutions he added the making the se- 
nate consist entirely of old men distinguished 
for virtue, and brought it about that honour and 
virtue were not neglected even in old age. 

It is also deserving of admiration, that he gave 
great authority to the old age of the brave ; for 
having appointed the old men umpires in the 
contest for superiority of intellect, he rendered 
their old age more honourable than the strength 
of those in full bloom. 

This contest is deservedly celebrated with 
highest exertion by men. Gymnastic contests 
are honourable, but they refer to the body, — 
but the contest regarding the dignity of an 
old man, exhibits the deciding on brave souls. 
In proportion as the soul is better than the 
body, so the contest of superiority of mind de- 
serves to be more zealously aimed at than that 
of the body. 

Does not this, moreover, deserve distinguish- 
ed admiration in Lycurgus 1 When he per- 
ceived that those who did not wish to attend 
to virtue were not able to enlarge their country, 
he obliged all men publicly in Sparta to prac- 
tice all the virtues. For as private men excel 
each other in virtue, those who practice it from 
those who neglect it, so also Sparta is naturally 
superior to all states in virtue, as being the only 
one which enjoins honour and virtue. 

Is not this then also deserving of commen- 
dation, that when other states punish one who 



LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC, 



711 



had committed an injury upon another, they 
inflicted not less punishment on him who 
showed himself regardless of excelling in 
virtue. 

He considered, it appears, that those who 
made others slaves, or took any plunder, or stole 
any thing, only injured the individual sufferers, 
but that by cowards and effeminate men, whole 
republics had been overturned. So that in 
my opinion he deservedly imposed heaviest 
punishments on them. 

And he rendered the necessity most inviol- 
able of practising every political virtue. For 
to all those who performed what was enjoined 
by law, he gave an equal participation in the 
benefits of the state, and he took no account 
either of the weakness of their bodies, or 
slenderness of their means. If any one through 
indolence should neglect to toil through what 
was enjoined by law, he pointed him out as one 
no longer deserving to be reckoned among the 
equal-honoured. 

But it is very plain that these laws are very 
ancient ; for Lycurgus is said to have lived in 
the times of the Heraclidae, and though they 
are so old they are still reckoned the most re- 
cent with other nations, for what is most won- 
derful, all men praise such institutions, though 
no state wishes to imitate them. 

XI. The advantages of his institutions al- 
ready enumerated were common both to peace 
and war, — but we may also explain the pecu- 
liar advantages of his plans in military affairs. 

He first caused the ephori to announce be- 
forehand to the cavalry, the heavy-armed, and 
then to the artizans, the years in which they 
must join the army, that the Lacedaemonians 
may have in the army abundance of all those 
things which are necessary in a city ; and the 
instruments which the army require for com- 
mon use, whatever be the purpose for which 
they are intended, are commanded to be sup- 
plied partly on waggons, partly on beasts of 
burden ; and thus their deficiencies are less 
likely to escape notice. 

In war he enacted that they should wear a 
purple robe and carry a brazen shield, as he 
supposed this to have least in common with 
the female robe, and fittest for war, for it is 
soonest made splendid and is with difficulty 
soiled. He also allowed those above the age 
of youths to wear their hair long, as he sup- 
posed them thus to appear taller, genteeler, and 
sterner 



When they were thus arrayed, he divided 
them into six regiments of cavalry and heavy- 
armed. Each of these political regiments 1 has 
one general officer, four colonels, eight captains, 
and sixteen subalterns. These regiments are 
put in battle array by word of command, some- 
times each enomotia making only one file, 
sometimes three files, sometimes six. 

In supposing the Lacedaemonian arrangemenl 
in arms to be most intricate, the majority of 
mankind have conceived what is most opposite 
to fact. For in the Lacedaemonian arrange- 
ment in arms there are commanders in the 
front ranks, and each line has within itself every 
thing necessary for war. 

It is so easy to understand this arrangement, 
that no one acquainted with military move- 
ments can mistake it ; for some are enjoined to 
lead, others to follow. The marching with one 
of the wings in front is pointed out by the 
orders of the subaltern, as if by a herald, by 
which the phalanxes become both narrower and 
closer ; there cannot be the slightest difficulty 
in understanding this circumstance. 

But that the body thus arranged should be 
able to fight with the enemy when thrown into 
confusion, is not so easily understood ; except 
by those educated under the laws of Lycurgus. 

The Lacedaemonians make these things very 
easy which seem very difficult to men in arms. 
For when they march by the wing, the enomo- 
tia follows in the rear ; and if, in such a posi- 
tion, the enemy's phalanx should appear in 
front, orders are given to the enomotarch to 
arrange his men with front to the left ; and 
in like manner throughout the whole, until the 
phalanx stands opposite. But if, when in this 
position, the enemy appear in the rear, each 



ι 5τολ»τ<χ(2ν μόρων. Thucydides, v. 68, mentions the 
same division of the Lacedaemonian army. What 
number of soldiers was contained in each mora is un- 
certain ; some make them five, some seven, and others 
nine hundred ; but at the first formation of the common- 
wealth, they seem not to have exceeded four hundred, 
who were all foot-men. 'Emjuon* was the half of 
πίντ^χοσ-τΰί, contained originally twenty-five men, and 
derived its name from the soldiers in it, being bound 
by a solemn oath upon a sacrifice to he faithful and 
loyal to their country. In the course of time the num- 
bers of the ϊνωμοτίχί were changed and increased, 
though the ancient name still remained, so that the 
ίνωμοτί* consisted of upwards of fifty, and τηντ^χασ-τν 
of upwards of one hundred men. From a calculation 
made on a passage of Thucydides, the ίν^οτι'» is proved 
to consist of thirty-two men, which makes up for the 
whole regiment the numoer of 512. 



712 



LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 



rank countermarches 1 until the bravest are op- 
posed to the enemy. 

But when the commander is on the left, even 
then they are not reckoned to be in a worse 
condition, and they are even sometimes in a 
better. For if any person should attempt to 

l ΈζίλΓΤΤΙΠ**. ^fAIy.wO;,•, ί^ίκισ-μος, ΟΓ £ξίλ'ξ<?, 

wae a countermarch, by which every soldier, one march- 
ing after another, changed the front for the rear, or one 
flank for another; whence there were two sorts of coun- 
termarches, χ*τα λόχου;, and κατ* ζυ>"*, one by files, 
the other by ranks. 

1 Έςιλι^ό; MxxsJwv χ»τ» λόχου;, was as follows: 
first, the leaders of the files having turned to the right 
or left, the next rank passed through by them on the 
same hand, and, occupying the distant spaces, placed 
themselves behind the leaders of their files, and turned 
their faces the same way. In like manner the third and 
fourth ranks, and all the rest, till the bringers-up were 
last, and had turned about their faces, and again oc- 
cupied the rear. By this motion the army was removed 
into the ground before the front, and the faces of the 
soldiers were turned backward. It appeared so like a 
retreat, that Philip of Macedon. instead of it, used the 
following motion. — 2 ΈζίΚιγμος Λάκων ΧΛτα λόχου?, 
was contrary to the last: this motion occupied the 
ground behind the phalanx, and the soldiers' faces 
turned the contrary way ; it was made from front to 
rear. This evolution was performed in two ways: one 
was, when those in the rear first turned about their 
faces, the next rank also turned theirs and began the 
countermarch, every man placing himself directly be- 
fore his bringer-up; the third did the same, and the 
rest, till the rank of file-leaders was first. The other 
method was, when the leaders of the files began the 
countermarch, every one in their files followed them in 
order : by this means they were brought nearer to the 
enemy, and represented a charge. — 3 Έξίλί^/ίο; Ilsg• 
c-ixo;, or Κ^πκο;, κχτα λόχου;, sometimes termed 
χος ίΓο;, because managed like the Grecian chori, which 
being ordered into files and ranks, like soldiers in battle- 
array, and moving forward toward the brink of the 
stage, when they could pass no farther, retired, one 
through the ranks of another ; the whole chorus keep- 
ing all the time the same ground of which they were 
before possessed. 

'Έ,^εκιγμος κ«τ* ξυγ*, countermarch by rank, was 
contrary to the countermarch by file ; in the counter- 
march by file, the motion was in the depth of the bat- 
talia, the front moving towards the rear, or the rear 
towards the front, and succeeding into each other's 
place. In this, the motion was in length of the battalia 
flankwise, the wing either marching into the midst, or 
quite through to the opposite wing. In doing this, the 
soldiers who were last in the flank of the wing, moved 
first to the contrary wing, the rest following in their 
order. It was also performed three ways. 

3 The Macedonian countermarch began its motion at 
the corner of the wing nearest the enemy, and removing 
to the ground on the side of the contrary wing, resem- 
bled a flight. — 2 The Lacedsemonian countermarch, be- 
ginning its motion in the wing farthest distant from the 
enemy, seized the ground nearest to them, by which an 
attack was represented. — 3 The Chorean countermarch 
maintained its own ground, only removing one wing into 
tee place of tne other. 



surround them, he would fall in, not with un- 
armed, but heavy-armed men. But if at any 
time it may seem advantageous for some pur- 
pose, that the leader should stand on the right 
wing, turning the troop upon the wing, they 
deploy the phalanx until the general is on the 
right and the rear is on the left. 

But if again from the right a body of the 
enemy should appear marching, each cohort 
makes a central movement of half-turning like 
a galley, whose prow is wished to be presented 
to the enemy, and then the rear company comes 
to the right. And if again the enemy should 
attempt the left, they do not allow this, but 
drive them off, or turn the opposing companies 
to the enemy, and thus again the rear company 
is placed on the left. 

XII. I will also explain how Lycurgus enact- 
ed that their camps should be pitched. Because 
the angles of a quadrangle were useless, the 
camp was pitched in- a circle, unless they were 
protected by a mountain, or had a wall or river 
on their rear. 

He instituted daily Watches which looked 
inwards to the camp : these are placed, not for 
the sake of the enemy, but their friends ; and 
cavalry watch the enemy from places where they 
can see farthest in advance. 

But if any one should advance during the 
night beyond the phalanx, he decreed that he 
should be watched by the Scy rites : but now 
this is done by strangers, provided some of 
them be present. 

It ought to be well understood, that they 
always go about with their spears, and for this 
same reason, they prevent their slaves from 
joining the army. And it is not to be won- 
dered at, that those going out for necessary pur- 
poses, do not retire so far from each other, or 
the aTmy, as to excite uneasiness in each other; 
this is done for self-preservation. 

They frequently change their camp, that 
they may injure their enemy, .and assist their 
friends. And it is enjoined by law, that all 
Lacedeemonians should exercise themselves 
wherever they are engaged in war ; which adds 
greatly to their magnanimity and ingenuous- 
ness. Their exercises in walking and running 
take place in front of their own regiment, and 
no one can proceed beyond it. 

And after the exercises the first polemarch 
issues orders for them to sit down ; this serves 
all the purposes of a review: after this they 
breakfast, and immediately the advanced cen 



LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 



713 



tinel is relieved : after that again, conversation 
and recreation before the evening exercises. 

Immediately afterwards, orders are given to 
sup, and when they have sung to the gods, to 
whom they have previously sacrificed, they re- 
tire to rest in their armour. 

No person need wonder that Ϊ write so much 
on this subject, as nothing which requires dili- 
gence seems to have been overlooked by the 
Lacedaemonians in warlike matters. 

XIII. I will also explain the power and hon- 
our which Lycurgus decreed should be given to 
the king when with the army. First, then, the 
state supports a king and attendants in the camp ; 
the polemarchs live in the same tent with him, 
that being always present they may be better 
enabled to hold a common council when neces- 
sary. Other three men, also, of the alike-hon- 
oured, live in the same tent with him. These 
attend to all the necessaries of life, that their 
minds may not be distracted by minor consi- 
derations, from attending to warlike affairs. 

I will now explain how the king moves for- 
ward to battle with the army. He sacrifices 
first at home to Jupiter the leader, and the 
other gods ; and when he has thus sacrificed, 
the fire-bearing attendant taking fire from the 
altar, leads the way to the borders of the coun- 
try : the king then again sacrifices to Jupiter 
and Minerva. 

When they have sacrificed to both these 
gods, then he passes the boundaries of the 
country. Fire from these sacrifices leads the 
way, never to be extinguished ; all kinds of 
victims are then sacrificed. Whenever he sa- 
crifices he begins this work at daybreak, wish- 
ing to anticipate the good-will of the god. 

There are present at the sacrifice, the pole- 
march, lochagi, pentecosteres, commandere of 
mercenary troops, the commanders of baggage 
troops, and any one of the generals from the 
city who chooses. 

Two of the ephori are also present, who do 
not interfere in the conducting of business, 
unless they are summoned by the king ; but 
looking on what each did, they naturally ren- 
der them more modest. When the sacred rites 
are finished, the king, having called them all 
forward, prescribes what is to be done ; so that 
contemplating these things, you would suppose 
that other nations enter into military affairs 
with precipitation, but that the Lacedcemonians 
alone in reality were the artists of war. 

But when the king leads, if no enemy ap- 
60* 



pears, no one proceeds before him except the 
Sciritffi and the cavalry, who march in advance 
to reconnoitre, and if at any time they suppose 
a battle likely to ensue, the king takes the troop 
of the first regiment and leads it, turning aside 
to the right, until he is in the middle between 
the two morse and the two polemarchias. 

Whatever instructions in addition to these 
must be given, are arranged by the eldest of 
those connected with the public table; and' 
these are the men who live in the same tent 
with the alike-honoured, the prophets, phy- 
sicians, musicians, officers of the army, and the 
volunteers present. So that of the things 
necessary to be done none is neglected ; for every 
thing is previously considered. 

Lycurgus, in my opinion contrived what was 
very advantageous with respect to the contest 
on arms. For when in sight of the enemy the 
goat is sacrificed, the law is, that all the musi- 
cians present should play, and that none of the 
Lacedsemonians should be uncovered with gar- 
lands ; and they are enjoined before-hand to 
clean their arms. The youth are allowed to 
march to battle combed, and to be sprightly 
and graceful. . . . And that it may be 
Well done, the polemarch must take care. 

The king decides on the proper season and 
place for pitching the Camp. He possesses also 
the right of dismissing ambassadors whether 
friendly or hostile. He also commences what- 
ever they wish done. 

When any person comes desiring justice, the 
king refers him to the Hellanodicae, and if 
money, to the qusestor, and if bringing in booty, 
to the dealer in booty. When they do thus no 
other business is left in battle for the king, 
than to be priest in what regards the gods and 
general in what regards men. 

XIV. Should the question be asked, do the 
laws of Lycurgus at present seem to remain 
unchanged 1 to this I certainly would not an- 
swer in the affirmative. 

For I know that the Lacedaemonians former- 
ly preferred to associate together, in possession 
of moderate means, than to govern cities and 
be corrupted by adulation. 

And formerly, I know that they were afraid 
to appear possessed of gold ; but I know some 
who are at present vain and ostentatious of 
their possessions. 

I know, too, that formerly on this account 
strangers were expelled, and the citizens were 
not allowed to reside abroad, lest their morale 
4P 



714 



LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 



should be corrupted by strangers. But now I 
know that they prove the first to exert them- 
selves, that they may never cease to govern a 
foreign city. 

There was a time, too, when they were sedu- 
lous to make themselves worthy of governing ; 
but now they study more to obtain rule than 
deserve it. 

The Greeks, formerly, resorted to Lacedse- 
mon, and requested of them to take the lead 
against those who did an injury — but now, 
many of the Greeks exhort each other to hinder 
them from again taking the lead in their affairs. 

It is by no means wonderful, that such blame 
should be attached to them, as they show them- 
selves neither obedient to the deity, nor to the 
laws of Lycurgus. 

XV. I wish also to explain what agree- 
ments Lycurgus made between the king and 
the city ; for he is the only magistrate, whose 
office remains such as it was originally insti- 
tuted : the other political situations have been 
changed, and are even now changing. 

For he enacted that the king should offer 
without the city, all the public sacrifices, as he 
was descended from the deity, and be com- 
mander wherever the state should send the 
army. 

He granted also, that he should receive a 
share of the sacrifices, and be possessed of so 
much good land in many of the neighbouring 
cities, as never to be in want of moderate 
means, and never be possessed of excessive 
wealth. 



He assigned a public tent for the kings, that 
even they should live in tents, and allowed 
them a double share at supper, not that they 
might consume that portion ; but that they 
might have it in their power to honour any one 
they pleased. 

He granted also, that each of them should 
choose two companions, who were called Pythii. 
He granted him also, to receive a pig from every 
litter, that he might never be in want of 
victims, when it was necessary to consult the 
gods on any matter. And near his house a 
pool of water presents abundance : that this is 
useful for many purposes, those who do not 
possess one know best. All rise up from their 
seats to the king, but the ephori do not rise 
from their chairs of office. 

They bind each other by oaths every month, 
the ephori for the city, and the king for him- 
self. The king's oath is, that he will govern 
according to the existing laws of the city : the 
city's oath, that if he does not violate his 
oath, they will preserve his kingdom unshaken 
and firm. 

And these are the honours which are paid to 
the king in his native land when living : they 
do not far exceed those paid to a private indi- 
vidual ; for he did not wish to infuse a tyran- 
nical spirit in the kings, nor to excite among 
the citizens an envy of their power. 

But honours are paid to the king when dead : 
by φίβ, the laws of Lycurgus wish to show, 
that they have honoured the kings of the Lace- 
daemonians, not as men, but as heroes. 






ON 



HORSEMANSHIP 



[715] 



ON 



HORSEMANSHIP 



As it has fallen to our lot, from long practice, 
to have become experienced in horsemanship, 
we wish to point out to our younger friends how 
we think they can use their horses most pro- 
perly. Simon has indeed written a treatise on 
horsemanship ; he also erected a brazen horse 
at the temple of Ceres at Athens, and carved 
on the pedestal his own deeds. We will not 
expunge from our own writings whatever we 
find in accordance with his views, but we will 
give them with much more pleasure, to our 
friends, reckoning them more deserving of cre- 
dit, inasmuch as he, who was a horseman, cor- 
responded in opinion with us. Whatever he 
has omitted, we will attempt to explain. 

We will first describe how a man may be 
least deceived in purchasing a horse. It is evi- 
dent that we ought to prove the body of the 
untamed foal, for the horse not yet mounted 
cannot exhibit very distinct proofs of his spirit. 
And of his body, we assert that the feet 
should first be examined. For as a house 
would be useless which had the upper parts 
beautiful, without having the necessary foun- 
dation laid ; so also a war-steed would be use- 
less, though every other part of the body were 
good, if the feet were badly shaped, for none 
of his advantages could be brought into action. 
When we wish to prove the feet, the hoofs 
must first be examined. Soundness of feet is 
much influenced by the thickness or thinness 
of the hoofs. This also must not be lost sight 
of, whether the hoofs are high before and be- 
hind, or low ; for the high ones have the hol- 
low of the sole removed from the ground ; but 
the low walk equally on the strongest and soft- 
est part of the foot, like in-kneed men. Simon 
excellently remarks, that good feet are known 
by the sound ; the hollow hoof struck on the 
ground sounds like a cymbal. 



Having begun with the feet we will ascend 
gradually to the rest of the body: It is neces- 
sary then that the upper part of the hoofs and 
the lower bones of the fetlock should not be 
too erect, like a goat's ; for being very elastic, 
it fatigues the rider, and such legs are more 
easily inflamed : nor ought the bones to be too 
low, for the fetlocks would become hairless 
and ulcerated, whether the horse rode over 
clods or stones. 

The bones of the leg ought to be thick, for 
these are the supports of the body ; they should 
not however be covered with fat flesh or 
large veins. For when driven through rough 
roads, these must necessarily be filled with 
blood, hard tumours arise, the legs become fat, 
and the skin separates. And when the skin 
becomes loose, the smaller bone of the leg fre- 
quently separates, and renders the horse lame. 

Moreover, if the foal, when walking, bends 
his knees pliantly, you may reckon it probable 
that when ridden he will have pliant legs. For 
they all in the course of time bend their knees 
much more pliantly. Flexible knees are justly 
held in repute ; inasmuch as they render the 
horse less liable to stumble and shake the rider, 
than stiff legs. 

When the arms are fat, horses appear strong- 
er and more elegant, as is the case in the 
human form. And when the chest is wide, it 
contributes both to his beauty, to his strength, 
and bears the legs more gracefully ; not close one 
to the other, but considerably separated. More- 
over, from the chest his neck should not fall 
forward like a boar's, but, like a cock's, should 
rise erect to the head, and be slender at the 
arch. The head should be bony, and have a 
small jaw-bone ; thus his neck will be before 
the rider, and his eye see what is before his feet. 

A horse thus shaped would be less able to 

7tt 



713 



HORSEMANSHIP. 



r.se violence, even though very spirited; for 
horses attempt to do injury not by arching 
the neck, but by extending the head forward. 

It is also necessary to consider, whether the 
inside of both their jaws be tender or hard, 
or if only one ; for those which have dissimi- 
lar jaws are generally unmanageable. When 
the eyes are prominent, the horse seems more 
vigilant, and can see much farther than when 
they are sunk in the socket. 

Wide nostrils are also much more convenient 
for breathing; and render the appearance of 
the horse more terrible ; for when one horse 
is enraged at another, or is excited in riding, 
he distends his nostrils exceedingly. 

When the head is large at the top, and the 
ears small, the horse appears much more ele- 
gant. When the point of the shoulder is high, 
the rider has a safer seat, and adheres more 
closely to the shoulders. The loins, when 
double, are much more easily sitten upon, than 
when single, and much more pleasant to the 
eye. 

When the sides are deep, and somewhat pro- 
tuberant at the belly, the horse is generally 
more easily ridden; and stronger, and more 
capable of enjoying food. In proportion as the 
loins are broader and shorter, so much easier 
is it for the horse to raise the fore-part of the 
body and bring forward the hinder ; and the 
belly thus appears smaller, which when large 
deforms the horse, weakens it, and renders it 
less capable of carrying burdens. 

It is necessary also that the haunches should 
be broad and fleshy, to correspond with the 
sides and breast ; when all these parts are solid, 
it renders the horse lighter for the race, and 
much fleeter. 

Moreover, if the hocks be separated by a 
broad line, then the hind legs in walking will 
be separated by a proper space, and be brought 
up so as not to touch each other : when this is 
the case a great addition is made to the bold- 
ness and strength of his look, both in walking 
and riding. This may be proved from men, 
for when they wish to raise anything from the 
earth, they attempt to do so by standing astride 
rather than with legs close. 

A horse, besides, should not have large tes- 
ticles; this cannot be observed in the foal. 
With regard to the pastern, the shank bones, 
the fetlocks, and hoofs of the hind legs, the 
r-ame may be said as of the fore. 

I now explain how a man may run the least 



risk of being deceived, when conjecturing the 
future height of a horse. The young horse 
which, when foaled, has the shank bones long- 
est, invariably turns out the largest. For as 
time advances, the shank-bones of all quad- 
rupeds increase but little ; but that the rest 
of the body may be symmetrical, it increases 
in proportion with them. 

Persons who thus prove the form of a 
foal, seem, in my opinion, most likely to ob- 
tain a good-footed, strong, well-fleshed, grace- 
ful, and large-sized horse. Though some, 
when growing, change much, still, in our choice 
of them, we may confidently follow the above 
rule; for there are far more deformed foals 
which turn out beautiful horses, than beautiful 
foals which prove deformed horses. 

II. It seems now necessary to explain how 
young horses should be trained. Those men 
in cities are enjoined to ride, who are best 
enabled from their wealth, and who partake in 
the honours of the state. It is. much better 
that a young man should be studious of firm 
habits of body than of horsemanship ; or if al- 
ready skilled in riding, of exercising himself, 
than be a breaker of horses ; and that an old 
man should be engaged with his family, his 
friends, political and military affairs, than be 
engaged in training horses. 

Whoever is acquainted with the method of 
rearing horses, as I am, will give them out to 
be trained. It is necessary, however, before 
giving them out, to have a written agreement 
regarding the manner in which you wish them 
trained, as is done when a boy is engaged to 
learn any art ; for that will show the breaker 
what he ought to attend to, in order to receive 
his reward. 

Care must be taken, that when the breaker 
receives the foal, he be gentle, tractable, and 
fond of men. For he is generally rendered so 
at home ^by the groom, if the foal is made to 
understand that hunger, thirst, and irritation, 
are procured by solitude ; and that meat, drink, 
and freedom from irritation, are procured by 
men. When these things take place, foals not 
only love, but long for men. 

It is necessary also to touch those parts 
which, when touched, give greatest pleasure 
to the horse ; and these are the hairiest, and 
those parts in which, when he feels any pain 
he cannot relieve himself. 

The groom should be enjoined to lead him 
through a crowd, and cause him to approach 



HORSEMANSHIP. 



719 



all kinds of sights and sounds. Whichever of 
these the foal may dread, it id necessary to 
teach him not by harshness, but gentleness, 
that they are not dangerous. Regarding the 
training of horses, it seems to me sufficient, to 
tell the unskilled to follow the above instruc- 
tions. 

III. "We will now suggest" a few things 
which ought to be attended to, by the pur- 
chaser of a riding horse, if he wishes to avoid 
being cheated in the bargain. First, then, let it 
not escape his notice what his age is ; for if he 
has not the foal-teeth, he can neither give us 
pleasure with anticipated, exertion, nor can he 
be easily disposed of again. 

When his youth is manifest, it is necessary 
again to observe narrowly how he receives the 
bit in his mouth, and the bridle about his ears ; 
there is least chance of this escaping notice, if 
the bridle be put on and off before the pur- 
chaser. 

Then we must also observe, how he receives 
the rider on his back. For many horses are 
with difficulty approached, as they know, if 
they allow it, they will be obliged to la- 
bour. 

This must also be considered, if when 
mounted he desires to withdraw from other 
horses, or if when they chance to be near, he 
advances to them without the will of his rider. 
There are some, who on account of bad train- 
ing, fly homewards from the race ground. 1 

Fetlock riding, as it is called, shows the in- 
tractable horse, and much more the sudden 
change of the riding. For many do not attempt 
to run against the will of their rider, unless the 
hard jaw which does not feel the force of the bit, 
and the horse's speed directed homewards, 
coincide. It is necessary also to know, if 
when forced to full speed he is drawn up quick- 
ly, and if he wishes to be turned. 

It is good also not to be inexperienced, if 
the horse, when roused with blows, is equally 
willing to obey as formerly. For a disobe- 
dient servant and army, are equally useless : 
but a disobedient horse is not only useless, but 
frequently acts traitorously. 

When we wish to purchase a war-steed, we 
must try him in all those things of which ex- 
perience is required in war ; these are, to leap 
across ditches, scale walls, spring up ascents, 



» Riding in a circle when tied by a rope to the centre. 



and dash down descents, and to be experienced 
in charging on slopes, declivities, and transverse 
ways. For all these things prove the strength 
of his spirit, and health of his body. The 
horse, however, which does not excel in these 
things, is not to be rejected. For many fail, 
not for want of ability, but want of experience 
in these things : but if instructed, accustomed, 
and trained, they would excel in them, if other- 
wise healthy and not vicious. 

"We must also guard against naturally timid 
horses. For the excessively timorous, do not 
allow 'the enemy to be injured, and they fre- 
quently deceive their rider, and bring him into 
the greatest difficulties. 

It is necessary also to learn if tKe horse ie 
fierce, either towards other horses, or towards 
men, and if sullen and peevish ; for all these 
things become difficulties to the purchaser. 

The refusing to be reined and mounted, and 
other tricks, may be much more easily learned, 
if when the horse has already been toiled, he 
should attempt again to do the same things as 
before he began to ride. Such as have toiled, 
and are willing again to undergo labour, show 
sufficient proofs of a strong spirit. 

In short, that horse which has good feet, is 
gentle, fleet enough, is willing and able to en- 
dure labour, and is very obedient, is most likely 
to occasion least uneasiness, and be the author 
of most safety to his rider in warfare. But 
those which require much driving on account 
of laziness, or much coaxing and care, on ac- 
count of being high mettled, occasion much 
employment to the rider, and despondence in 
dangers. 

IV. When a man has purchased a horse which 
he admires, and brings him home, it is proper 
that the stall should be in a part of the house 
where the master could oftenest see the horse : 
and it is good, that the stable should be so situa- 
ted, that it would be as difficult to steal provis- 
ions out of the manger, as out of the master's 
cellar. He who is negligent of this, seems to 
me to be heedless of his own interest ; for it is 
evident, that in dangers the master entrusts his 
body to his horse. 

A secure stable is not only good for pre- 
venting the stealing of the horse's provender, 
but also, because it shows when he disdains 
his food, and throws it out of the stall. When 
this is perceived, it is known that the body 
through abundance of blood, requires curing, 
or having toiled hard needs repose, or broken 



HORSEMANSHIP. 



windedness, or some other malady is creeping 
upon him. It is with a horse as with a man, 
diseases are all much more easily cured at the be- 
ginning, than when they have become invete- 
rate, and errors have been committed in at- 
tempting their cure. 

And as attention must be paid to a horse's 
provisions and exercises, that the body may 
be strong, so also his feet must be exer- 
cised. Moist and smooth stalls injure hoofs 
which are naturally good. It is also necessary, 
that they be not moist, be sloping, and have 
sewers : and not to be smooth, to have large 
stones against each other, almost equal in size 
to their hoofs ; for such stalls at the same time 
consolidate^ the hoofs of those sending on 
them. 

After that, the horse must be led by the 
groom where he may be rubbed : he must be 
untied after breakfast from the manger, that he 
may go with greater pleasure to the evening 
meal. The outside of the stall should be as 
good as possible, and would strengthen the 
feet, if there were strewed here and there four 
or five cart loads of tapering stones, measuring 
a hand breadth, and about a mina in weight, 
encompassed with iron braces, that they may 
not be scattered. When he stands on these, 
he always goes some part of the day, as if on a 
stony road. 

It is necessary also, when taken out to be 
rubbed or driven by the spur, that he should 
use his hoofs as when he walks. Stones thus 
strewn, strengthen the hollow of the horse's 
hoof. It is necessary to be careful about the 
strength of their hoofs, and the softness of their 
mouths. For the same things soften a man's 
flesh and a horse's mouth. 

V. It seems to me to be the duty of a horse- 
man, to have his groom instructed in what 
is necessary to be done about a hprse. And 
first, he ought to know never to make the knot 
of the manger headstall where the reins round 
the head are put : for the horse frequently 
moves his head in the manger, and if the head- 
stall hurts his ears, it frequently occasions ul- 
cers ; and when these are ulcered, it is a neces- 
sary consequence, that the horse is more difficult 
to rein and to rub. 

It is good also to enjoin the groom to carry 
out to one place, every day, the dung and straw 
from under the horse. When he does this, he 
will remove it with greatest ease, and at the 
same time do a benefit to the horse. 



The groom should also be accustomed to 
put the breaking bridle upon the horse, when 
he leads him out for rubbing or for weltering. 
It is necessary that he should be always caves- 
soned when led out unbridled. For the caves- 
son does not prevent his breathing, and does 
not allow him to bite ; and when thrown around 
the horse, prevents him from laying snares for 
other horses. 

The horse should be bound by suspending 
the reins from the upper part of the head. For 
whatever troublesome object affects his face, he 
instinctively attempts to remove it by throwing 
up his head. When thus bound, it rather 
loosens the halter than draws it tight. \ 

He who uses the currycomb should com- 
mence with the head and mane ; for it would 
be vain to clean the lower parts, when the upper 
are not yet cleaned. And then the hair of the 
rest of the body should be raised with all the 
instruments of cleaning, to brush off the dust, 
not according to the grain of the hair. The 
hairs on the spine of the back should not be 
touched by any instrument, but be merely rub- 
bed by the hands, and softly touched in the 
manner in which they lie naturally, and the seat 
on the horse's back would thus be least injured. 

The head ought to be washed by water, for 
being bony, if it were cleaned with iron or 
wood, it would pain the horse. The forelock 
also should be moistened ; for when these 
hairs are long, they do not hinder the horse 
from seeing, and they dash away from his eyes 
whatever gives pain. It is natural enough to 
suppose that the gods gave these locks to the 
horse instead of large ears, which they have 
given to asses and mules to protect their eyes 
from injury. 

It is proper also to wash the tail and mane, 
as the hair should be caused to grow, that on 
the tail, that the horse extending it at its full 
length, may switch off whatever pains him, 
and that on the mane, that the mounter may 
have the most abundant quantity to take in his 
grasp. The mane, forelock, and tail, are given 
by the gods as an ornament. In proof of this, 
those horses kept for breeding, do not allow 
asses to mount them as long as they have long 
hair: wherefore, all those who take the charge 
of connecting mares with asses, cut off their 
hair that they may copulate. 

Moreover, we exempt the legs from wash- 
ing; for it is of no advantage, and a daily 
washing injures the hoofs. It is necessary 



HORSEMANSHIP. 



721 



also to be moderate in washing the parts under 
the belly ; for it pains the horse excessively, 
and the cleaner these parts are, they are the 
more apt to collect what occasions pain under 
the belly. 

And even though great pains be spent upon 
them, the horse is no sooner led out, than he is 
immediately as dirty as ever. These parts must 
therefore be let alone, as rubbing the legs with 
the hands is sufficient. 

VI. We will show also this, how a person 
with least injury to himself, and most advantage 
to the horse, can rub him down : for if he cleans 
him looking the same way as the horse, there 
is danger that he should be struck in the face 
with the knee or hoof. But if he looks the 
contrary way to the horse, and to the outer part 
of the leg when he cleans, and comes gradually 
down from the shoulder blade to the hoots, thus 
he can suffer no injury, and will be enabled to 
cure the hollow of the horse's hoof, by opening 
up the hoof. The hind legs must be cleaned in 
a similar manner. • 

The person engaged about the horse should 
know, that these and all other things which 
must be done, ought to be done by approaching 
the horse neither in front nor rear ; for if the 
horse attempts to injure by either of these 
ways, he is superior to the man. But who- 
ever approaches laterally, does so with least in- 
jury to himself, and he can injure the horse 
materially. 

When it is necessary to lead a horse, I do 
not commend, that the leader should go before 
the horse ; because the leader cannot be upon 
his guard, and the horse has thus the power of 
doing what he pleases. 

We reprehend also the allowing the horse to 
precede the groom with a long halter, because 
the horse can work mischief on whichever side 
he chooses ; he may also turn back and rush 
against his leader. 

How could horses when in crowds be kept 
separate when thus led ? But the horse accus- 
tomed to be led by the side, can do least injury 
either to horses or men, and would be most ex- 
cellently prepared for his rider, if it should at 
any time be necessary to mount with speed. 

And that the groom should put on the reins 
correctly, he should approach the horse on the 
left side, and then throwing the reins upon his 
head, let him place them upon the point of the 
ahoulder, seize the headstall irt his right hand, 
and bring forward the bit in his left. 
61 



And if he does not receive it, then the throat 
band of the bridle must be put on ; and if he 
does not open his mouth, the bridle must be 
held near the teeth, and the middle finger of 
the left hand inserted within the horse's jaw. 
Many horses when this is done open their 
mouth. And if he does not receive it then, let 
the lip be pressed to the eye-tooth : there are 
very few which do not receive it when they 
suffer this. 

The groom must also be instructed in the 
following points. First, never to lead the 
horse by the reins, for this renders one side of 
the mouth harder than the other. He must 
also keep the reins as much as possible apart 
from the jaws. For when it is brought too 
close, it renders the mouth callous and conse- 
quently insensible ; when, however, the bit 
hangs too far out of the mouth, it enables the 
horse to hold the bit in his teeth and refuse 
obedience to his rider. 

The groom must also pay the closest atten- 
tion to this, if his exertions are anywhere ne- 
cessary ; for it is a matter of so much conse- 
quence that the horse should be willing to take 
the bridle, that the one which does not receive 
it is altogether useless. 

But if the horse is bridled not only when 
about to labour, but also when led to be fed, 
and when led from riding into the house, it 
would not be wonderful if he should seize the 
bridle of his own accord when stretched out to 
him. 

It is proper also that the groom should un- 
derstand the Persian mode of assisting in 
mounting, 1 that the master himself, if he should 
be at any time sick, or become advanced in 
years, should have at hand a person who can 
so assist him, and enable him to gratify another 
who wishes that assistance. 

This precept and practice is best on treating 
a horse, never to ill use him through anger. 
For anger frequently excites to such rash and 
inconsiderate deeds, that they must be followed 
by repentance. 

When a horse sees any thing suspicious, 
and does not wish to approach it, he should be 
made to see that there is nothing fearful in it, 
more especially a high mettled horse : but if 
that cannot be done, the horseman himself must 
touch the object exciting terror, and lead the 
horse gently to it. 



» See rote, p. 243. 
4Q 



722 



HORSEMANSHIP. 



Those who drive horses forward with 
blows, inspire them with greater terror. For 
they suppose that, when they suffer any injury 
in such a situation, the suspected object is the 
cause of it. 

When the groom presents the horse to the 
rider, we would recommend that he should be 
acquainted with the manner of causing the 
horse to bend down, to enable the rider to 
mount easily. We are of opinion, however, 
that the rider should exercise himself in mount- 
ing, even when the horse does not assist him. 
For sometimes a different horse falls in our 
way, and sometimes the same horse acts in a 
manner different from that to which he is ac- 
customed. 

VII. When a horse has been received for 
the purpose of being mounted, we will explain 
what the horseman should do, to be most ad- 
vantageous to himself and the horse in riding. 
He Ihould first hold the reins easily turning 
in his left hand, and fitted to the under part 
of the bridle or the curb, and so loose as not 
to draw back the horse, whether he mounts by 
seizing hold of the mane near the ears, or 
jumps on horseback with the assistance of his 
spear. And with his right hand let him seize 
the reins near the point of the shoulder along 
with the mane, so that he may not in any man- 
ner, when mounting, draw the horse's mouth 
with the bridle. 

When he has prepared himself for the as- 
cent, let him support his body with his left 
hand, and stretching forth his right hand, let 
him leap on horseback, and when he mounts 
thus, he will not present an uncomely spectacle 
from behind. This should be done with the leg 
bent, and without touching the horse's back- 
bone with the knee, but by throwing the leg 
over to the horse's right side. And when he 
has thrown his leg across, he should then take 
his seat on the horse's back. 

But if the horseman should happen to lead 
the horse with his left hand, and have his spear 
in the right, it seems to us proper, that he 
should exercise himself in mounting on the 
right side. This can be learned in no other 
manner, than merely doing with the left side 
what he otherwise did with the right, and with 
the right what he did with the left. 

For this reason we commend the latter mode 
of mounting, because as soon as the rider is on 
horseback, he is prepared for every event, if it 



should be necessary suddenly to encounter the 
enemy. 

As soon as he is mounted, whether on the 
horse's bare back or on a saddle, we do not 
approve of the same bearing a man has in a 
carriage, but that an upright posture be ob- 
served with the legs apart. His thighs will 
thus have a firmer hold of the horse, and being 
erect, he will be enabled, when necessary, to 
hurl the javelin or strike a blow from horseback 
much more vigorously. 

The shank bone and foot should be pliant 
and loose at the joint under the knee ; for when 
the leg is rigid, it is apt to be broken when 
struck against any thing. When the leg is 
moist at the joint, if any thing should befall it, 
it would yield, and not dislocate the thigh. 

The horseman should by exercise accustom 
himself to keep the parts of his body above the 
thigh bone as agile as possible. He will thus 
be better fitted for labour, and if any person 
should drag or push him, he would be less like- 
ly to tumble. • 

When he has mounted, he should first train 
the horse to stand still till he has put his 
mantle in order, when necessary, and adjusted 
the reins, and taken the most convenient grasp 
of his spear. Let him then hold his left arm 
by his side, which attitude is most graceful 
in the rider, and gives greatest power to the 
hand. 

We commend those reins which are equal 
in length, not weak, nor slippery, nor thick, 
that the spear may be held in the same hand 
when necessary. 

When the horse receives the signal to ad- 
vance, he should be made to commence slowly, 
as this causes least alarm. If the horse 
stoops somewhat, let the reins be managed 
higher up in the hands, but if he walk with 
his head erect, they must be held lower down. 
The carriage of the horse will be thus more 
graceful. 

Besides, when he drives in his natural course 
and pace, he relaxes the body with greatest 
ease, and advances with greatest pleasure when 
the rod is held over the head to point out the 
way. As it is the most approved practice to 
begin with the left feet, this would be best done, 
if, when the horse is running on the right after 
being mounted, a signal should be given with 
the rod. 

For when he is about to lift the left side, he 



HORSEMANSHIP. 



723 



will commence the gallop with it ; and when 
he turns to the left, he could then commence 
the inclination. For a horse is accustomed 
when turned to the right, to commence with 
the right, and when turned to the left, with the 
left. 

We commend that riding which is directed 
straight forwards, for it accustoms the horse 
to be turned by both jaws. It is good also to 
change the course of the horse, that both jaws 
may be made equal by both modes of riding. 

We commend the oblong riding in prefer- 
ence to the circular : as the horse will thus 
turn with greater ease, being satisfied with the 
straight line, and he will thus be exercised both 
in running in a straight line, and in turning 
suddenly. 

In these turns, the reins must be held in. 
For it is not easy or safe for the horse to turn 
speedily in a small compass, more especially if 
the ground be rugged or slippery. 

When the reins are held in, the horse must 
not by any means be turned sideways by the 
reins, and the rider himself must not sit oblique- 
ly ; for he ought to be well aware, that the slight- 
est impulse in that situation, will be sufficient 
to overthrow both himself and the horse. 

When the horse after having turned, has a 
straight forward course, then he must be spur- 
red to full speed ; for it is plain, that in 
warfare there must be sudden turns either for 
pursuit or retreat : it is proper, therefore, to 
train the horse to exert his utmost speed after 
having turned. 

When the horse seems to have been suffi- 
ciently exercised, it will be proper to spur him 
suddenly after he has rested, to full gallop, both 
away from other horses, and directly against 
them ; and after full speed to halt as near them 
as possible, and after having stood, he should 
be turned, and driven forward again. For it is 
evident that occasions will occur in which both 
these modes will be necessary. 

When it is time to dismount, this ought not 
te be done among other horses, nor near an as- 
sembly of men, nor beyond the race ground, but 
in whatever place the horse is obliged to labour, 
there he ought to enjoy ease. 

VIII. As occasions will occur in which it 
will be necessary for the horse to run over de- 
clivous, mountainous, and transverse roads, and 
also to leap across, jump out, and rush down ; 
he ought to instruct and train both himself and 
his horse completely in these matters, and they 



will thus prove most salutary and advantageous 
to each other. 

It may be supposed that we are now repeat- 
ing what we have already explained — this is 
not the case. — When a man purchased a horse, 
we exhorted him to prove if the horse could do 
these things ; but now we insist upon the ne- 
cessity of instructing the horse in these matters, 
and explain how it may be done. 

He who has got a horse completely unac- 
quainted with leaping ditches, should slacken 
the halter, and leap over first, and then draw 
the reins tight to urge him to leap. 

And if he is unwilling, let some person take 
a whip or rod and apply it lustily ; he will then 
not only leap over the proper space, but much 
more than necessary. There will be no occa- 
sion afterwards to strike him ; for if he only ob- 
serves any one approaching behind him, he will 
take the leap. 

When he has been thus accustomed to leap, 
let him be gradually induced to leap when 
mounted, first over small ditches, and then 
gradually over broader. When he is about to 
leap, let him be urged forward with the spur. 
He should be treated in the same manner 
when to leap up and down ; for when the 
horse's whole body assists in the leap, both 
horse and rider are much safer than when the 
hinder parts fag, either in leaping across a 
ditch, springing up, or dashing down a de- 
clivity. 

In training a horse to mount declivities, he 
must first be tried on soft ground : and finally, 
when accustomed to this, he will run with 
greater pleasure on acclivities, than declivities. 
Those who are afraid lest the horse's shoulder 
should be dislocated by driving up steep places, 
should take courage when they consider, that 
the Persians and Odrysians, who are accustom- 
ed to fight on declivities, have their horses as 
sound as the Greeks. 

We will not omit to explain how the rider 
ought to accommodate himself to all these situ- 
ations. When the horse commences a gallop 
suddenly, he should stoop forward, for the 
horse will thus be less depressed with his 
weight, and less able to throw back the rider 
by rearing, and immediately when he pulls in 
the reins, let him bend back and he will be thus 
less jolted. 

In crossing a ditch and ascending an acclivi- 
ty, it is proper to seize the mane, lest the horse 
should be oppressed both by the difficulty of the 



7-24 



HORSEMANSHIP. 



ground and the bridle. In descending a de- 
clivity, the rider's head must be kept up, and 
the horse checked by the bridle, lest horse and 
rider be borne precipitately down the declivity. 

It is proper frequently to change the place 
and extent of the race ground : for this is more 
agreeable to the horse, than being always 
trained in the same places and in the same 
manner. 

Since it is necessary, that he who drives his 
horse rapidly through all sorts of places, should 
be able to sit firmly on his back, and use his 
arms dexterously ; we much commend the ex- 
ercise of horsemanship in hunting, where the 
situation is convenient, and wild beasts to be 
found. When that is not the case, it is a 
useful exercise for two horsemen to agree be- 
tween themselves, that the one shall retire 
on horseback through all sorts of places, and 
retreat, often turning about with his spear pre- 
sented : and the other shall pursue, having 
javelins blunted with balls, and a spear of the 
same description, and whenever he comes with- 
in a javelin throw, that he hurl the blunted 
weapons at the person retreating, and when- 
ever he comes within the stroke of a spear, that 
he strike him with it. 

It is good also when they encounter, that he 
drag his enemy to himself, and suddenly repel 
him : for this is apt to unhorse him. It is 
also advisable that the person dragged should 
spur on his steed ; for when he does this, he is 
more likely to overthrow his antagonist than be 
overthrown. 

And if at any time, when one camp is pitch- 
ed opposite another, a charge should take 
place, and they should pursue the enemy to 
the hostile ranks, and then retreat to their own 
lines, it is good even here to know, that as long 
as he is near his friends, he will act bravely 
and safely, by advancing among the first, and 
pressing closely and vigorously on the enemy. 
When he comes near the enemy, he should 
tighten the reins and check the horse, that he 
may be able to retreat suddenly : when he acts 
thus, it is natural to suppose that he will in- 
jure the enemy, and receive no injury in re- 
turn. 

The gods have granted the ability to men, to 
inform others by speech what they wish done. 
A horse, however, cannot be instructed by 
«peech : but if when he does what you wish, 
yon grant a favour in return, and when he is 



disobedient, punish him, he will be thus trained 
to obey when necessary. 

This rule has been given in few words, but 
it is advantageous in every branch of horse- 
manship. For he will endure the bridle more 
willingly, if when he does so, something good 
happens to him, and he will leap across ditches, 
spring forward, and obey in all other occasions, 
if he expects some indulgence after having per- 
formed what he is ordered. 

IX. We have now explained how a person 
may be least deceived in purchasing a foal or 
horse, and how he may be least injured in 
using them, more especially if it be necessary 
to exhibit a horse, as possessed of all the quali- 
ties a horseman requires in war. It is per- 
haps time to explain how we should use cor- 
rectly a horse, which is either too spirited or 
too lazy. 

First, then, he ought to know that spirit is 
to a horse, what anger is to a man. And as 
there is little likelihood of a man being put in 
a passion, who has nothing unpleasant either 
said or done to him, so also a high-mettled 
steed cannot be exasperated, when he suffers 
nothing disagreeable. 

In mounting a horse we must be careful not 
to occasion any pain. When we have mount- 
ed, we ought to remain quiet a longer time 
than usual, and then move him forward by the 
gentlest signs ; we should commence very 
slowly, and gradually induce him to quicken 
his step, that even he may not observe when he 
is forced .to full speed. 

A spirited horse, like a man, when he 
sees, or hears, or feels any thing suddenly, is 
thrown into confusion : this circumstance 
ought always to be kept in view when manag- 
ing him. 

If we require to rein in a spirited horse 
when running quicker than required, we should 
not draw in the reins suddenly, but pull back 
the bridle gently, and thus coax not force him 
to stand still. 

Long continued rides are more apt to tame 
horses than frequent short turns ; and long 
gentle rides soften, and tame, and do not exas- 
perate the high-mettled horse. 

If any person imagines, that by fatiguing the 
horse with a swift and long race he will tame 
him, he is greatly deceived. For in such cir- 
cumstances, the spirited horse attempts to use 
violence, and when enraged, like a passionate 



HORSEMANSHIP. 



725 



man, frequently does irreparable injury both to 
himself and rider. 

It is proper also to check the high-mettled 
horses from galloping at full speed, and restrain 
them altogether from contending with other 
horses ; for if permitted, they generally become 
most fond of contention and refractory. 

A smooth bridle is much more suitable than 
a rough one. But, if a rough one be put on, 
it must be rendered similar to a smooth one by 
being held slackly. It is good also to accustom 
one's self to sit quiet, especially on a spirited 
horse, and to touch no other part than what is 
necessary to preserve a firm seat. 

A horseman should also know, that it is a 
received precept to soothe him by whistling, 
and rouse him by a sharp sound made between 
the tongue and the palate. But, if the rider 
commence by accustoming the horse to the lat- 
ter sound when receiving soothing treatment, 
arid to whistling when roughly used, he will 
soon learn to be roused by whistling, and paci- 
fied by the sharp sound made between the 
tongue and the palate. 

So also when a shout is raised, or at the 
sound of a trumpet, the rider should not ap- 
proach the horse as if he were dismayed, nor 
exhibit any thing to the horse exciting conster- 
nation, but in such circumstances soothe him 
as much as possible, and present to him his 
dinner or supper, if it can be conveniently 
done. 

Never to procure a very high-spirited horse 
for war, is a most excellent advice. I consider 
it sufficient to recommend, that the lazy horse 
should be treated in a manner directly contrary 
to that in which we advised the high-mettled to 
be used. 

X. If a horseman desires to possess a horse 
useful for war, and very magnificent and con- 
spicuous to ride upon, he ought to refrain from 
drawing his mouth with the bridle, and from 
spurring and flogging him, which whjjm the ma- 
jority of people do, they suppose that they cause 
him to act splendidly. Such persons produce 
an effect contrary to what they intend. 

For when they draw up the horse's head, 
instead of allowing him to look forward, they 
blind him, and when they spur and strike him, 
they agitate him so much as to terrify him, 
and cause him to expose himself to dangers. 
Horses which act thus, are those which have 
taken a dislike to riding, and conduct them- 
selves shamefully. 

61* 



But, if the horse should be trained to ride 
with a slack rein, and to rear his head, and arch 
his neck, he will thus be impelled to do what 
he rejoices and exults in. 

As a proof that they delight in such gestures, 
when they come among other horses, but more 
especially mares, spirited fiery horses rear their 
heads, arch their necks, elevate their limbs pli- 
antly, and erect their tails. 

When the horse is excited to assume that 
artificial air which he adopts when he is proud, 
he then delights in riding, becomes magnifi- 
cent, terrific, and attracts attention. How that 
gait can be obtained, we shall now attempt to 
explain. 

First, then, it is necessary to have no fewer 
than two reins. Let one of these be smooth, 
having large olive bits, and the other have 
heavy and small olive bits, with sharp small 
globes : that, as soon as they seize it and feel 
its roughness intolerable, they may let it go : 
and when they have exchanged it for the 
smooth one with which they are pleased, they 
will perform the same actions when urged by 
the smooth, which they Were trained to do with 
the rough. 

But, if again they despise its smoothness, 
and frequently press against it, we must then 
add a few larger rollers to the smooth rein, 
that being obliged to open his mouth by them, 
they may admit the bit. It is possible also, to 
diversify the rough bridle by coiling it up and 
extending it. 

Whatever number of bridles there be, they 
should all be flexible and soft. When they are 
not pliant, the horse wherever he seizes it, 
holds it all close to the jaws. He raises the 
whole like a spit whenever he seizes it. 

The other description of bridle is like a chain ; 
for wherever it is held, that alone remains un- 
moved, the rest hangs loose : as he is always 
catching at it while it is escaping out of his 
mouth, he drops the bit out of his jaws. For 
this reason little rings are suspended at the 
middle from the axles called pJayers, that while 
he aims at these with his tongue and his teeth, 
he may neglect to seize the bridle at the jaws. 

If it should not be known what we mean by 
a flexible and soft bridle, and what by a hard 
one, we will explain it. It is called flexible 
when the axles have broad and smooth junc- 
tures, so as to be easily bent : and every thing 
which encircles the axles, if it be large and not 
compact is flexible. 



726 



HORSEMANSHIP. 



But, if each of those parts of the bridle run 
with difficulty on their axles, then we call it a 
hard bridle. Whatever kind of bridle it be, all 
the following directions must be attended to, by 
him who wishes to render the horse's form such 
ta we have explained above. 

The horse's mouth must not be too severely 
drawn back, lest he should refuse obedience by 
declining his head ; nor too gently, lest he 
should not feel it. When he raises his neck 
by throwing his head upwards, the rein must 
be immediately given him, and even in other 
respects, as we are always recommending, when 
he has performed his duty properly, we must 
humour him. 

When the rider perceives that the horse is 
well pleased by holding his neck high, and by 
the laxity of his reins, then nothing disagree- 
able must be offered, as forcing him to labour, 
but he must be coaxed, as if it were desired 
that he should cease from toil. By these 
means he will advance more cheerfully to his 
quickest speed. 

It is a sufficient proof, that horses delight in 
running, that when set free, none of them pro- 
ceeds slowly, but at a gallop. Of this they are 
naturally fond, unless they are forced to run to 
an immoderate distance. Nothing immoderate 
is agreeable either to horse or man. 

When we wish our horses trained to ride 
with pomp and magnificence, they must pre- 
viously have been accustomed in riding, to pro- 
ceed at full speed after being turned. And 
should the rider, having previously trained his 
horse to this, at the same time rein him in, and 
give him the signal to advance rapidly, the 
horse is stimulated by being checked with the 
bridle, and incited to proceed rapidly, and he 
throws forward his chest, and raises his legs 
furiously though not pliantly : for when horses 
are hurt or offended, their legs are no longer 
pliant. 

If the reins be given to a horse thus rendered 
fiery by being checked, then for joy that he sup- 
poses himself set free, on account of the slack- 
ness of the bit, he is borne along prancingly, 
with a triumphant gait and pliant limbs, and in 
every respect imitating the graceful motion as- 
sumed by horses approaching each other. 

Persons beholding such a horse pronounce 
him generous, free in his motions, fit for mili- 
tary exercise, high-mettled, haughty, and both 
pleasant and terrible to look on. To those 
who desire a horse trained to the above atti- 



tudes, we consider the precepts now given to 
be satisfactory. 

XI. If any one should desire to be possess- 
ed of a horse fit for show, erectly walking, and 
splendid, he cannot indeed expect these quali- 
ties in every horse, but only in those which 
nature has endowed with a high spirit and a 
robust body. 

It is generally supposed that those horses 
which have soft pliant legs, have the greatest 
facility in lifting them : this is not the case ; 
this quality is to be found in those which have 
soft, short, and robust loins. We do not at 
present allude to the loins near the tail, but at 
the belly between the sides and the hips. 
Horses thus shaped will be able to throw their 
hinder legs considerably in advance of their 
fore legs when running. 

When the horse is in this position, if the 
rider should pull back the reins, he falls back 
on the pasterns of his hind legs, raises the fore 
part of his body, and exhibits to those in 
front his belly and privy parts. When in this 
position, therefore, the reins should be given 
to him, that he may of his own accord assume 
the most graceful attitude, and seem to the 
spectators td do so. 

Some train their horses to these things, one 
party by striking them under the pasterns with 
a rod, and another by causing a man to run by 
their side and strike them on the thigh. 

But we consider it the best method of train- 
ing, as we have always said, if upon every 
occasion that he performs readily and grace- 
fully what his rider requires, he should enjoy 
ease. 

For whatever a horse does when forced to 
it, as Simon also remarks, he does not under- 
stand, nor is it more comely, than if we were 
to flog and spur on a dancer to his duty. For 
either a horse or man when thus treated would 
act much more ungracefully than otherwise. A 
horse should be excited by signs, of his own 
accord to assume ' all the most graceful and 
splendid attitudes. 

But if after riding and a copious sweat, and 
when he has reared gracefully, he should be im- 
mediately relieved of his rider and reins, there 
is little doubt but that he will of his own accord 
advance to rear when necessary. 

In this attitude gods and heroes are painted 
as seated on horseback ; and men who manage 
their horses gracefully appear magnificent. 

A steed which rears gracefully is an object 



HORSEMANSHIP. 



727 



of so much comeliness, wonder, and astonish• 
ment, that he attracts the attention of all spec- 
tators whether young or old. No person 
leaves him or grows tired of seeing him, until 
he has exhibited all his splendour. 

If a person possessed of such a steed 
should happen to lead and command a troop of 
cavalry, it is not proper that he should indi- 
vidually be ostentatiously splendid, but ra- 
ther that the whole of the line which fol- 
lows him should bo gratifying to the sight. 

And if one of these horses, so much com- 
mended, should take the lead, which rears very 
high and frequently, and advances with quick 
short steps, it is evident that the other horses 
must follow him with a slow and gentle pace. 
In what consists the splendour of such a spec- 
tacle 1 

But if he excites his steed and leads the van 
neither with too great speed, nor too great slow- 
ness, he will cause the horses which follow 
to exhibit themselves as very high-spirited, 
fiery, and graceful : there will then be an unin- 
terrupted noise, and a universal snorting and 
panting throughout the troop, so that not only 
the leader but the whole line will exhibit a gra- 
tifying spectacle. 

If a person be .fortunate in the purchase of a 
horse, and feed him so as to enable him to en- 
dure labour, and train him properly for martial 
exercises, and ostentatious exhibitions of horse- 
manship, and contests in the field of battle, 
what can be an obstacle to his rendering horses 
more valuable than when he received them, 
and to his possessing approved horses, and ob- 
taining renown as a horseman, unless some 
heavenly power prevent it 1 

XII. We will also explain how he should 
be armed who intends to encounter danger on 
horseback. First, then, we assert that the 
breastplate should be made to fit the body : 
when it fits well, the body supports it ; when it 
is too loose, the shoulders alone sustain the 
weight ; when it is too strait, it becomes a pri- 
son, not armour. 

And as the neck is one of the vital parts, we 
recommend that a covering be made similar 
to the neck out of the breastplate ; for this is at 
the same time ornamental, and if properly 
made, will receive within it, when necessary, the 
rider's face as high as his nose. 

Moreover, we consider the helmet of Breo- 
tian manufacture as by far the best : because it 
completely protects all above the breastplate, 



and does not prevent our seeing. Let the 
breastplate be so made that it may not hinder 
either our sitting down or stooping. 

About the lower extremity of the belly, the 
genitals, and the parts around, let extremi- 
ties of the mail of such a description and size 
be so placed as to defend the limbs. 

When the left hand suffers any injury it 
proves destructive to the rider, we therefore 
recommend the defensive armour invented for 
it, called gauntlets. For it both protects the 
shoulder, and the arm above and below the 
elbow, and the contiguous parts of the reins, 
and may be extended and contracted at plea- 
sure ; and, besides, it covers up the vacant space 
of the breastplate under the armpit. 

The right hand must also be raised, whether 
the rider wishes to hurl the javelin or strike a 
blow. Whatever part of the breastplate hin- 
ders this must be removed, and instead of it, 
let there be artificial extremities on the joints, 
that when the hand is raised, they may be 
unfolded, and when it is drawn back, they 
may be closed. 

It seems to us much preferable to have a 
covering of the arms similar to greaves for the 
legs, than to have it connected with the rest of 
the armour. That part which is bared by 
raising the right hand, must be protected near 
the breastplate by a piece of leather or brass, 
otherwise a most vital part is left unguarded. 

And since, when an accident befals a horse, 
the rider is also brought into the greatest dan- 
ger, the horse must be armed with a plate 
of brass on the forehead, another on the breast, 
and another on the side : for these also prove 
coverings for the rider's thighs. Above every 
thing, the horse's belly must be protected ; foi 
it is the most fatal and infirm part of his body, 
and it may be defended by the saddle. 

The saddle should be formed of such mate- 
rials as to enable the rider to sit with great- 
est safety, and not injure the seat on the horse's 
back. On the other parts of the body let 
horse and horseman be thus armed. 

The rider's legs and feet will naturally hang 
down below the covering of the horse's thighs ; 
these would be armed, if covered with boots 
made of the same leather as the military shoes ; 
and they would thus serve as defensive armour 
to the legs, and shoes to the feet. 

The above is the equestrian armour, by 
which, with the assistance of the gods, injury 
may be warded off. But in injuring the enemy, 



728 



HORSEMANSHIP. 



we give a decided preference to the poniard 
over the sword : for as the horseman is elevat- 
ed, the stroke of a falchion is more effectual 
than that of a sword. > 

Instead of a spear made of a pole, as it is 
fragile and incommodious to carry, we give a 
preference to two spears made of the cornel 
tree. For the one can be hurled by the person 
skilled in thowing it, and the remaining one 
can be used in front, laterally, and in rear : 
they are besides stronger and lighter than a 
epear. 

We commend that hurling of javelins which 
takes place at the greatest distance ; for by 
this means more time is granted to turn aside 



and to change the missile weapon. We will now 
briefly explain the best mode of hurling the 
javelin. If we throw forward the left hand, 
draw back the right, rise from our thighs, 
and hurl the javelin slightly pointed upwards, 
it will be thus carried most impetuously to 
the greatest distance, and with unerring aim, 
provided the point of the lance when thrown 
is directed towards the mark. 

The above are our admonitions, instructions 
and exercises, which we recommend to the un- 
skilled rider ; what the general of the horse 
should understand and practise is explained irj 
another treatise. 



THE 



EPISTLES OF XENOPHON 



TRANSLATED BY 



THOMAS STANLEY, Esq. 

[729] 



4R 



EPISTLES OF XENOPHON. 



EPISTLE I. 



TO JESCHINES. 



Meetik-o with Hermogenes, amongst other 
things I asked him what philosophy you fol- 
lowed, he answered, the same as Socrates. 
For this inclination I admired you, when you 
lived at Athens, and now continue the same 
admiration for your constancy above other 
students of wisdom ; the greatest argument to 
me of your virtue, is your being taken with 
that man, if we may call the life of Socrates 
mortal. That there are divine beings over us, 
all know : we worship them as exceeding us in 
power ; what they are is neither easy to find, 
nor lawful to inquire. It concerns not ser- 
vants to examine the nature and actions of 
their masters, their duty is only to obey them, 
and which is most considerable, the more 
admiration they deserve who busy themselves 
in those things which belong to man ; the more 
trouble this brings them, who affect glory in 
vain unseasonable objects. For when, iEschi- 
nes, did any man hear Socrates discourse of 
the heavens, or advise his scholars to mathe- 
matical demonstrations'? we know he under- 
stood music no farther than the ear ; but was 
always discoursing to his friends of something 
excellent ; what is fortitude and justice and 
other virtues. These he called the proper 
good of mankind ; other things he said men 
could not arrive at ; or they were of kin to 
fables, such ridiculous things as are taught by 
the supercilious professors of wisdom. Nor 
did he only teach this, his practice was answer- 
able ; of which I have written at large else- 
where, what I hope will not be unpleasing to 
you, though you know it already, to peruse. 



Let those who are not satisfied with what So- 
crates delivered, give over upon this conviction, 
or confine themselves to what is probable. 
Living, he was attested wise by the deity ; 
dead, his murderers could find no expiation by 
repentance. But these extraordinary persons 
affect Egypt, and the prodigious learning of 
Pythagoras, which unnecessary study argueth 
them of inconstancy towards Socrates, as doth 
also their love of tyrants, and preferring the 
luxury of a Sicilian table before a frugal life. 



EPISTLE II. 

TO CRITO. 

Socrates often told us, that they who pro- 
vide much wealth for their children, but ne- 
glected to improve them by virtue, do like those 
that feed their horses high, and never train 
them to the manage ; by this means their horses 
are the better in case, but the worse for ser- 
vice, whereas the commendations of a horse 
consists not in his being fat, but serviceable in 
war. In the same kind err they who purchase 
lands for their children, but neglect their per- 
sons ; their possessions will be of great value, 
themselves of none, whereas the owner ought 
to be more honourable than his estate. Who- 
soever therefore breeds his son well, though he 
leave him little, gives him much : it is the mind 
which makes him great or small : whatsoever 
they have, to the good seems sufficient, to the 
rude too little. You leave your children no 
more than necessity requires, which they, being 
well educated, will esteem plentiful. The ig- 
norant, though free from present trouble, have 
nothing the less fear for the future. 

731 



732 



XENOPHON'S EPISTLES. 



Epistle hi. 



TO SOTIKA. 



Death in my opinion is neither good nor ill, 
hut the end of the life, not alike to all, for as 
stronger or weaker from their birth, their years 
are unequal ; sometimes death is hastened by 
good or evil causes : and again, neither is it 
fitting to grieve so much for death, knowing 
that birth is the beginning of man's pilgrimage, 
death the end. He died as all men, though 
never so unwilling, must do : but to die well, 
is the part of a willing and well educated per- 
son. Happy was Gryllus, and whosoever else 
chooseth not the longest life, but the most 
virtuous : though his, it pleased God, was short. 



EPISTLE IV. 

TO LAMPKOC1ES. 

You must first approve the excellent asser- 
tion of Socrates, that riches are to be measured 
by their use. He called not large possessions 
riches, but so much only as is necessary, in the 
judgment whereof he advised us not to be de- 
ceived, these he called truly rich, the rest poor, 
labouring under an incurable poverty of mind, 
not estate. 

EPISTLE V. 

They who write in praise of my son Gryllus, 
did as they ought, and you likewise do well in 
writing to us the actions of Socrates ; we ought 
not only to endeavour to be good ourselves, 
but to praise him who lived chastely, piously, 
and justly, and to blame fortune, and those 
who plotted against him, who ere long will 
receive the punishment thereof. The Lace- 
daemonians are much incensed at it, for the ill 
news is come hither already, and reproach our 
people, sayieg, they are mad again, in thai they 
could be wrought upon to put him to death, 
whom Pythia declared the wisest of men. If 
any of Socrates's friends want those things 
which I sent, give me notice, and I will help 
them, for it is just and honest ; you do well in 
keeping ^Eschines with you, as you send me 
word. I have a design to collect the sayings 
and actions of Socrates, which will be his best 



apology, both now and for the future, not in 
the court where the Athenians are judges, but 
to all who consider the virtue of the man. If 
we should not write this freely, it were a sin 
against friendship, and the truth. Even now 
there fell into my hands a piece of Plato's to 
that effect, wherein is the name of Socrates, 
and some discourses of his not unpleasant. 
But we must profess that we heard not, nor 
can commit to writing any in that kind, for we 
are not poets as he is, though he renounce 
poetry ; for amidst his entertainments with 
beautiful persons, he affirmed that there was 
not any poem of his extant, but one of Socra- 
tes, young and handsome. Farewell, both, 
dearest to me. 

EPISTLE VI. 

Intending to celebrate the feast of Diana, 
to whom we have erected a temple, we sent to 
invite you hither ; if all of you would come, it 
were much the best, otherwise, if you send 
such as you can conveniently spare to assist at 
our sacrifice, you will do us a favour. Aris- 
tippus was here, and before him, Phaedo, who 
were much pleased with the situation and 
structure, but above all, with the plantation 
which I have made with my own hands. The 
place is stored with beasts convenient for hunt- 
ing, which the goddess affects ; let us rejoice 
and give thanks to her who preserved me from 
the king of the Barbarians, and afterwards in 
Pontus and Thrace from greater evils, even 
when we thought we were out of the enemies' 
reach. Though you come not, yet am I ob- 
liged to write to you. I have composed some 
memorials of Socrates, when they are perfect 
you shall have them. Aristippus and Phsedo 
did not disapprove of them ; salute in my name 
Simon the leather dresser, and commend him 
that he continueth Socratic discourses, not di- 
verted by want, or his trade, from philosophy, 
as some others who decline to know and 
admire such discourses and their effects. 



EPISTLE VII. 

Come to us, dear friend, for we have now 
finished the temple of Diana, a magnificent 
structure, the place set with trees, and conse- 
crated, what remains will be sufficient to main- 



XENOPHON'S EPISTLES. 



733 



tain us ; for, as Socrates said, if they are not 
fit for us, we will fit ourselves to them ; I write 
to Gryllus my son and your friend, to supply 
your occasions ; I write to Gryllus, because, of 
a little one you have professed a kindness for 
him. 



EPISTLE VIII. 

ΤΟ XANTIPPE. 

To Euphron of Megara, I delivered six 
measures of meal, eight drachms, and a new 
raiment for your use this winter ; accept them, 
and know, that Euclid and Terpsion are ex- 
ceeding good, honest persons, very affectionate 
to you and Socrates ; if your sons have a desire 
to come to me, hinder them not, for the journey 
to Megara is neither long nor incommodious ; 
pray forbear to weep any more, it may do hurt, 
but cannot help. Remember what Socrates 
said, follow his practice and precepts ; in griev- 
ing you will but wrong yourself and children ; 
they are the young ones of Socrates, whom we 
are obliged not only to maintain, but to pre- 
serve ourselves for their sakes ; lest, if you or 
I, or any other, who, after the death of So- 
crates, ought to look to his children, should 
fail, they might want a guardian to maintain 
and protect them. I study to live for them, 
which you will not do unless you cherish your- 
self. Grief is one of those things which are 
opposite to life, for by it the living are pre- 
judiced. Apollodorus surnamed the Soft, and 
Dion, praise you, that you will accept nothing 
62 



from any, professing you arc rich ; it is well 
flonc, for as long as I and other friends are able 
to maintain you, you shall need none else. 
Be of good courage, Xantippe, lose nothing of 
Socrates, knowing how great that man was, 
think upon his life, not upon his death ; yet, 
that to those who consider, it will appear noble 
and excellent. Farewell. 

EPISTLE IX. 

TO CEBES AND SIMMIAS. 

It is commonly said, nothing is richer than 
a poor man. This I find true in myself, who 
have not so much, but whilst you my friends 
take care of me, seem to possess much ; and it 
is well done of you to supply me as often as I 
write : as concerning my commentaries, there 
is none of them but I fear should be seen by 
any in my absence, as I professed in your hear- 
ing, at the house where Euclid lay. I know, 
dear friends, a writing once communicated to 
many is irrecoverable. Plato, though absent, 
is much admired throughout Italy and Sicily 
for his treatises; but we cannot be persuaded 
they deserve any study ; I am not only careful 
of losing the honour due to learning, but ten- 
der also of Socrates, lest his virtue should 
incur any prejudice by my ill relation of it. I 
conceive it the same thing to calumniate, or not 
praise to the full those of whom we write ; 
this is my fear, Cebes and Simmias, at present, 
until my judgment shall be otherwise'informed. 
Fare ye well. 



INDEX 



Abradatas, king of the Susians, and husband of Pan - 
thea, 73— ambassadors from the Assyrians to the 
Bactrians while Panthea was taken captive, ib. — his 
disposition to revolt from the Assyrian, 99— sent for 
by Panthea to become Cyrus's friend, ib.— his dis- 
course with his wife and Cyrus, ib. — offers himself 
to Cyrus as his friend and ally with 2000 horse, ib. 
--prepares 100 armed chariots for Cyrus, ib.— de- 
scription of his own chariot, ib.— takes the front 
station of Cyrus's army against the enemy, 106— 
Cyrus struck with admiration of him, ib.— the fine 
armour and habit presented to him by Panthea, ib.— 
the most beautiful and graceful person in the whole 
army, ib.— scene between him and his wife on taking 
leave, ib.— his admiration and fondness of her. and 
prayer, 107— bravery against the ^Egyptian phalanx, 
113— terrible slaughter made by his chariots, 114— 
killed by a fall from his chariot, ib.— bitter lamenta- 
tions of Panthea and Cyrus over his body, 118— 
praise, ornaments, sacrifices, stately monument, ib. 
— Panthea unable to survive him, ib. 

Abrocomas, enemy to Cyrus, 176 — 400 Greeks desert 
from him to Cyrus, ib.— goes to the king upon the 
approach of Cyrus, 177^burns all the boats on the 
Euphrates, 179— arrives not till the day aftef» the 
battle, 187. 

Abydos and Sestos persist in their allegiance to Lace- 
daemon, 431. 

Acanthus and Apollonia, ambassadors from, arrive at 
Lacedsemon, ib. 

Acamanians send ambassadors to Lacedsemon, 429 — 
make a peace with the Achseans, ib. — and an alli- 
ance with the Lacedaemonians, ib. 

Achmans betray the colony of Heraclea, 700 of whom 
are slain, 361 — blockaded in the possession of Caly- 
don by the Acamanians, 428— send an imperious 
message to Lacedeemon, ib.— procure aid thence, 
ib.— discontented with the proceedings of Agesilaus, 
429. 

Achaians, see Arcadians. 

Acheruseas, a peninsula, 310. 

Adeas appointed to command the mercenaries in Si- 
cyon, 491. 

Adimantus, an Athenian commander of land-forces, 
364. 

Adoration among the Persians, 184, n. 

Adusius, a Persian, his character, 118 — sent by Cyrus 
with an army to compose their differences, ib.— his 
stratagem and success, 119— made satrap of Caria, 
146. 

JEgos-potamos, battle of, 377. 

^Egyptians, allies to the Assyrian, 100— their number 
and arms, ib.— their arrangement, 105— both armed 



and formed ill, 107— their bravery and manner of 
fighting, 113— slaughter of them by Abradatas. &c. 
114— various success between them and the Persians, 
ib.— their heroic magnanimity, ib.— submit to Cy- 
rus's terms, but with honour, 115— forgive Croesus 
alone of all the enemy, ib.— cities bestowed upon 
them by Cyrus, ib. 

ttneas, how killed, 250. 

JEncas made general in chief of the Arcadians, 494— 
marches into the citadel, ib; 

JEnians serve under Menon, 171— their dance, 305. 

JEolians obliged to attend Croesus in the war, 100. 

JEschines pursues the enemy, 241— is the first that 
gains the top of the mountain against the Colchians, 
252 — and Aristotle sent on an embassy to Lysander, 
380. 

Agasias of Stymphalus detects Apollonides, 219 — con- 
tends with Callimachus who shall go upon a dan- 
gerous expedition, 237, 249— mounts the rampart 
without arms, 279— his answer to Xenophon, 309— 
is sent to demand money of the Heracleans, 310— 
assembles the army, 314— rescues a man from Dex- 
ippus, 318— accused by Dexippus, ib.— his speech to 
the army, 319 — retorts the accusation upon Dexippus 
before Cleander, ib. — wounded, see Callimachus. 

Agasias an Helean priest, 348. 

Agathinus commands the Corinthian fleet, 432. 

Agesilaus, brother to Agis, disputes the right of suc- 
cession with Leotychides, 403— chosen king, ib. — 
undertakes an expedition into Asia, 405— interrupt- 
ed while sacrificing at Aulis, ib. — enters into a truce 
withTissaphernes, ib.— thrown into the back ground 
at Ephesus by Lysander, ib.— converses with him on 
this topic, ib.— marches into Phrygia, 406— comes 
into contact with the horse of Pharnabazus, ib. — 
defeats them in a skirmish, ib. — gathers his rein- 
forcements to Ephesus. ib.— successful effects of his 
stimuli among the soldiery, ib. 407 — achieves a vic- 
tory over the enemy's infantry, ib.— takes a vast 
quantity of booty, ib.— refuses to withdraw his arms 
without instructions from Sparta, 408— marches 
against Pharnabazus, and receives money from The- 
raustes. ib. — appointed by the Spartan magistrates 
to take charge of the fleet, ib.— commands the erec- 
tion of more vessels, ib. — makes Pisander admiral, 
ib.— reaches the Phrygia of Pharnabazus, 415— pos- 
sesses the cities by siege and voluntary surrender, 
ib.— accompanies Spithridates to Paphlagonia, ib. — 
receives Cotys into confederacy, ib.— procures the 
daughter of Spithridates for Cotys, ib. 416 — winters 
at Dascylium, ib. — a foraging party of his engaged by 
Pharnabazus, 416 — has an amicable interview with 
Pharnabazus, 417, 418— makes terms of peace, and 

735 



736 



INDEX. 



loaves the country, ib.— recalled to Lacedaemon, ib. 
— his arrangements before leaving Asia, ib. — on his 
inarch from Asia, 420— meets Dercyllidas, who in- 
forms him of the Lacedaemonians' victory, ib.— de- 
spatches Dercyllidas with the information to Asia, 
ib.— molested by five confederate states, ib.— defeats 
the TlmuiUnnn, 421— receives intelligence of the 
overthrow at Cnidus.ib.— victor in another skirmish, 
ib. — forces in the field against him, ib. — his own 
army and auxiliaries, ib. — draws up on the plains of 
Coronea, ib.— account of the battle, ib. 422— sails to 
Sparta, ib. — leads an expedition against the Argives, 
425— disbands the confederates, ib.— resumes his ex- 
# ploits in behalf of Corinth, 425 — encamps before it, 

ib. — gains reputation by a piece of management, ib. 
426 — the foe no longer thinks of resisting, ib. — his 
excitement on learning the fate of the brigade at 
Lecheum, ib.— leaves there a fresh body, 428— pro- 
ceeds against the Acarnanians, ib. — sends a threat- 
ening message to their capital, ib.— begins his devas- 
tations, ib. — his successful skirmish, 429 — lays waste 
the country with fire and sword, ib.— marches out of 
it, ib. — returns to Sparta, ib. — declares another ex- 
pedition against Acarnania, ib. — disputes with the 
Theban ambassadors, 442— takes prompt measures 
against that people, ib.— brings them over to his own 
terms, ib. — menaces the Corinthians and Argives, 
ib. — liberates Corinth from Argos, 443 — the peace 
takes its name from him, ib.— begs exemption from 
commanding against Mantinea, ib.— marches against 
Phlius, 449 — visited by repeated embassies from the 
enemy, ib.— lays siege to the city, ib.— incorporates 
with his army many Phliasian fugitives, ib. 450 — 
sincerely regrets the death of Agesipolis, ib. — their 
former intercourse, ib.— the terms of surrender for 
Phlius left to his determination, ib. — leaves a garrison 
and returns to Sparta, ib. — his pretext for exemption 
from serving against Thebes, 452— undertakes to 
command against Thebes, 454— enters the enemy's 
dominions, 455 — movements and counter-move- 
ments, ib. — carries devastation to the walls, ib. — 
retreats to and fortifies Thespis, ib. — leads back the 
troops to Sparta, ib. — resumes the command against 
the Thebans, 456— his proceedings on the march, ib. 
— a skirmish, ib. — quells a sedition in Thespiae, ib. — 
his return to Sparta, 457— severely unwell, ib.— sent 
ambassador to the Mantineans, 475 — deputed to com- 
mand against the Mantineans, 476 — marches into 
Arcadia, ib. — takes possession of Eutaea, ib. — his 
equitable conduct there, ib.— proceeds ^nto the do- 
minions of Mantinea, ib. — ravages the country, ib. — 
returns, 477— his circumstances in the invasion of 
Sparta, 478, n. — his demeanour on seeing Epaminon- 
das, 479, η — weeps for joy, in common with the 
people, at the victory of Archidamus, 489 — Plu- 
tarch's remarks on this, ib. n. — proceeds to the as- 
sistance of the Arcadians, 502— returns to the aid of 
Sparta, ib. 
Agesipolis commands an expedition against Argos, 
430— refuses to recognize the existence of a truce, ib. 
— endeavours to outdo the exploits of Agesilaus, ib. — 
leads off and disbands the army, ib.— leads the expe- 
dition against the Mantineans, 443 — lays waste the 
country, ib.— blockades the city, ib.— saps their walls 
and houses, ib. — reduces them to terms, ib. — deputed 
to command against Olynthus, 449— shows himself 
In battle array before Olynthus, 450 — lays waste the 
territory unmolested, ib.— proceeds against the ene- 



my's confederates, ib.— storms Torone, ib.— attacked 
by a fever, ib.— conveyed to Aphyte, dies there, ib. 
— his body taken to Sparta and pompously interred, 
ib.— lamented by Agesilaus, ib.— their former inter- 
course, ib. 

Agias, an Arcadian, one of the generals, goes to Tis• 
saphernes, is apprehended, 211— put to death, ib.— 
his character, 214. 

Agis, making a forage from Decelea, marches up to 
the walls of Athens, 359— retires on the appearance 
of opposition, ib.— takes the field with Lysander, 378 
— his reply to the Athenian ambassadors, ib.— com- 
mands an army sent against Elis, 401— while extend- 
ing his devastations, deterred by an earthquake ib 
— retreats and disbands his army, ib. — resumes the 
expedition at the head of the Lacedaemonian con- 
federates, 402— joined in his progress by various 
bodies of people, ib. — his ravages and captures, ib. — 
does not choose to take the city, ib.— repairs to 
Delphi, and offers up the tenth of his spoil, ib.— dies 
and is pompously buried, ib. 

Aglaitadas, a churlish colonel, humorously exposed, 28. 

Alcetas in garrison at Oreus, 457 — makes a seizure of 
triremes, corn, and 300 Thebans, ib.— his negligence 
observed by the prisoners, they take the citadel, ib 
— the town revolts, ib. 

Alcibiades in great favour with Tissaphernes, 171, n. 
— visits Tissaphernes with presents of friendship, 
357 — arrested by him and sent prisoner to Sardis, ib. 
— escapes on horseback by night, ib. — flies to Clazo- 
mene, ib.— joins the Athenians at Cardia with five 
ships and a row-boat, ib.— goes by land to Sestos, 
and orders ships thither, ib.— joined by Theramenes 
from Macedonia, and Thrasybulus from Thasus, ib. 
— sails to Parium, 358 — the whole fleet assembles 
there, ib. — sails to Proconnesus. ib. — expatiates on 
the necessity of engaging the enemy, ib. — his pre- 
cautions to keep the enemy ignorant of his number, 
ib.— sails for Cyzicus, ib.— has a view of the ships of 
Mjpdarus, ib. — the Peloponnesians flee to the shore, 
ib.— he stretches to a distance and lands, ib.— puts 
the enemy to flight, ib. — exacts a large sum of 
money from the Cyzicenes, and Sails back to Pro- 
connesus, ib.— after various arrangements, returns 
to the Hellespont, ib. — throws up a work of circum- 
vallation round Chalcedon, 361— takes Selymbria 
and proceeds against Byzantium, ib. — in exile, cho- 
sen general by the Athenians, 363 — sets sail with an 
armed force for the Piraeus, ib. — his grateful recep- 
tion by the people, ib.— their estimate of bis charac- 
ter and sufferings, ib.— justifies himself in the senate 
and assembly of the people, ib. — declared general- 
plenipotentiary, 364 — places himself at the head of 
the military strength of Athens, ib. — sails on an ex 
pedition against Andros, ib. — repulses the Andrians 
ib. — erects a trophy, and stretches away to Samos, 
ib. — severely censured for Antiochus' defeat, 365— 
sails with a single vessel to a fortress of his own, it 
—from his fortress views the disadvantageous situ- 
ation of the Athenians, 377— suggests a better, but 
his counsel is spurned by Tydeus and Menander, 
&c. ib.— put to death by Pharnabazus, ib. n.— his 
conversation, while young, with his tutor, 526, 527. 

Alcibiades, an Athenian, cousin to Alcibiades, stoned 
to death by Thrasylus, 360. 

Alexander attains the supremacy in Thessaly, 474— 
his character, ib.— put to death by his wife's con- 
trivance, ib.— history and cause of tbe plot, ib. 



INDEX. 



737 



Alexius; arclion at Athena, 376. 

alike-honoured, Persian gentlemen, 24 — rule the rest 
of the Persians, 23 — how superior to cite common 
soldiers, 23— their strict discipline, 31— arms, 24— 
manner, of fight, il». — number of those who attend 
Cyrus, 12— his commendation of them, 24 — speech of 
one of them to Cyrus, ib. — consent that the Persian 
eoldiers have the same arms, ib. — distinguished for 
obedience, 52— cultivated by Cyrus in his new gov- 
ernment, 125— his speecli to them, ib. 

Amphicrates slain, 238. 

Anaxagoras and Pericles, anecdote of, 547, n. 

Anaxibius, the admiral, friend to Cheirisophus, 283 — 
celebrates the praises of the Greeks, 307— sends for 
the generals to Byzantium, 327— promises the army 
pay, ib.— refuses to pay them, ib.»— orders them out 
of the town, ib. — orders them to the Thracian vil- 
lages for provisions, 328— flies to the citadel, ib.— in 
the interest of Pharnabazus, 3^0 — is informed that 
Polus was appointed to succeed him, ib. — orders the 
Greek soldiers to be sold, ib.— neglected by Pharna- 
bazus, ib. — sends Xenophon back to the army, ib. — 
sent to be commandant of Abydos, 434 — undertakes 
to carry on the war against Athens, ib.— marches 
against Antandros, 435— gains it by composition, ib. 
— attacked by an ambuscade, ib. — resigned to death, 
discharges his followers, ib.— twelve commandants 
and a favourite boy die with him, ib. 

Anaxicrates, one of the betrayers of Byzantium, 362. 

Anaxilaus, one of the betrayers of Byzantium, 362— 
his successful sophistry when tried for his life, ib. 

Andromachus, an Elean commander, defeated, 498— 
kills himself, ib. 

Animals, gins and snares for them described, 19. 

Anippus, prisoner of Jphicrafes, kills himself, 467. 

Antalcidas sent on an embassage to Teribazus, 432— 
appointed admiral in chief, 439 — commissioned to 
become confederate with the Lacedaemonians, 441— 
resumes the command of the fleet, ib. — reinforced by 
twenty vessels, ib. 442 — stops the navigation from 
Pontus to Athens, ib. 

Antandrus,a town of Troas, 347. 

Antigines, archon, 361. 

Antileon of Thuria, his speech about the army's re- 
turn, 283. 

Antiochus left by Alcibiades in command of the fleet, 
364— his imprudent breach of trust, ib.— defeated in 
an engagement with Lysander, 365— sent by the Ar- 
cadians to the Persian court, 489— his representation 
of the king's power, 490. 

Antisthenes" 1 animated picture of his contented pover- 
ty, 612, 613.' 

Anytus, Socrates' remarks on seeing him, 515— educa- 
tion and character of his son, ib. — his memory de- 
tested, ib. 

Apollonides opposes Xenophon, 219— is detected and 
punished, ib. 

Apollophanes brings Pharnabazus and Agesilaus to an 
interview, 417. 

Arabia, the army marches through, 180. 

Arabs subject to the Assyrian, 12— allies with him 
against the Medes, 23 — number of their force, ib. — 
their king killed, 60— subjected to Cyrus, 120. 

firacus appointed admiral-in-chief by the Lacedaemo- 
nians, 375— and Navates inspect the state of affairs 
in Asia, 399— enjoined by the ephori to commend the 
soldiers of Dercyllidas, ib.— Xenophon replies to 
them, i*• 

62• 



Araspes, a Mede, companion of Cyrus from a boy, 7H 
— beloved by him over all the Medes, 11 — presented 
with his Median robe, il).— entrusted by him with 
Panthca, 73 — his conversation with him regarding 
her, and love and beauty, ib. 74— thinks himself 
proof against the impressions of either, 73— by what 
means captivated, 74 — solicits Panthca in vain, 07 — 
threatens to ravish her, ib. — his shame and fear on 
account of Cyrus, ib. — praises of Cyrus 1 candour and 
humanity, 98— his two souls, ib.— sent a spy to Lydia 
to redeem his character, ib.— meets Cyrus advancing 
to the enemy, 104-^honourably received and compli- 
mented by him, ib. — caressed hereupon, ib. — gives 
trim an account of the number, &c. of the enemy, ib. 
— engages with him against the enemy, 105. 

Araxes, a river of Syria, 180. 

Arbaces commands under the king, 186— governor of 
Media, 349. 

Arcadians, first to gain the top of the mountain against 
the Colchians, 252 — their dance, 35— with the Acha- 
ians separate themselves from the rest of the army, 
310— their number and departure by sea, 311— land 
at the port of Calpe, and attack the Thracians, ib. — 
some of their parties defeated, ib. — reduced to great 
straits, 312 — relieved by Xenophon, 313 — resolve 
never to separate again, 314 — one of them accuses 
Xenophon, 340— receive aid from Thebes against 
Lacedaemon, 477— persuade them to join in an inva- 
sion of Laconia, ib. 478 — flattered by Lycomedes, 
487 — submit to him the nomination of magistrates, 
488— entertain exalted notions of themselves, ib.— 
causes of this, ib.— Thebans and Eleans incensed 
against them, ib. — and Argives endeavour to inter- 
cept the march of Archidamus, 488— routed and 
slaughtered, 489 — harassed by Lacedaemonians and 
Achaeans, 490 — and Argives repair to the support of 
Euphron, 491— take the field against the Eleans, 497 
— rush upon them from the summit of a hill, ib.— 
victorious, 498— take several cities, ib.— march into 
Elis, ib. — driven out, ib.— bargain with the faction 
of Charopus, and seize the citadel, ib.— expelled, ib. 
— possess themselves of Pylus, ib. — march again into 
the enemy's territory, ib. — lay waste the country, 
and retreat, ib. — seize Olorus, ib. — it is recovered 
from them by the Pellenians, ib. — resume hostilities 
with the Eleans, ib. — defeat them, ib. — besiege Crom- 
nus, ib. — encounter the Lacedaemonians, 499— grant 
them a truce, ib.— celebrate the Olympic games, ib. 
— interrupted by the Eleans, ib. 500 — and Argives 
defeated-, ib. — commanders appropriate the sacred 
treasures, ib.— dispute with ths Mantineans regard- 
ing this, ib.— embezzlers send for help to Thebes, ib. 
— the order countermanded, ib. — accommodate af- 
fairs with the Eleans, ib.— rejoicings for a peace, 501 
— embezzlers seize those who differ from them in 
opinion, ib. — send to Athens and Lacedaemon for aid 
against the Thebans, ib. 

Archagoras left by Xenophon to guard a pass, 238— 
dislodged, and brings Xenophon the news, ib. 

Archedemus, a demagogue, accuses Herasinides, 368. 

Archidamus intercedes for the life of Sphodrias, 454— 
entrusted with command after the defeat at Leuctra, 
472, 473 — dismisses the confederates and leads home 
the domestic troops, ib. — commands the aid of Diony- 
sius and Spartan troops, 4S8— takes Caryae by storm, 
ib.— lays waste Parrhasia, ib.— intercepted in his 
conduct of Cassidas, ib.— draws up in battle array, 
ib.— his exhortation to the soldiery, ib.— his soldiers 
4S 



733 



INDEX. 



invigorated by auspicious symptoms, 489— achieves I 
an immediate triumph, ib.— despatches the news of 
victory to Sparta, ib. — leads the Spartan force to aid 
the Eleans, 408— seizes Cromnus, ib.— leaves three 
battalions and returns to Sparta, ib.— resumes the 
command, ib.— endeavours to force the enemy to 
raise the siege of Cromnus, ib. — wounded in an at- 
tack on the Arcadians, 499— a truce, ib.— marches 
away, ib.— achieves a noble victory over the The- 
bans at Sparta, 502. 

Archidamus an Elean ambassador, 489. 

Archidcmus and Crito, their intimacy induced by So- 
crates, 554, 555. 

Archytas presides among the ephori, 376. 

Arexion of Arcadia, a priest, 314 — sees an eagle on the 
favourable side, 315— offers sacrifice, ib. 

Arginusat, disposition of the rival fleets at fight of, 367, 
368— the engagement, 368. 

Argives heartily wish for peace, 442. 

Argo, the ship, 309. 

Argonautic expedition, dissertation upon the, 322. 

Argyrius, chosen successor of Thrasybulus, 434. 

Ariceus, lieutenant-general to Cyrus, has the command 
of the left wing. 187— flies upon the death of Cyrus, 
192 — message to the Greeks concerning their return, 
201— has the Persian throne offered him, 199— de- 
clines it, 201 — his reply to Clearchus, 202— pays less 
regard to the Greeks, 206— encamps with Tissapher- 
nes and Orontas, ib. — sends a false message to the 
Greeks, 207— speaks to the Greeks about the death of 
their generals, 211 — answers Cleanor, ib. — intimate 
with Menon, 213. 

Aristarchus succeeds Cleander in the government of 
Byzantium, 287— sells the soldiers, ib. — secured by 
Pharnabazus, 288 — forbids the Greeks to pass over 
into Asia, ib.— his reply to Xenophon, ib.— sends for 
the generals who refuse to go, 331. 

Aristeas of Chios offers himself upon a dangerous par- 
ty, 237 — frequently of great service to the army, ib. — 
offers himself to secure a dangerous post, 247. 

Aristippus of Thessaly petitions Cyrus for an army, 
170 — sent for by Cyrus, ib. — gives the command of 
the mercenaries to Menon, 213. 

Aristo, one of the betrayers of Byzantium, 362. 

Aristocrates, an Athenian commander of land-forces, 
364. 

Aristodemus appointed to command the Lacedaemo- 
nians, 419. 

Ariston, an Athenian, sent to Sinope, 295. 

Aristonymus of Methydria offers himself a volunteer 
to seize a pass, 237 — enters the stronghold of the 
Taochians, 249. 

Aristus, an Arcadian, a great eater, 334. 

Armenia, the Greeks enter it, 242 — the western, ib. — 
reason of its coldness, 243— country of, 246. 

Armenians, neighbours of the Medes, 24 — conquered 
by them, 39 — terms of subjection, 40 — neglect to send 
forces and tribute to Cyaxares, 34— revolt to the 
enemy, ib. — their motives, 45 — number of their force, 
24— their habitations and retreat, ib.— Cyrus's expe- 
dition against them, 39 — his message, 36 — their king's 
repentance, cowardice, and flight, 39 — subdued and 
taken, ib.— his cause tried by Cyrus, 40— brought to 
confession of his crime, ib. — lamentations of his wife 
and children, ib.— Tigranes becomes his advocate, 
ib. — is forgiven, and taken into favour by Cyrus, 42 
— account of his force and riches, ib. — hie gift to 
Cyrus, 43— his apology to him for putting his son's 



friend to death, ib.— perpetual• plunders on them by 
the Chaldeans, 44— always run away from them, ib. 
—their sorry behaviour under Cyrus against them, 
ib.— the king's grateful speech to Cyrus on his defeat 
of the Chaldeans, 45 — peace established between 
them and the Chaldeans, ib.— good effects of it, 46 — 
are entertained by Cyrus, ib.— all overjoyed and do 
him honour, ib.— send a great force to him under 
Tigranes, ib. — Armenian guides to Cyrus's messen- 
ger to the Indian, ib. 

Artabatas, satrap of Cappadocia, 146. 

Arts, the spring of riches and all things valuable, 116. 

Artabazus, a Mede, 11 — most excellent person, ib. — 
long struck with the beauty of Cyrus, ib. — his fond- 
ness to him at parting, ib.— pretends to be his rela- 
tion, ib. and 95— his contrivances to kiss him, 57— 
delivers a message to the Medes from Cyaxares, ib. — 
his zealous commendation of Cyrus, ib. — stirs them 
up to follow him, ib. — his handsome and affectionate 
speech to the same end, 75— his droll speech for car- 
rying on the war, 95 — aggravates the message of 
Cyrus to Araspes, 98— his handsome and humorous 
•speech on Cyrus becoming king, 123 — one of Cyrus's 
chief friends, 140— makes one at his entertainment 
after the races, ib.— drolls on Hystaspes, 141— his 
questions and drollery with Cyrus, 142. 

Artacamas, governor of Phrygia, 349. 

Artaezus sends a false message to the Greeks, 207 — 
comes to them on the death of their generals, 211. 

Artagerses, a commander of horse under Artaxerxes, 
186— slain by Cyrus, 190. 

Artapates, one of Cyrus's chief confidants, 185— throws 
himself upon his dying master, and is there slain, 
190. 

Artaxerxes, eldest son of Darius, 167— kills Cyrus, 190 
—moves towards the Greeks, 193— passes by them, 
194— attacked and flies, ib.— orders them to deliver 
their arms, 200— runs away at the approach of the 
Greeks, 203— desires a truce, 204. 

Artimas, governor of Lydia, 349. 

Asia, men of quality attend always at the king's door, 
129— other establishments of Cyrus imitated, 130. 

Asiatics are all attended in war by what they value 
most, women, &c. 57— remark upon it, 61— their 
war-chariots abolished by Cyrus, 97— their general 
declension after C T |-us's death, 150. 

Asidates, where encamped, 348— attacked, ib.— reliev- 
ed by Itabelius, ib. — taken, 349. 

Aspasia, the same with Milto, n. 192. 

Aspasia, her intellectual attainments, 551, n. 

Asses of Arabia, wild, 180. 

Assyria, king of, nations subject to him, 12— his great 
ambition, ib.— jealous of the Medes and Persians, ib. 
—unites a powerful confederacy against them, ib. — 
number and strength of his army and allies, 23 — 
exhorts his army, 50— defeated by Cyrus, 52— killed, 
ib. and 55— friend to Gobryas, 68— pronounced by 
him an excellent man, ib. — friend of Abradatas, 96 — 
unfortunate in his son, 83 — despondency and revolt 
occasioned by his death, 55, 57, 68, 78. 

Assyria, king of, son of the former, his execrable cha- 
racter, 86— his expedition into Media, and defeat, 10, 
11 — his envy and cruelty to the son of Gobryas, and 
behaviour upon it, 68— his vile treatment of Gadatas, 
84, 86— injurious to the Hyrcanians, Sacians, and 
Cadusians, 78— attempts to part Abradatas and Pan- 
thea, 99— the despondency and flight of the Assyriau 
army, and defeat after his father's death, 55, 59— 



INDEX 



730 



revolt of Hyrcanians from him, 57, 59— of Gobryas, 
68 — pursued into his own country, 80 — his pride and 
insolence, 78 — his cowardice, 79— refuses a challenge 
from Cyrus, ib. — just resentment and invective of 
Gadatas against liim, 80, 84, 86— the revolt of Gada- 
tas from him to Cyrus, 80, 134— hindered from taking 
his revenge, and put to flight, 83— the enmity of the 
Sacians and Cadusians to him, 78— they join them- 
selves to Cyrus, 80— flies with his army to Babylon, 
81— pursued by Cyrus, 85— defeats a party of Cadu- 
sians, 84 — consents to Cyrus's proposal of peace to 
nil labourers, 85— Assyrian forts taken, 87— demol- 
ished, 96— flies to Lydia with treasures, 97— revolt 
of Abradatas from him, 99— Croesus appointed gene- 
ral. 100 — number and strength of the allies, ib. — As- 
syrian army defeated and put to flight, 113— Egypt- 
ians cannot forgive him, 115— Assyrian army fly to 
Sardes, ib.— the allies retire home, ib.— Sardes taken 
by Cyrus, ib. — Babylon taken, and the king killed, 
121— joy of Gadatas and Gobryas upon it, 122— mo- 
tives of his war against Cyrus, 78. 

Assyrians, their arms and manner of fight, 23 — their 
encampment, 48— their consternation and flight, 52, 
59— foreign slaves in their army made free by Cyrus, 
68— general defection of their allies, 115— principal 
nation of all, 56 — Babylon their principal city, 23, 
78— they and their allies become subject to Cyrus, 1. 

Astyages, king of the Medes, and father of Mandane, 
mother of Cyrus, 2— his government absolute, 7— his 
painting and other ornaments of his person, 4— his 
feasting and drunkenness, 6 — overcomes the Arme- 
nians^— sends for Cyrus, 6— surprised at his sagacity 
in the expedition against the prince of Assyria, 10— 
loads him with presents at parting, 11— his death, 12. 

Astyochus supports an accusation against Tissapher- 
nes, 359. 

Athenadas of Sicyon, a commander under Dercyllidas, 
397. 

Athenian Ambassadors, proceedings regarding, 362. 

Athenian Generals, ten nominated, 365. 

Athenians attack Mindarus near Abydos, 357— battle 
continues, with fluctuating success, from morning till 
night, ib. — joined byAlcibiades with a reinforcement, 
ib. — put the Peloponnesians to flight, ib. — fight con- 
tinued on the beach, ib.— carry away 30 empty ships 
of the enemy, ib.— at Sestos apprised that Mindarus 
is coming against them , 357 — flee to Candia, ib.— join- 
ed by Alcibiades, ib.— defeat the Peloponnesians at 
Cyzicus,358— make an expedition against Abydos,361 
— opposed by Pharnabazus whom they defeat, ib. — 
proceed against Chalcedon and Byzantium, 361 — be- 
siege Byzantium, 362— decree an aid to Conon, 367— 
draw out in line of battle upwards of 150 sail at 
Arginusac, ib.— their disposition there, ib. — depose all 
their commanders except Conon, after Arginusae, 368 
— commit them to trial, ib.— bring to trial eight com- 
manders in the battle of Arginusae, 369— 371— con- 
demn them to death, 371 — their sentence carried inlo 
effect on six of them, ib. — their repentance and im- 
peachment of those who thus beguiled them, ib.— 
make preparations to resume hostilities, 376— sail up 
to Chios and Ephesus, ib. — associate in the command 
Menander, Tydeus and Cephisodotus, ib. — Asia en- 
tirely against them, ih. — closely chase Lysander, ib. 
sail into vEgos-potamus, ib. — pronounced by Alcibi- 
?des to have chosen an improper station, 377— their 
commanders contemn his opinion and suggestion, 
ib.— overthrown and taken prisoners at ./Egos-pota- 



mos, 377— bitter charges preferred against them by 
the victors, ib.— permitted to return to Athens, ib.— 
effects of the intelligence of the defeat at Athene. 378 
— prepare their city for a siege, ib. — besieged by land 
and sea, 378— their miserable circumstances during 
the leaguer of Athens, ib.— they restore to their pri- 
vileges those under sentence of infamy, ib.— make 
proposals for an accommodation, ib.— send ambassa- 
dors to tie Lacedaemonians, 379— conditions of a 
peace, ib.— destroy their walls.ib.— an oligarchy erec- 
ted, ib. — names of the thirty persons chosen to remo- 
del their laws, ib.— disarmed by their oligarchy, 381— 
all but the 3000 exiled from Athens, 386— their estates 
seized by the thirty and their friends, ib.— occupy Me- 
gara and Thebes, ib. — appoint new magistrates. 391 
—willing to act a chief part in war against the Lace- 
daemonians, 408 — accede to the proposal of the The- 
bans regarding the war, 410— make preparations for 
their succour, ib.— block up ^Egina, 4Γ.9— blockaded 
in turn by Gorgopas, ib. — man a number of vessels 
and fetch off their people, ib. — fit out a fleet against 
Gorgopas, ib.— desirous of a peace with Lacedaemon, 
442— intimidated by the strength of the Lacedemo- 
nians, 453— despatch Stericles to aid Corcyra, 464— 
man sixty vessels for the same purpose, ib. — give the 
command toTimotheus and subsequently to Iphicra- 
tes, ib. — make a peace with Lacedaemon, 464 — accu- 
sed of committing injustice, and war declared against 
them, ib.— send ambassadors to Lacedaemon, 467— 
invite the Thebans to co-operate in a negotiation for 
peace.ib.— names of the commissioners,^.— Callistra- 
tus accompanies them, ib.— Callias first addresses the 
council of state, ib. 468 — his egotism, ib. — is succeeded 
by Autocles, ib.— followed up by Callistratus, ib. 469 
—swear to a peace for themselves and confederates, 
ib. 470— mortified at the Lacedaemonians' defeat, 473 
— their cool reception of the Theban herald, ib. — ad- 
minister an oath prescribed by the king of Persia, 
475 — Lacedaemonian ambassadors sent to, 479 — de- 
bate in the assembly, 480— addressed by Cliteles, ib.— 
succeeded by Patrocles,ib.— send their whole strength 
to the aid of the Spartans, 481— Lacedemonian am- 
bassadors sent to, 485— hold a convention to settle 
the conditions of a league, ib. — assembly addressed 
by Patrocles, ib. 486— and Cephisodotus, ib.— terms 
agreed on, ib. — make a league with the Arcadians, 
496— send succours to the Arcadians, 502— their 
horsemen perform a generous exploit in favour of 
Mantinea, 503 — and Lacedaemonians, naval engage- 
ment between, 337 — plans adopted by them to pre- 
serve a democratical government, 695— conditions of 
slaves and aliens among them, 696— proofs of their 
depravity, 697 — their reasons for harassing good men 
in the allied states, ib.— advantages gained by caus- 
ing their allies to repair to Athens for decision in 
their lawsuits, ib.— advantages from having the as- 
cendancy at sea, 698. 

Atramyttium, a sea-port, 348. 

Auguries, definition of, 519, n, 

Autocles, see Athenians. 

Autolicus, character and effect of his beauty, 603, 604. 



Β 



Babylon, greatest city of the world, 143 — richest of all 
Asia, 116— capital of Assyria, 86— walls round it im- 
pregnable, 120— divided by a deep river, ib.— provided 
with necessaries for above 20 years, 121 — citizens 



740 



INDEX. 



Inueh at Cyrus's attempt to take it, ib.— how seized, 
ib. — description of the porches and doors, ib. — revel- 
lins, ib.— consternation and slaughter, 122— the king 
killed, ib.— proclamation by Cyrus for all the inhab- 
itants to remain within, ib.— another for them to bring 
out their arms, lb. — castles surrendered to Cyrus, ib. 
— Babylonians tributaries and labourers to the Per- 
sians, ib. — hold Cyrus in the utmost abhorrence, 124 
—his methods to secure himself and gain their affec- 
tions, ib.— he inhabits it in winter, 147— its distance 
mistaken. 202— country of, 185, 202. See Cotyora. 

Baetrians subject to the Assyrian, 12— afterwards to 
Cyrus, 1. 

Bailiff of a village surprised in his house, 245 — goes 
with Xenophon to Cheirisophus, 246 — his discourse 
with Cheirisophus, ib.— conducts the army, 247— ill- 
treated by Cheirisophus, and runs away, ib. 

Barbarians, what number served under Cyrus, 186— 
their disposition, 188 — advance in silence, ib. — run 
away before the attack, J89— are afraid the Greeks 
should stay in their country, 207— their horse shoot, 
as they fly, 225. See Persians, Carduchians, Tao• 
chians, S(c. 

Barsias, an Arcadian, his head pierced through with 
an arrow, 236. 

Beauty of person commands respect, 132 — conversation 
between Cyrus and Araspes upon it, 73, 74 — compa- 
red to fire, ib.— safest way to fly from it, 74, 98— to 
forbear speaking of the beautiful goddess before 
youth, 19— most beautiful women of all Asia, 69. 

Bee-hives in great quantities, 253. 

Belesis, governor of Syria, his palace, 178. 

Bisanthe, a town of Thrace, 339. 

Bithynians use all the Greeks ill, 313 — defeat a party 
of them, 315 — attack their advanced guard, ib. — de- 
feated, 316. 

Bithynian-Thracians compelled by Alcibiades to de- 
liver up the property of the Chalcedonians, 361. 

Biton arrives with money for the army, and contracts 
friendship with Xenophon, 347— restores him his 
horse, ib. 

Boiscus, the Thessalian pugilist, his insolence, 302. 

Bulimy, a disease, 244. 

Burial preferable to inshrinement in gold, 149 — Cyrus 
orders a rejoicing about his tomb, 150. 

Bustards, 180. 

Byzantium besieged by the Athenians, 362 — betrayed 
by five Byzantines, ib. See Greeks, Aristarchus. 



Cadusians great enemies to the Assyrian, 78 — join 
Cyrus with a great force, 81 — make a private excur- 
sion from Cyrus's army, killed and routed by the As- 
syrian, 84 — good-nature of Cyrus to them, ib. — have 
the choice of their commander, 85— for carrying on 
the war against the Assyrian, 95. 

Ccena, a large and rich city. 

Cceratadas, a Boeotian commander, confederate of Cle- 
archus, 362. 

Callias, archon, 365 — invites Socrates and his friends 
to an entertainment, 603. See Athenians. 

Callibius, deputed by Lysander to command the guard 
of the thirty, 380— his commendation of their meas- 
ures eagerly sought by the oligarchy, ib. — retreats 
towards Mantinea, 475— receives assistance from the 
Mantineans, ib.— treachery, ib. 276— massacre, ib.— 
and Proxenus oppose the measures of Stasippus, 475 



—the parties come into hostile collision, ib.— Proxe 
nus killed, ib. 

Callicratidas, commissioned to succeed Lysander in the 
command of the Lacedaemonians, 365 — his conversa- 
tion with his predecessor, ib. — his measures opposed 
by the friends of Lysander, ib. — summons together 
and addresses the Lacedaemonians, 366— journeys to 
Cyrus for the seamen's pay, ib. — anecdote respecting 
his first visit to Cyrus, ib. n.— departs to Miletus, and 
harangues the Milesians, ib.— storms Methymne, ib. 
—his noble determination to preserve the freedom of 
every Grecian, ib. — gives chase to Conon, 367 — en- 
gages and defeats him, ib. — receives money from Cy- 
rus, ib.— prepares for the reception of the fleet sent 
to the aid of Conon, 367— draws up his ships at Argi- 
nusee, 368— his reply to the advice of his steersman, 
ib.— thrown into the sea at Arginusse, and lost, 368. 

Callimachus of Parrhasie has a contest with Agasias, 
237— his stratagem, 249— stops Agasias, ib.— sent to 
demand money of Heraclea, 310— one of the heads 
of a party, ib. 

Callimachus the Arcadian, sent to Sinope, 295. 

Callistratus killed by the army in the Piraeus, 389. 

Callistratus the orator. See Athenians. 

Callixenus consents to accuse the commanders of Ar- 
ginusse before the senate, 369— starves himself to 
death, 371. 

Calpe, port of, situated in the middle of Thrace, 311 — 
described, 313. 

Cambyses, king of Persia, and father of Cyrus, 2— de- 
scended from Perseus, ib.— government limited, ib.— 
has the direction of sacred affairs, 65, 145— attends 
Cyrus to the borders of Media, 15— his admirable in- 
structions to him concerning religion, policy, and art 
of war, ib.20 — noble sentiments of the gods, piety, &c. 
14, 20 — binds Cyrus and the Persians by mutual ob- 
ligations, 145— his speech to them both, ib.— consents 
to the marriage of Cyrus, ib. — his death, 148. 

Cambyses, eldest son of Cyrus, to whom he bequeaths 
his kingdom, 148— the dying instructions of his fath- 
er to him, ib. — dissensions between him and his 
brother, 150. 

Camels, horses fearful of,115— no brave man will mount 
them in war, ib.— of no use but for baggage train, ib. 

Canals between the Euphrates and Tigris, 204. 207. 

Cappadocia, the army marches through it, 172. 

Cappadocians, subject to the Assyrian, 12 — Aribaeus, 
king of, his force against Cyrus, 23— killed by the 
Hyrcanians, 60 — allies to the Assyrian in the second 
engagement, 100— overcome by Cyrus, 1, 120. 

Carbatines, a sort of shoes, 245. 

Carduchians, now Curdes, 232, and n.— not subject to 
the king, ib.— the Greeks resolve to pass through their 
country, ib.— enter it, 236— they leave their houses, 
ib.— attack the rear guard of the Greeks, ib.— press 
hard upon the Greeks, ib.— roll down great stones, 
237— fall upon and rout them, 238— treat with Xen- 
ophon, ib.— -expert archers, 239— advance to attack 
the Greeks in their passage of the river, 241— attack 
and are routed, ib.— a free nation, 349. 

Carians subject to the Assyrian, 12— invited by him, 
but do not attend, 23— divided into parties ; both call 
in Cyrus, 118— reconciled by Adusius, good effects of 
it, 119— beg Cyrus to appoint Adusius their govern- 
or, ib.— garrisons left in their castles for Cyrus, ib. 

Carmande, a city upon the Euphrates, 181. 

Carmides draws a humorous comparison between his 
former riches and present poverty, 611, 612. 



INDEX 



741 



Carpean dance, 305, 30G. 

Castolus, the plain of, 167, 191. 

Caystrus, the plain of, 171. 

Celxnw, a city of 1'hrygia, 171. 

Cenotaph erected by the Greeks, 314. 

Centrites, the river, divides the Carduchians from Arr 
menia, 239— the Greeks attempt to pass it, 241. 

Cepkisodorus, an Athenian captain, left by Xenophon 
to guard a pass, 238— slain, ib. 

Cephisodotus' speech to the Athenians on the league 
with Lacedaemon, 486. 

Cerazunt, a Greek city, 287. 

Cerasus, a river, 172. 

Chabrias sails to the aid of Evagoras, 440— sits down 
in ambuscade in /Egina, ib.— sallies out on Gorgopas, 
ib. — overcomes him and his party, ib. 

Chalcedonians, on an attack of the Athenians, transfer 
their effects to the Bithynian-Thracians, 361. 

Chaldeans, a warlike people, 40— poor, 44— country 
mountainous, ib. — border on the Armenians, 42 — at 
perpetual war with them, 44 — their arms, ib. — ever 
put the Armenians to flight, ib.— their heights attack- 
ed and gained by Cyrus, ib.— peace between them and 
the Armenians, 45— good effects of it, ib.— applaud 
and thank Cyrus, ib.— send a force to Cyrus, 46— 
Chaldean guides to Cyrus's messenger to the Indian, 
ib. — with the Persians mount the fortifications of 
Sardes, 115— plunder the city, ib.— terrified at his dis- 
pleasure, and punished, ib.— their character, 240— a 
free nation, 349. 

Chains, a river of Syria, 178. 

Chalybians serve under Teribazus, 344— their country, 
245— oppose the Greeks, 247— defeated, 248— their 
courage and character, 250 — manufacturers of iron, 
392— a free nation, ib. 

Chares. See Phliasians. 

Chariots used in war, 97— Trojan and Asiatic abolished 
by Cyrus, ib.— another kind invented, ib.— scythe 
chariots of Abradatas, 99— execution done by them, 
114 — description of Abradatas's chariot, 99 — chariot- 
races and prizes, 138— chariot at the procession of 
Cyrus, 137— armed with scythes, 186— described, 188 
— inefficient, 189. 

Charminus the Lacedaemonian sent from Thimbron to 
the Greek army, 339 — vindicates Xenophon, 342 — his 
speech to Medosades, 344— incurs the censure of the 
army, 346. 

Cheirisophus the Lacedaemonian joins Cyrus, 176 — sent 
to Ariceus, 199— his return, 202— commends Xeno- 
phon, 220 — his speech to the soldiers, 221 — seconds 
Xenophon's proposals, 224 — nominated by Xenophon 
to command the van, ib.— answers Mithridates, 225— 
blames Xenophon for pursuing, ib. — orders him to the 
van, 230— proposes to burn the country, 231— with 
the vanguard penetrates into the country of the Car- 
duchians, 236 — leaves Xenophon, ib. — assigns the 
reason for it, ib. — prevails upon the Barbarians to de- 
liver up their dead, 239— his conduct in relieving 
Xenophon, 341— passes the Centrites, 242— sends re- 
inforcement to Xenophon, ib. — comes to a village and 
encamps, 245— sends to inquire after the rear, ib.— 
makes merry with his friends, 246— discourses with 
the bailiff, ib.— strikes the bailiff, and causes a diffe- 
rence between himself and Xenophon, 217— holds a 
consultation about attacking the enemy, ib. — his an- 
swer to Xenophon about stealing, 248— replies to his 
proposal, ib.— marches against the enemy, but comes 
too late, ib.— attacks a stronghold of the Taochians, 



without success, ib.— his discourse with Xenophon 
on this, 249— accompanies him, ib.— marches against 
the Colchiane, 252— proposes to fetch ships and de- 
parts, 283— comes back with some galleys, 307— cho- 
sen general, 309— refuses to force the Heracleans, 310 
— deprived of the generalship, 311 — conceives a ha- 
tred against the army, ib.— marches by himself, ib.— 
arrives at Calpe, 312— his death, 314. 

Chersonesus, 328. 

Chestnuts used instead of bread, 191— children fatted 
with them, ib. 

Children, institution of them in Persia, 2, 4— care of 
their education makes the most excellent men, 5 — 
should not be taught the art of war alone, 19— the 
beautiful goddess should not be spoken of before them, 
ib.— Cyrus careful of good examples for them, 126— 
less bashful than youths, 7 — discourses and manners 
of a fine child represented, 5—8. 

Chrysantes, one of the alike honoured, 30— of no ad- 
vantageous person, ib. — of excellent understanding, 
ib. — his modest description of himself, ib. — in favour 
and esteem with Cyrus, 141 — his advice and speech 
for proportionable rewards, 28— transported with the 
orders of Cyrus, 35— made a commander for his gal- 
lantry and obedience, 55— his speech in behalf of 
horsemanship, 62— his abilities, 141— his speech 
changing the panieof an army into grief, 101— his 
speech to the army to instil obedience, 129 — his speech 
to Cyrus on his becoming king, 123— extremely useful 
to Cyrus, 141— his counsel generally approved and 
followed, 30, 62, 104, 129, 123— Cyrus's praise of him, 
141, — Cyrus's raillery on his person, with his repar- 
tee, 142— Cyrus kisses him, ib.— appointed satrap of 
Lydia and Ionia, 145. 

Chrysopolis of C halccdoniaf orl'ifiea by Alcibiades, 358 
—appointed to be the station for collecting tenths, ib. 

Cilicia, the army prepares to penetrate into it, 173— 
enters it without opposition, ib. 

Cilicians subject to the Assyrian, 12— invited, but do 
not attend him in war, 23— join the Assyrian army 
afterwards under Croesus, 100 — Cyrus never appoints 
a governor over them, 118. 

Cinadon discovered to be the director of a conspiracy 
403 — apprehended, and fully confesses, 404 — he and 
his accomplices punished, ib. 

Cleanutus slain. 285. 

Cleagoras, the painter, 346, 347. 

Cleander, governor of Byzantium, 311 — arrives at the 
camp, 318— frightened and runs away, ib.— demands 
Agasias, ib.— his answer to the generals, 319— Xeno- 
phon offers him the command, 320— his reply, ib.— 
contracts an intimacy with Xenophon, ib.— prevails 
upon him not to leave Byzantium, it).— procures per- 
mission for his departure, 329— compassionates the 
soldiers, 330. 

Cleanor the Arcadian, his resolution, 200— presumed 
to be the same with 

Cleanor the Orcbomenian, answers Ariaeus, 211— cho- 
sen general in the room of Agias, 220 — his speech to 
the army, ib.— gains the top of the Colchian moun- 
tains, 253. 

Clearatus slain, 297. 

Clearchus, a Lacedaemonian, raises an army for Cyrus, 
169— has 10,000 darics for that purpose, ib.— wars 
with the Thracians, ib.— ordered to attend Cyrus, 170* 
—joins the, army at Celama?, 171— escapes being stoned 
to death, 174— his speech to the men, ib.— they are re- 
conciled, ib. — numbers desert from others to him, ib. 



742 



INDEX. 



— i:ain addresses the men, 173— refuses to lead them 
back, ih.— sent to Cyrus from the enemy, 176— envied 
l'v other commanders, 177 — strikes one of Menon's 
men. 152 — hardly escapes being stoned, ib.— march to 
r.itack Mcnon, ib.— appeased by Cyrus, 183— called to 
the trial of Orontas, ib.— delivers his opinion, 184— 
has the right wing assigned to him, 185 — asks Cyrus 
a question, 186— on the right of the river, 187— his 
brave reply to Cyrus's message, 188 — consults regard- 
ing their return, 193— sends Lycius to reconnoitre the 
enemy, 194— offers Ariaus the throne, 199— his speech 
upon the king's message, 200 — replies to Phalinus, ib. 
— again, 201 — his answer to the message of Ariaeus, 
ib. — harangues the commanders, 202 — takes the com- 
mand upon him, lo— asks Arisus's opinion concern- 
ing their return, ib. — quiets an alarm in the camp, 203 
— orders the Greeks to stand to their arms, ib. — treats 
with the king about a truce, 204— leads the army to 
provisions, ib. — equal to the command, ib. — answers 
Tissaphernes in name of the army, 203— quiets the 
minds of the Greeks, 206 — alarmed with a false mes- 
sage, 207— shows the army to advantage, 208— ad- 

- dresses Tissaphernes, 209— accepts his invitation, 210 
— prevails upon the generals to go to him, ib. — appre- 
hended, 211 — beheaded, ib. — his character, ib. 

Clearchus, son of Ramphias, public host of the Byzan- 
tines, 359— Lacedaemonian commandant at Byzan- 
tium, 362 — his arrangements for the preservation of 
Byzantium neutralized by treachery, ib. 

Cleocritus, herald of the Mysiae, addresses the thirty 
in a truce, 388. 

Cleombrotus commands the expedition against Thebes, 
452 — his targeteers slay the embodied Theban pri- 
soners, ib. — withdraws from the enemy's territory, 
453— assailed by a violent storm, ib.— disbands the 
army, ib.— leads an army against the Thebans, 457 — 
repulsed, ib.— disbands the army, ib.— sent to the aid 
of Phocis, 461— at the peace with Athens receives in- 
structions from Lacedaemon, 470 — marches his army 
into BcbOtia,ib.— takes the fortress of Crusis, ib.— en- 
camps at Leuctra, ib.— stimulated by his friends to 
come to an engagement, ib.— insinuations of his ene- 
mies, ib.— holds the last council about a battle, 471— 
disadvantageous comparison between his and the 
enemy's fortune and forces, ib. 472— nature of the 
Lacedaemosian and Theban phalanx, ib.— ^his cavalry 
instantly defeated, ib.— has at first the. better of the 
fight, ib.— killed, ib. 

Cleonymus, the handsomest and most accomplished 
youth in Sparta, 453— intercedes for his father's life 
with Archidamus,454 — expression of his gratitude to 
his friend, ib.— subsequently dies fighting at Leuctra, 
ib.— 472. 

Cligenes, an Acanthian ambassador, 444— his speech in 
an assembly at Lacedaemon, ib. 445— resolutions re- 
specting his required aid against Olynthus, ib. 446. 

Cliteles addresses an Athenian assembly, 480. 

Cnides, sea-fight of, 421. 

Coetans, a free nation, 349. 

Colchians, mountains of, 251— oppose the Greeks, 252 
— routed, ib. — encamp round the Greeks, 285— a free 
nation, 349. 

Colophonians join Thrasylus, 360. 

Colocea, a city of Phrygia, 171— commander, his office 
regarding the army, the enemy, and the gods, 16, 20— 
to pay the greatest veneration to the gods, 23— never 
to engage contrary to sacrifice and auguries, 20 — to 
consult the gods by divination, 18. 



Commonwealth, a defined, 639. 

Conon, an Athenian general, 363— receives the com- 
mand of the Athenian fleet at Samos, 365 — plunders 
the country of the enemy, ib. — defeated by Callicra- 
tidas, and taken prisoner, 367 — his bold escape with 
two ships, ib. — retaken with one of his vessels, ib. — 
relieved from the siege at Mitylene, rejoins the Athe- 
nians, 368— associated with Pharnabazus, 430— ap- 
pointed to command at sea, ib. — sent to watch Abydoa 
and Sestos, 431— invested with charge of the fleet and 
receives supplies, ib. — sails to Athens, ib.— rebuilds 
the walls, imprisoned by Teribazus, 432. 

Corinthians, numbers massacred, 422, 423 — order the 
Athenians to evacuate their garrisons, 496 — dismiss 
them from Corinth, ib.— interrogate the Thebans re- 
specting a peace, 497— receive the sanction of the 
Lacedaemonians, ib.— successfully negotiate with the 
Thebans, ib. 

Corsote, a desolate city, 181. 

Corylas governor of Paphlagonia, 293 — sends ambas- 
sadors to the Greeks, ib. 

Cotyora, a Greek city, 292— refuses the Greeks a mar- 
ket, ib. — sends them presents, 293. 

Cotys joins Agesilaus, 415 — leaves with him 3000 sol- 
diers, ib. — marries the daughter of Spithridates, ib. 
416. 

Courage to be instilled by good laws, examples, and 
habit, 51— inspired by piety and devotion, 52— instan- 
ces of it, 11, 52, 107. 

Court, example and orders α Τ Cyrus to his, 130— virtues 
which reigned in it, 131. 

Cramians, market of, a city of Mysia, 171. 

Cratesippidas appointed to the command of the Lace- 
daemonian fleet, 359. 

Cretans, their bows carry not so far as the Persians, 
225 — make use of the Persian arrows, 228 — of great 
service, 239— sixty of them run the long course, 253. 

Critias, one of the thirty, impetuous for putting num- 
bers to death, 380 — begins to clash with Theramenes, 
ib. — contends for the propriety of despatching all op- 
posers, 381--alarmed at the resistance of Theramenes, 
ib.— severe censure passed upon him by Socrates, ib. 
n. — delivers a philippic against Theramenes in the 
senate, 382, 383 — attacked in turn by the accused, ib. 
385— accomplishes his murder, ib. 

Critias and Eippomachus slain at the battle of the 
Piraeus, 388. 

Critobulus, effects of his love for Amandra, 610, 611. 

Crasus, king of Lydia, 12 — his mean ancestors, 117 — 
sends to consult the Delphian oracle concerning his 
having sons, 116 — answer and disappointment, ib. — 
to inquire after happiness ; reply, and his false no- 
tions of it, ib. — his happiness in peace, ib. — persuaded 
by the Assyrian king to make war upon the Medes 
and Cyrus, ib. — number of his force, 23 — dejected on 
the defeat of the Assyrian army, 55— flees by night, 
59 — chosen commander-in-chief of the Assyrian and 
confederate army, 100 — temptations to accept of this 
command, ib. — acknowledgment of his ignorance in 
it, 117 — number of his con federates, 100 — prepares for 
an engagement, 105 — defeated, 113 — he and his army 
fly to Sardes, 115— deserted by his allies, ib.— Sardes 
taken, and a guard set over him, ii>. — brought to 
Cyrus, 116 — calls him sovereign, ib. — advises him not 
to plunder, ib. — gives him account of his consulting 
the oracle, ib. — modest accusation of himself, 117 — 
his high opinion of Cyrus, ib.— comes to know him- 
self by his punishment, ib. — inquires after happi- 



INDEX. 



743 



ncss of Cyrus, ib.— pitied by Cyrus, ib.— Cyrus re- 
stores him his wife, daughters, friends, &c, ib.— 
obliged to liini for cutting them off from war, ib.— iiis 
love and praises of his wife.ib. — his good humour ad- 
mired by Cyrus, ib.— carried about by Cyrus every- 
where, ib. — gives him a writing of the treasures he 
delivered to him, 119 — attends him to Babylon, 120 — 
his advice to him to hoard up, 135 — convinced by him 
that friends are the richest treasure, ib. 

Ctesias, the king's physician, 190. 

Cunning and stratagem towards an enemy lawful, 18 
—lessons for that purpose, ib.— story of the Persian 
who professed to teach it, ib. 

Curdes. See Carduehians. 

Cyaxares, son of Astyages, king of the Medes, 8 — ap- 
pears jealous of Cyrus from his childhood, ib.— his 
expedition under his father against the king of Assy- 
ria's son, 10 — succeeds to the kingdom, 12 — sends to 
the Persian council for assistance against the Assy- 
rian, ib.— relates to Cyrus the number of the enemy, 
and their manner of fighting, 23", 24— approves of 
Cyrus's advice as to the arms of the Persian soldiery, 
ib. — sends him a robe to appear before the Indian 
ambassadors, 33— gives audience to the Indians, ib.— 
converses with Cyrus, ib. 34— persuaded by him to 
make war on the Armenians, ib. — allows him a force, 
ib. — goes himself to strengthen his garrisons, ib. — 
Armenian treasure sent to him, 47— approves of Cy- 
rus's proposal for invading the enemy's country, 49 — 
gives him positive orders to do it, 51 — accompanies 
him, 49 — his army under Cyrus defeats the enemy, 
52^— congratulated by Cyrus on the victory, 55 — his 
speech against pursuing the enemy, ib. — hardly pre- 
vailed upon to let the Medes attend Cyrus voluntarily, 
57— stays behind with a few Medes, 64— his mistake 
through intoxication, ib. — sends an angry message 
to Cyrus, ib. — and orders to the Medes to return, 65 
—Cyrus's expostulatory letter to him, 66— contemp- 
tible to his own soldiers for his effeminacy, 68— wo- 
men chosen for him, ib. — his messenger caressed by 
Cyrus, ib. — Cyrus's message to consult with him, 87 
—tent provided for him, ib.— does not care to admit 
Cyrus's army into his territory, ib.— met by Cyrus, 
88— envious at Cyrus's attendance and success, ib.— 
refuses to kiss him, and weeps on that account, ib. — 
private interview between them, ib. 90 — cause of his 
envy, 88, 90— reconciled and kisses him, 90— Cyrus 
proposes a debate upon the separation of the army, 
91 — pleased with the respect of Cyrus and the Modes, 
ib. — the allies attend at his doors, 95 — adorns his per- 
son, ib.— sits before them on a Median throne, ib.— 
proposes to them the question of war, or separation 
of the army, ib. — agrees to build a fort and engine, ib. 
—war goes on under Cyrus, 97, 122 — with a third part 
of the Medes takes enre of affairs at home, 103— Cy- 
rus completes a conquest and settles his government, 
122, 144 — palaces, &c, set apart for him, ib. — Cyrus 
makes a visit, ib.— mutual presents, ib. — offers his 
daughter to Cyrus in marriage, ib.— and all Media as 
her dowry, ib. — his daughter's beauty, ib. 

Cydnus, a river of Cificia, 173. 

Cydon, one of the betrayers of Byzantium, 362. 

Cyprians, allies to the Assyrian army under Crcbsus, 
100— defeated by Cyrus, and become subject to him, 
2, 115, 147 — readily engage with Cyrus against the 
Carians, 118— suffered to choose their own kings, 
&c, ib. 

Cyratados, a Theban, his character, 329— is accepted 



by the Greeks for their general, ib.— and resigns the 
command, 330. 
Cyrus, survey of his dominions, 1— excels all other 
kings, ib. — admirable for inspiring men with love and 
fear, 2 — all desjre to become his subjects, ib. — de- 
scended from Perseus, 2— from the gods, 57, 117 — his 
parents, 2— character of his mind, ib.— his person 
while a child, ib.— his early education, 4— great pro- 
ficiency under it, 5— appointed judge over others, C- 
story of his wrong decision of a cause and punish- 
ment, 7— his mother carries him into Media to Astya- 
ges, 4 — his childish discourses and manners with his 
grandsire, 5— 8— his sprightliness, simplicity, gene- 
rosity, &c, 7— discourse with his mother upon jus- 
tice, ib. — agreeable and officious towards all, ib. — his 
over-talkativeness accounted for, ib. — manners and 
discourses of his youth, 8— 12— his bashfulness, 8, 9— 
exercises with his equals, 8— his enthusiasm in hunt- 
ing, ib. 9— description of it, 8— of himself, ib.— concern 
ed for his grandfather's displeasure, 9 — his freedom 
from envy, and praise of his companions, ib. — serve? 
and pleases all, ib. — puts on arms for the first time, 10 
— bears a part against the prince of Assyria, 10, 11 — 
his sagacity, 10— his boldness, ib. — esteemed by his 
grandfather author of the victory, 11 — generally ad- 
mired, ib.— ordered home, ib— his obedience to his 
father, and regard to his country, ib.— his grand- 
father's presents, ib.— his presents to his compan- 
ions, ib. — Araspes the youth he loves most, ib. 73 
— presents him with his Median robe, 11 — Astyages 
and the people set him going, ib. — mutual grief at 
parting, ib.— story of the Mede pretending to be his 
relation, ib.— returns to Persia, 12— his temperance 
and good behaviour, ib. — passes a year among the 
boys, ib.— enters himself in the order of youth, ib.— 
becomes a full grown man, ib.— commands an army 
sent to Cyaxares, ib.— his prayers and sacrifices, ib. 
—speech to the alike honoured, ib.— appeals to them 
for his piety, 14 — attended by his father to the bor- 
ders of Media, ib. — paternal instructions in piety, &.c, 
ib. 20 — arrives with his army at Media, 23 — his piety, 
ib.— proposes that the Persians have the close arms 
of the alike-honoured, 24— exercises his soldiers with 
their new weapons, 25 — distributes each regiment in 
a tent, 26— wishes the institution of rewards, 28— ap- 
pointed judge of merit, 31— praised by Phcraulas, 31 
— is for weeding the vicious out of his army, 29 — in- 
vites those to supper who exercise well, 26, 32— good 
effect of it, 32— his manner of entertaining them, 27, 
30— his merriment and praise of the stories of the 
greedy person and the letter, 28— apology for such as 
laughed, ib.— mixes matter of instruction, 27,28 — his 
obedience to Cyaxares, 33— disposes his army for the 
view of the Indian ambassadors, ib.— regardless of his 
habit, ib.— conversation with Cyaxares, ib. 34 — in- 
duces him to make war on the Armenian, ib.— a 
force allowed him by Cyaxares, ib.— prepares for 
this expedition, ib.— his sacrifices, adoration, happy 
omens, ib. — arrives on the Armenian borders, 34 — 
disguises his design by a hunt, ib. — his message to 
the Armenian, 35— march and orders to his soldiers, 
il).— declares war against the fugitives only, 39 
—takes the Armenian's wives, children, and riches 
ib. — sends a herald to the king, who submits, ib. — 
tries his cause before his army and the Armeni- 
ans, 40— brings him to confession of his crime, ib.— 
hears Tigranes, ib. 42— pleased with his proposal, 
.ib. — takes the Armenian into favour, ib.— returns hia 



744 



INDEX. 



wives and children, 43— his compassion and candour, 
ib. — praises of his person, wisdom, and noble virtues, 
lb. — receives a gift from the Armenian, in.— joined 
by an Armenian force, 44— defeats the Chaldeans, ih. 
— gains their heights, ib. — builds a* fortress there, ib. 
— makes peace between Armenians and Chaldeans, 
45— keeps the summits as guarantee, ib. — takes many 
Chaldeans into his service, 46 — sends to the Indian 
for money, ib.— his policy in having Chaldean and 
Armenian guides to his messenger, ib. — leaves a go- 
vernor of the fortress, ib. — honoured and extolled by 
Armenians and Chaldeans, ib.— refuses treasure from 
the Armenian's wife, 47 — sends army and treasure to 
Cyaxares, ib.— returns into Media, ib.— treatment of 
his army, ib.— wishes to come to action, ib. — arrhs 
and forms his army completely, ib. — inspires them 
with ardour, 48 — arrives with Cyaxares and the army 
in the enemy's country, ib. — their march, sacrifices, 
prayers, ib. 49. — his council, 50 — opinion of a gene- 
ral's exhortation to his ajmy, ib.— marches in obedi- 
ence to Cyaxares, 51 — raises their courage, 52 — by de- 
votion, ib.— by exhortation, ib.— engagement, ib.— ene- 
my put to flight, ib.— his courage and conduct, ib. — 
their ready obedience to him, ib — his gratitude to the 
gods, 55 — to his army, ib. — signalizes and rewards 
Chrysantas, ib.— Congratulates Cyaxares, ib.— his 
great fame, 57 — desires to pursue the enemy, 56 — ob- 
tains leave of Cyaxares to be attended with as many 
Medes as would go voluntarily, 57 — most of them at- 
tend him, 58— discourses with Artabazus, 57— Hyr- 
canians revolt and send messengers to Cyrus, ib. — 
his policy, ib. — he marches, 58 — his prayer and grati- 
tude, ib.— Hyrcanians in a body leave the enemy and 
join Cyrus, 59— encouragement and orders to his ar- 
my, ib.— engagement with the enemy, 60— victory, 
ib. — flight of great part of the enemy, ib. — orders an 
entertainment for his army, ib. — His Persian absti- 
nence as to treasures and provisions, ib. 64 — advises 
the Persians to do the same, ib.— his policy herein, 
and in cultivating the allies, ib. — vexed at the advan- 
tagesof the Medes and Hyrcanians, by means of their 
horse, 61 — his candid praise of them, ib. — proposes 
the establishment of horsemanship among the Per- 
sians, ib.— gains the friendship of the prisoners, 64;— 
his vigilance during the feasting of the allies, ib. — 
message to him from Cyaxares, 65— his politic beha- 
viour to the messenger, ib. — sends an expostulatory 
letter to him, 66— and a message to the Persians for 
an increase of his army, ib.--orders the enemy's arms 
to be burned, ib.— gives the distribution of the ene- 
my's effects to the allies, 67 — his directions to them in 
favour of the gods, magi, Cyaxares, and themselves, 
ib. — disregards himself and the Persians, 68 — allies 
give him the enemy's horse, ib. — forms a body of Per- 
sian horsemen, 73, 68— his polite raillery on them, ib. 
— proclamation to liberate all foreign slaves in the 
Assyrian army, ib.— orders to attend the horse, ib. — 
orders the alike-honoured to choose a foot-comman- 
der in his stead, ib. — scene between him and Gobryas, 
ib. — receives him as-Jiis ally, 69 — distribution of the 
'enemy's effects, ib. — the fine women allotted to him, 
ib. — his self denial and politeness, ib. 73— gives one of 
tliem to a Mede, ib. — afraid to see his beautiful cap- 
tive Panthea, ib. — gives charge of her to Araspes, ib. 
- -adviceto him, 75 — his motive for pursuingthe war, 
74 — hi» grateful prayer, 75 — marches to Gobryas, ib.— 
Gobryas's rich presents to him, 76 — presents him with 
his daughter, ib. — his self-denial, ib. — commendation 



of his friends, ib.— invites Gobrias to supper, 77— at- 
tended by him with his horse, ib. — seeks information 
of the enemy, ib. — arrives in the enemy's country, 
79— takes considerable booty, ib.— distribution of it, 
ib. — marches towards Babylon, ib.— sends a challenge 
to the Aesyrian.king, ib.— makes a friend of Gadatas, 
ib.— seizes a fortress, 80— Cadusians and Sacians be- 
come his allies, 81— his care of Gadatas' territory, ib. 
— his vast memory, 82 — sentiments on calling people 
by their names, ib. — appoints a party for intelligence, 
83 — enters the territory of Gadatas, ib. — Gadatas' 
gratitude to him, 84 — his self denial, ib. — his humani- 
ty towards the Cadusian body, ib.— use he makes of 
their private excursion and defeat, ib. — care of the 
dead and revenge on the enemy, 85 — stipulates peace 
for the laboring people, ib. — compassionates Gadatas, 
86— accepts his present of horse, ib. — takes three forts 
of the enemy, 88— sends to Cyaxares for his advice, 
ib. — orders his tent to be furnished in the best man- 
ner, 87-r-Persians send him a reinforcement, ib. — 
meets Cyaxares with great attendance, ib.— interview 
between them, 88— 90— makes the Medes pay him re- 
spect, 90 — raillery between and Hystapes, 95 — en- 
campment of his army, 97 — prepares to follow the 
army to Lydia, ib. — invents a kind of war chariots, 
ib.— provides camels, ib.— sends Araspes spy to Ly- 
'dia, 98— his reception of Abradatas, 99— excites 
emulation in his army, 100— care of their diet, &c, 
102, 103— orders a sacrifice, ib.— manner of their 
march, ib. — his stratagem to surprise a party of the 
enemy, 104— his reception of Araspes, ib.— his orders 
to the army, 106— struck with admiration of Abra- 
datas, ib. — his sacrifices and address, 107 — his obser- 
vations on the enemy and consequent orders, 111— 
gives a devout signal and exhortation, 112 — he and 
the army sing a hymn, 113 — engages, ib. — relieves the 
Persians, dismounted, ib. — gains the victory, ib. — ad- 
mires the firmness of the Egyptians, ib. — offers them 
terms and gives th'em cities, ib. 115— pursues CrctsuB 
to Sardes, and takes the city, ib. — angry with the 
Chaldeans for plundering, ib. — meets Croesus, 116 — 
his generosity to him, 117 — his grief for Abradatas, 
118 — laments over Panthea, ib. — erects monuments 
to both, ib.— sends Adusius to the Carians with an 
army, ib. — joined by Cilicians and Cyprians, ib. — 
sends an army against Phrygia, 119— garrisons left 
there for him, ib.— Greeks pay him tribute, ib.— leaves 
a garrison at Sardes, ib. — treats as slaves those whom 
he disarmed, ib.— overthrows the people of greater 
Phrygia, 120-the Cappadocians, ib.— the Arabians, ib. 
— arrives with a vast army at Babylon, ib.— his dis- 
position of them round the walls, ib.— consults about 
a capture, ib. — contrives a ditch for draining the 
river, and turrets to arnpse the enemy, ib.— takes 
it during a scene of revelry, 121— castles surrendered 
to him, ib.— proclamation for all to bring their arms, 
ib. — makes them labourers and tributaries, ib. — as- 
sumes the state of royalty, ib. — addresses the people, 
J22— weary of the court paid to him, ib.— the want 
of his company regretted by his friends, 123— his sa- 
crifices, ib.— applies himself to the affairs of govern- 
ment, 124 — his observations upon eunuchs, ib. — ap- 
points them guards of his person, ib.— establishes a 
garrison in Babylon, 125— distresses the Babylonians, 
ib. — cultivates the alike-honoured, ib. — vindicates 
the war and right of conquest, ib.— admonishes 
them to a life of virtue, 151— commendation of 
his disinterestedness, 129— constitutes his several 



INDEX. 



745 



officers, 130— his careful choice of his colleagues in 
power, ib. — his economy, ib. — his example in the vir- 
tues, 131— «lid opinion of them, ib.— his regard to the 
magi, ib. — his rewards on whom principally be- 
stowed, lb. 132 — ell'ects of his orders and example, 
132 — practises them in hunting, ib. — his thoughts on 
dominion, ib.— his methods to appear venerable, ib.— 
called father, ib. — his measures for the security of 
his government, ib.— his good-nature, and love to 
mankind, 133— courts his friends, ib.— his presents, 
134 — his saying of kings, ib. — his conversation with 
Croesus, 135 — convinces him that friends are the rich- 
est treasure, ib.— provides for the health of his sub- 
jects, ib. — visits the sick, ISC—appoints judges, ib. — 
gains the entire affection of his friends, 137 — his pro- 
cession, 136 — adored, 137 — dismisses Diaphernes for 
absurdity, 138— sacrifices at the sacred inclosures, ib. 
— appoints horse and chariot races to the several na- 
tions, ib. — wins the prize at each, ib. — presents his 
prize to Pheraulus, 139— invites his friends to an en- 
tertainment, 141 — order of precedence at his table, 
140— prefers acts of love to war, 141— prefers Chry- 
santas to Hystaspfa, ib.— proposes to be a match- 
maker, 142— rallies Chrysantas, ib.— kisses him, ib.— 
dismisses the chief of his allies, ib. — gives presents to 
all,ib.— distributes according to merit, ib.— his gene- 
rosity applauded, ib.— his empire settled, 143— pre- 
pares for a journey to Persia, ib.— order of his encamp- 
ment, ib. — his opinions of the tactics, 144 — pays a 
visit to Cyaxares, ib. — arrives at Persia, ib, — his pre- 
sents to all, ib.— Cambyses's speech to him, ib.— re- 
turns to Media, and marries the daughter of Cyaxa- 
res, ib. — carries her to Babylon, ib. — appoints satraps 
over the conquered nations, ib.— abridges their power, 
ib.— directs them to imitate him, 146— orders an an- 
nual progress to the province, 147— appoints stage- 
horses in his kingdom for intelligence, ib.— assembles 
his army, ib.— Conquers from Syria to the Red Sea, 
ib. — subdues Egypt, ib. — bounds of his empire, ib. — 
enjoys perpetual spring, ib. — his last journey to Per- 
sia, ib. — sacrifices and leads the Persian chorus, ib. — 
his prayer, 148— his indisposition, ib.— summons his 
sons, friends, &.c. ib.— bequeathes the kingdom to his 
eldest son, ib. — recommends brotherly affection, pie- 
ty, and virtue, 149 — his opinion of the soul, ib.— of the 
divinity, ib. — his veneration for the earth, and love of 
mankind, ib.— would have his body buried, 150— de- 
sires rejoicing about his tomb, ib.— his last advice, ib. 
— his death, ib. 
Cyrus, younger son to Darius, appointed to command 
in Lacedaemon,362— makes vigorous preparations for 
prosecuting war, 364 — puts to de&th two nephews of 
Darius, for the omission of a compliment, 375 — sum- 
moned to court by Darius, 376— demands from the 
Lacedaemonians the same services he had granted 
them, 395— the Ephori acknowledge the justice of his 
demand, ib.— and send Samius with a fleet, ib.— made 
satrap by his father, ib. — comes to court, ib. — accused 
of treason by Τ issapheraes, 168— apprehended ib. — 
released at the intercession of his mother, ib.— lays 
the design to dethrone his brother, ib. — his politic be- 
haviour, ib. — secretly raises an army of Greeks, ib. — 
makes war upon Tissaphernes, ib.— besieges Miletus, 
170— acquainted with Clearchus, 169— grants Aristip- 
pus an army, ib. — pretends war upon the Pisidians, 
170 — assembles his army, ib. — begins his march, ib. — 
musters his forces, 171 — pays tbem, 172 — has an 
amour with Epyaxa, queen of Cilicia, ib.— reviews 
63 



his army, ib.— enters Cilicia, 173— sends for the king, 
174— makes him presents, ib.— in <;reat perplexity, ib. 
— his answer to the mutinous soldiers, 176 — raises 
their pay, ib.— marches through part of Syria, 177— 
his generous speech concerning the desertion of two 
commanders, ib. — declares his intention of marching 
against the king, 179— promises to gratify the soldiers, 
ib.— commends Menon's men, ib.— the Euphrates sub 
mits to him, 180 — hastens their march, 181 — the rea- 
son, ib. — appeases a quarrel in the army, 183 — greatly 
beloved, ib. — his trial of Orontas, 184— disposes hie 
army in order of battle, 185 — his speech to the general 
officers, ib.— makes great promises, 186— his speech 
to the Lacedaemonians, 185 — his reply to Clearchus, 
186 — musters his army, ib. — marches in order of bat- 
tle, ib. — gives an extravagant reward to a soothsayer, 
187 — marches more negligently, ib. — receives news 
of the king's approach, ib. — orders to arms, ib. — oc- 
cupies the centre uncovered, ib. — sends a message to 
Clearchus, 188— takes a survey of both the armies, ib. 
— gives orders to Xenophon, 189 — worshipped as vic- 
torious, ib. — attacks 6000 men, and kills the comman- 
der, ib.— attacks the king, and wounds him, ib.— 
wounded in the face, ib. — and slain, ib. — his charac- 
ter, ib.— his head and right hand cut off, 192. 
Cyiicus, a sea-port town, 330. 



D 



Dcedali opera, origin of the proverb, 586, n. 

Damaratus, a Lacedaemonian, 199. 

Dana, a rich and large city, 172. 

Dapknagoras, sent to conduct Xenophon, 348. 

Daradax, a river of Syria, 178. 

Darius, king of Persia, 167 — his death, ib. 

Dates, 202, n.»— beauty and size of Babylonia, ib. 

Day, the division of, 188, n. . 

Delphio and his party gain the ascendant in Thlius, 450 
solicits a truce, ib.— he and a servant make their es- 
cape, ib. 

D elt a, part of Thrace, 287— Seuthes leads the Greeke 
thither, 338. 

Demarcfius, a Syracusan general, 359. 

Democratfis of Temenus, his fidelity, 243. 

Demotio η makes a proposition to the Athenians regard- 
ing the Corinthians, 496. 

Dercylladas succeeds Thimbro in command of the 
Ionian cities, 396— negotiates privately with Tissa 
phernes, ib.— marches into the country of Pharnaha 
zus, ib.— several citiessurrender to him, 397— assaults 
Cebren and enforces submission, ib.— his proceedings 
with Midias, ib. 398 — their conversation regarding 
the property of Mania, ib.— appropriates it by right 
of conquest, ib. — reduces the murderer to his original 
rank, ib. — gives Pharnabazus his choice of war or 
peace, 398 — answered with a declaration for a truce 
ib. — winters in Bithynian Thrace, ib. — reinforced by 
Seuthes, 399— renews the truce with Pharnabazus, 
400— passe? into Europe with his army, ib.— fortifies 
Chersonesus, and returns to Asia, ib. — reduces Atar- 
na, ib. — discovers the united army drawn up against 
him, ib. 401 — prepares for battle, ib. — a conference 
and truce, ib. — sent by Agesilaus to Asia, 420 — se 
cures Abydos for the Lacedaemonians, 430 — his ad- 
dress to the Abydenians, ib. 431 — encourages the peo- 
ple of Sestos to hold out, ib. 

Derdas, king of Elymia, joins Teleutias, 447 — compli- 
4 Τ 



746 



INDEX. 



mented for bis alacrity in this, ib. 448 — distinguishes 
himself in the fight at Olynthus, ih.— marches into 
Apollonia.448— salliesout against the 01ynthians,ib. 
pursues and slaughters them, ib. 

Demis, governor of Phoenicia and Arabia 349. 

Dezippus, a Lacedtemonian, has the command of a 
galley, and runs away with it, 285 — how punished, 
ib.— accuses Xenophon to the admiral, 309 — desired 
to secure some plunder, 318— stoned, ib.— his enmity 
to Xenophon, ib.— his character displayed by Agasias, 
319. 

Diagoras, father of Dorieus, 357. 

Diana, her altar, 184— an offering to her, ib. n.— her 
temple at Ephesus, 287. 

Diaphernes dismissed from office by Cyrus, 138. 

Dinon killed atLeuctra, 472. 

Diomedon sails to the aid of Conon at Mitylene, 367— 
Callicratidas seizes ten of his ships, and he retreats, 
ib. 

Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, defeated by the Cartha- 
ginians, 379 — the Leontines revolt from him, 380 — 
sends a succour to the Lacedaemonians, 466— his ten 
vessels captured, ib. — sends auxiliaries to the Lace- 
daemonians, 487— his fifty horsemen distinguish them- 
eelves, ib. — his aid defeat the Sicyonians, ib. — storm 
the fort of Dera, ib.— sail to Syracuse, ib.— sends his 
second aid to the Lacedaemonians, 488 — lately dead, 
his son sends the third aid to the Lacedaemonians, 497 
—act in conjunction at the reduction of Sellasia, ib.— 
return to Syracuse, ib. 

Dionysius the Elder, Tully's sketch of, 641— anecdote 
respecting him and Philoxenus, ib. 642. 

Diphridas sent to secure the Asiatic cities, 433— takes 
prisoner Tigranes and his wife, ib. — his character as 
a general, ib. 

Dolopians serve under Menon, 171. 

Dolphins, pickled. 291— their fat used instead of oil, 
ib. 

Dorieus leads fourteen ships against the Athenians, 357 
— put to flight by twenty ships, ib. — runs his vessels 
on shore at the cape of Rhaeteum, ib. — closely beset 
by the enemy, whom he compels to stand away, ib. — 
seized and set at liberty, 365. 

Draco invested with charge of Atarna, 400. 

Dracontius the Spartan, sent to Cleander, 319. 

Drawers, Persian, 181. 

Drilians, the Greeks march against them, 285 — set fire 
to every thing accessible, ib. — their metropolis attack- 
ed without success, ib. — is taken and plundered, 286 
—their houses burnt, ib. 



Ε 



Eagle, Golden, the king's ensign, 194. 

Ebozelemius, Seuthes's interpreter, sent to Xenophon, 
342. 

Ecdieus commands the ships sent to Rhodes, 433 — his 
return home. ib. 

Eleans incur the displeasure of Lacedaemon, 401 — be- 
come confederates of Lacedaemon, 402 — seize upon 
Lasian, 497 — Arcadians take the field against them, 
ib. — broken and put to flight, 498 — begin to despond 
at the enemy's success, ib.— Elis distracted by factions, 
498— that of Charopus bargains with the Arcadians, 
ib. — enemies expelled from the citadel, ib.— many ex- 
iled, ib. — exiles possess themselves of Pylus, ib. — Ar- 
cadians repeat their expedition against, ib.— defeated 



ib.— beg the assistance of the Lacedemonians, ib.— 
fall upon the Pylians, 499— put many to the sword, 
and capture others, ib.— reduce their town and re- 
cover the Marganians, ib. — resolve upon a peace with 
the Arcadians, 504— and Achreans march against the 
Arcadians, ib. — repulse them, ib. — remark on their 
unwonted gallantry, ib. 

Elisarne, a town of Mysia, 348. 

Enodias, a captain, wounded, 338. 

Epaminondas encamps his army at Leuctra, 470— his 
request to his judges, 482, n. — invades Achaia, 490 — 
receives security of alliance, ib.— his declaration re- 
specting a Theban officer, 501— light in which it is 
viewed by the Arcadians, ib. — takes the field against 
the Arcadians, 502— expeditiously advances towards 
Peloponnesus, ib. — remarks on his campaign, ib. — 
leads his army against Sparta, ib. — repulsed by 100 
Spartan soldiers, ib. — returns to Tegea, ib. — defeated 
at Mantinea by Athenian cavalry, 503 — his reflections 
and resolutions, ib. — obedient alacrity of his troops, 
ib.— his dispositions for a battle, 503, 504— his victory 
and death, ib. — his army disputes with the enemy 
the honour of conquerors, ib. 505. 

Epicletus, bounds of his studies afid inquiries of men, 
521, n. — sentiment of his on the omnipresence and 
omniscience of God, 522, n. — his remarks on a cynic 
philosopher, 535, n.— his description of tke school of 
a philosopher, 587, n. 

Episthenes of Amphipolis, his great conduct, 194 — 
takes an affection to the bailiff's son, 247— a lover of 
boys, 337. 

Epyaxa, queen of Cilicia, comes to Cyrus, 171— makes 
him a present, 172 — desires a view of the army, ib. — 
admires it, ib. — goes back to Cilicia, ib. — prevails with 
her husband to come to Cyrus, 174. 

Eteonicus bolts the gates of Byzantium against the 
Greeks, 328— flies to the citadel, ib.— entrusted with 
the command of the vessels at Mitylene, 367 — a fly- 
boat carries him news of the defeat at Arginusa?, 368 
— the stratagem he used on this occasion to further 
his escape, ib. — saiJs to Chios, 368 — his soldiers form 
a conspiracy to seize it, 375 — his promptitude in this 
emergency, ib. — subjects the towns of Thrace to La- 
cedaemon, 378 — empowers the ^Eginetae to plunder 
Attica, 439. 

Euarchippides presides in the Spartan college of Epho- 
ri, 360. 

Eucles, a Syracusan commander, 360. 

Euclides the Phliasian, 347 — his advice to Xenophon, 
ib. — arrives with money, ib. — his love for Socrates 
stronger than the fear of death, 574, n. 

Euctemon, archon at Athens, 3C0. 

Eudamidas leads a force against the Olynthians, 446 — 
Potidaea surrenders to him, ib. 

Eudius presides among the ephori, 379. 

Eunomus elected to command against Gorgopas, 439 — 
defeated by Gorgopas, 440. 

Euphrates, river, 179— submits to Cyrus, 180— its source, 
235 — the Greeks pass it, 244. 

Euphron proposes the establishment of a democracy in 
Sicyon. 491— supported by Arcadians and Argives, ib. 
— submits to a convention of the people a form of ad- 
ministration, ib. — chosen one of the commanders, ib. 
— attaches many to his interest, ib.— becomes absolute 
master of Sicyon, ib. — flees for refuge from ^Eneas, 
494 — delivers up the harbour of Sicyon to the Lace- 
daemonians, ib. — goes over to their alliance, ib. — lays 
claim to intrigue in their cause, ib. — again becomes 



INDEX. 



747 



master of Sicyon, ib. — endeavours to bribe the The- 
buns, 495 — assassinated, ib. — his body carried home 
by his factionaries, 496 — honoured as guardian of 
Sicyon, lb. — occasional reflection, ib. 

Eurylochus of Lusia comes to the relief of Xenophon, 
239— enters the strong hold of the Taochians, 249— 
sent to Anaxibius, 329— his speech concerning their 
pay, 342. 

Eurymachus, sent by Timasion to Sinope and Hera- 
clea, 295. 

Euryptolemus, cousin to Alcibiades, 363— his defence of 
the commanders of Arginusae, 370, 371. 

Euxenus, left by Agesilaus to command in Asia, 418. 



G 



Ganus, a town of Thrace, 339. 

Qadates, a prince subject to the Assyrian, 86 — his hap- 
piness under the Assyrian's father, ib. — made a eu- 
nuch by the Assyrian, 78, n. — his invective against 
him, 86— delivers up a fortress of the enemy to Cy- 
rus, 80— adores Cyrus, ib.— his territory attacked by 
the Assyrian, 81 — betrayed by one under his com- 
mand, 83— wounded by him, 84— saved by Cyrus, ib. 
his gratitude, prayer, and presents, 86 — bemoans his 
fate, ib.— attends Cyrus with his mother, ib.— of great 
use to him, ib.— his conversation admired by him, 140 
— made commander of his eunuchs, ib. — and steward 
of his household, ib.— the recipient of great presents, 
ib.— his revenge on the Assyrian, 122. 

Oaulites, a Samian, his speech to Cyrus, 186. 

Genius of Socrates, translator's opinion regarding the, 
511, n.— Xenophon's definition of, 520. 

Glus sent to command Menon'a men, 181— ordered to 
assist the carriages, ib. 

Glus, son of Tamos, comes to the Greeks to acquaint 
them' of Cyrus's death, 199— observes the Greeks pass 
the Tigris, 208. 

Gnesippus, an Athenian, his speech about making 
Seuthes a present, 335. 

Gobryas, an Assyrian prince, 68— friend and tributary 
to the Assyrian's father, ib.— revolts to Cyrus, ib. — 
brings him horsemen and arms, ib. — relates to him 
the fate of his son, ib.— begs Cyrus to be his avenger, 
ib.— oilers him his alliance, tribute, and daughter, 69 
— receives him and his army in his territory, 76 — at- 
tends Cyrus with his horse, 77 — carries a challenge 
from Cyrus to the Assyrian, 79 — his reply to the As- 
syrian, ib.— employed by Cyrus to gainGadates,ib.— 
applauds the faith of Cyrus, 96— leads him to Baby- 
lon, 121— one of Cyrus's chief friends, 140 — admired 
and praised by him, 141— wants a son-in-law, 142— 
accepts of Hystaspes, ib.— describes the possessions 
of the earth, 77— commands under the king, 186. 

Gods, their nature, 20, 149— their greatness and beauty 
inexplicable, 149— act by settled law, 14— reject flat- 
tery, ib.— defended from partiality, 20— Jove the great- 
est of all, 107— human wisdom, power, &c. nothing 
without them, 20— their government of the seasons, 
102— particularly divinities, 14, 23, 49, 52, 113, 116, 
124— consequence of distrusting God, 116— of tempting 
him by impertinent curiosity, ib. — to be consulted only 
in real wants, ib.— necessity of consulting them, 20— 
human means to be used, 14 — to be mindful of them 
in prosperity, ib. 131— advantage of piety to one's self 
and others, 131, 149— effects of divine fear, 52, 113— 
a hymn sung to them in war, 53, 113. 



Gongylus, husband to Hellas, 348. 

Gongylus, the son, 348 — comes to the assistance of 
Xenophon, ib. 

Gorgion, son of Gongylus and Hellas, 348. 

Gorgopas, commands at iEgina, 439 — blocks up the 
Athenians in their own circumvallations, ib. — gives 
chase to Eunomus, 440 — engages him by moonlight, 
ib.— defeate him and seizes four vessels, ib.— attacked 
by Chabrias, 440— killed, ib. 

Grecian feasts, description of, 576, n. 

Greeks, the army of, see Cyrus, Clearchus, Xenophon. 
— of what number and kind of soldiere they consisted, 
171, — declare they will go no further, 174 — send mes- 
sengers to Cyrus, 176 — suspect the expedition was 
designed against the king, ib.— follow Cyrus with 
greater pleasure on account of his virtue, 178— an- 
gry with their generals, 179 — prevailed upon to pro- 
ceed to Babylon, ib. — excited by the promises of Cy- 
rus, 186 — sing the paean and advance against the 
enemy, 189— victorious, ib. — have hut one wounded, 
ib.— prepare to receive the king's attack, 194— alter 
their line, ib. — attack the king, and pursue him, ib. — 
Tialt and rest themselves, ib.— return to their camp, 
195— have no victuals, ib.— wonder what is become 
of Cyrus, 199 — have news of his death, ib. — in great 
want of provisions, ib.— ordered by the king to deliver 
up their arms, 200 — propose to serve the king, 201 — 
join Aria;us, ib.— accidentally march towards the 
king, 203— take a sudden alarm, ib— uneasy at waiting 
for Tissaphernes,205 — and at the behaviour of Ariae- 
us, 206— encamp at a distance from Ariaeus, ib. — 
exhibited advantageously, 208 — assembled, 217 — in 
distress, 221 — burn their carriages, tents, &c. 225 — 
mangle the bodies of the slain, 226 — march under 
great difficulties, 229— set fire to the villages, 231— 
forbear to plunder the Carduchians in hopes of 
gaining their friendship, 236— marcn fighting, ib. — 
attack the Carduchians, ib. — rest themselves, 239 — 
in a bad situation, 240 — defeat the Carduchians and 
pass the Centrites, 242— treat with Teribazus, 243— 
seize his equipage, 244— pass the night without 
victuals and fire, 245 — several sick through excessive 
cold, ib.— go into quarters, ib.— enter the territory of 
the Taochians, 248— of the Chalybians, ib.— of the 
Scythians, 250— in view of the sea, 251— arrive 
among the Macronians, ib. — attack and rout the Col- 
chians, 253— at Trebisond, ib.— attack the Driliane, 
285 — mustered, 287 — make a league with one part of 
the Mosyncecians against the other, 289— part of them 
defeated, 296 — seize and plunder the Metropolis of the 
Mosyncbcians, 291— stay at Cotyora, 292— treat with 
the Paphlagonians, 306— embark and arrive at Sinope, 
ib. — offered pay by the Lacedaemonians, 307— consult 
about the choice of a general, ib. — and about the rest 
of their journey, 310— divide into parties, ib. — number 
of each division, 311— reunite, 314— inter their dead, 
ib.— resolve never to divide again, ib.— in great want 
of provisions, ib. — under consternation, 315— march 
out and bury their dead, ib.— defeat the Bithynians 
317— and procure plenty of every thing, 318— anive 
at Chrysopolis, 329— pass over to Byzantium, 327 — 
depart out of the town, ib. — seize upon it by force, 
328— propose to ptunder it, ib.— restrained by Xeno- 
phon, ib.— nccepf Cyratades for their general, 329— 
join Seuthes, 334— suffer by the cold, 336— displeased 
with Xenophon, 337— engage to serve the Lacedaemo- 
nians, 339— dissatisfied with them, 346— join Thira- 
bron, 349. 



748 



INDEX. 



Gvlts commands in absence of Agesilaus, 422— killed 

by the Locrians, ib. 
Gymnias, a large and rich city, 250. 



Η 



Halys. a river, 294— its mouth, 309. 

Harpasus, a river, 230. 

Htcatonymus of Sinope, his speech, 292— irritates his 
companions by it, 293 — his advice to the Greeks, 294 
— suspected, ib. 

Hegesander and his party defeated, 311. 

Hegesandridas, commander of the Lacedaemonians, 
357. 

Helixus, a Megarcan commander, confederate of Clear- 
chus, 362. 

Hellas, wife to Gongylus, entertains Xenophon, 348. 

Heraclea, a Greek city, 309— the inhabitants send pre- 
sents to the Greeks, 310 — put themselves in a pos- 
ture of defence, 311— see 295—297. 

Heraclides of Maronea procures for Seuthes, 334 — sells 
the booty, 336 — under uneasiness for Xenophon's re- 
proof, 338— becomes his enemy, 339— has recourse to 
calumny, ib.— attempts to corrupt the other generals, 
reprimanded by Seuthes, ib. — his advice to Seuthes 
about sending away the army, 340 — advises the La- 
cedaemonians to disregard Xenophon, ib. — affrighted 
and retires, 331— his avarice, 297— cursed by Seuthes, 
346. 

Heraclides, a Syracusan commander, 360. 

Hercules, the Greeks sacrifice to, 253 — the place of his 
descent, 310— event of Xenophon's sacrifice to him, 
311 — the word of command, 317. 

Herippidas receives a strong force from Agesilaus, and 
fallsupon Pharnabazus' camp, 416— seizes it, and car- 
ries off much spoil, ib. — wrongs the Paphlagonians 
and Spithridates, ib. 

Hermo crates, one of the Syracusan generals condemned 
by his countrymen to exile, 358 — his address to the 
army in name of the rest, 359 — his character as a com- 
mander, ib. — prefers an accusation against Tissapher- 
nes, ib. — receives a subsidy from him.ib. 

Hermogenes suggests to Socrates the propriety of pre- 
paring his defence, 511 — his happiness under the pro- 
vidence of the gods, 613. 

Herod, a Syracusan, carries intelligence to Lacedaemon 
of preparations for war by Tissaphernes, 404. 

Hierax commissioned to succeed Teleutias, 439. 

Hiero, king of Syracuse, 625 — exhibits the interdict laid 
on the happiness of royalty in seeing, 626— hearing, 
ib.— tasting, ib. 627— smelling, ib.— in love, ib. 628— 
in great possessions, ib.— in war and peace, ib. 629 — 
in friendship,!!). 630— in confidence, ib. — in protection 
procured by country, ib. — by envy of other kings, ib. 
— in the gratification of desires, ib. 631 — in the esti- 
mate of wisdom and virtue, ib. — by the compelled 
employment of miscreants, ib. — by the necessity of 
treating subjects with severity, ib. — contrasts his pre- 
sent circumstances with those of his former private 
life, ib. 632— shows the unhappiness of royalty in 
serving friends, ib. — in subduing enemies, ib. — in the 
honours paid to it, 633— in the impossibility of safe 
resignation, ib. — in invidious and unpopular acts, 634 
— a line of conduct suggested to, by Simonides, ib. 
637 — character and anecdotes of, 639, 640 — several 
of his sentiments by Montaigne, 642. 

Hieronymus of Elis, a captain, his speech to the officers, 



220— assembles the army, 314 — sent to Anaxibius 
287— wounded in the dark, 338. 

Hippocrates, lieutenant to Mindarus, laconic and em- 
phatic letter of his intercepted, 358. 

Hippocrates, the Lacedaemonian commandant, engages 
Thrasylus in defence of Chalcedon, 361 — slain, and 
his troops retreat, ib. 

Honey, of a noxious quality, 253. 

Horsemanship, 717. 

Hunting, 

Hypermenes succeeds Mnasippus in command, 465 — 
his arrangements after the defeat at Corcyra, ib. 

Hyrcanians described, and their manner of serving the 
Assyrians in war, 57 — revolt to Cyrus, ib. 78 — on the 
same footing with Medes and Persians, 59— their ad- 
vantage over the Persians by their horse, 60— culti 
vated by Cyrus, 59, 60, 64— attend him in the war 
with zeal, 80. 

Hystaspes, one of the alike-honoured, 61 — his story of 
the greedy soldier, 27 — his speech in behalf of tem- 
perance, 6,1— puts Gadatas into a panic, 95— his free- 
dom with Cyrus, ib. — reduces Phrygia, 119 — de- 
spatched by Cyrus to raise money, 135— receives in 
marriage the daughter of Gobryas, 142. 



I& J 

Jason. See dissertation upon the Argonautic expedi- 
tion, 322. 

Jason, Polydamas's account of, 461 — 463 — appointed 
supreme governor of Thessaly, ib.— strength of his 
army, ib. — accedes to a pressing proposal to join the 
Thebans, 473 — expeditiousness of his march, ib. — dis • 
suades the Thebans from prosecuting further hostili 
ties, 473 — advises the Lacedaemonians to procure a 
peace, ib. — probable motive for this interposition, ib. — 
obtains terms for the Lacedaemonians at their request, 
ib. — on his return takes the suburbs of Hyampolis 
ib. — demolishes the fortifications of• Heraclea, 474 — 
cause of this, ib. — greatness of his government, for 
ces, and personal character, ib.— detail of his prepa 
rations for the Pythian games, ib. — among his splen 
did schemes becomes the victim of seven assassins, ib 
— two of his murderers slain, the rest received with 
honour in Greece, ib. 

Jasonian shore, 309. 

Iconium, a city of Phrygia, 173. 

Ida, mo unt, 347. 

Indian, the, subject to the Assyrian, 12— sends an em 
.bassy to Cyrus, 33 — Cyrus's message to him for mo- 
ney, 46. 

Ionians obliged to attend Crotsus, 100. 

Ionia, cities of, revolt from Tissaphernes to Cyrus, 
168. 

Iphicrates invests and plunders the country of Phlius, 
424 — invades Arcadia, 425 — successful in his warlike 
undertakings, 428— sent to counteract, the proceedings 
of Anaxibius, 434 — carries on a piratical war with 
him, ib. — marches into the.territory of Abydos. 435 
— sallies out on Anaxibius, pursues his army with 
slaughter, ib. — returns to the Cliersonesus, ib.— cho- 
sen to command an Athenian fleet, 464— his voyage 
and prudent arrangements, 465, 466— captures a La- 
cedaemonian auxiliary, ib. — employs his mariners in 
tillage for the Corcyreans, 467— makes war on the 
Thurians, ib.— prepares to devastate the territory of 
Lacedaemon, ib.— commendation of him, ib.— recalled 



INDEX. 



749 



and obliged to restore captures, 470— commands the 
Athenian succour to Laconia, 481— strictures on his 
conduct, lb, 

Jris, a river, 294. 

Jscholaus guards the pass of the Skiritis, 478— slain, lb. 

Ischomachus, his character, 655— visited by Socrates, ib. 
— delineates the picture of an amiable wife, and the 
utility of method, ib.— 662— detail of his whole econo- 
my, 063—667. 

Jsmenias, a factionary in Thebes, 447— taken into cus- 
tody, ib.— brought to trial, 447— suffers death, ib. 

Issi, a town of Cilicia, 174. 

Issus, the last town in Cilicia, 176. 

Itabelius comes to the relief of Asidates, 348. 



Κ 



Kings compared to fathers, 129— benefits arising from 
their good example, 131 — public virtue depends main- 
ly upon it, 129— ought to be the superior man, 132— 
called a seeing law, 131— herdsmen, 1, 134 — gain reve- 
rence from majesty and pomp, 132, 136— faithful 
friends their best security, 149— wearisome court paid 
to them, 122— humorously represented, ib.— Cyrus 
the most excellent of all, 1. See Hiero. 



Lebotas, the Lacedaemonian commandant, slain, 361. 

Lacedmmonians , masters of all Greece, 318 — resolve on 
war with Tissaphernes, 339— their dexterity at steal- 
ing, 248— send Thimbro with a strong force to com- 
mand in the cities of Ionia, 395— exasperated against 
the Eleans, 401— provocations to this, ib.— the ephori 
proclaim an expedition against them, ib.— proclaim 
war against the Thebans, 409— take the field against 
Grecian states, 418, 419— appoint Aristodemusto the 
command, ib.- their number and thatof their confede- 
rates, ib.— amount of the combined opposition force, 
ib. — description of their first engagement, 420 — pro- 
claim an expedition against Argos, 429— make an 
unsuccessful effort at peace, 432 — send assistance to 
the Rhodians, 433— tired of war, 442— their peace 
with Athens and confederates, 443— recover the al- 
liance of Corinth, ib. — liberate Boiotia from Thebes, 
ib.— determine to punish untractable confederates, 
ib.— proclaim an expedition against the Mantineans, 
ib.— their proceedings regarding Olynthus, 445— fit 
out an expedition against it, ib. 446 — establishment 
of their empire over Greece, 451 — chastised for breach 
of faith, ib.— put to death their commandant at 
Thebes, 452— proclaim an expedition against the 
Thebans, ib. — swear to a peace with the Athenians, 
469, 470— sustain a severe defeat of Leuctra, 472— 
bring off the dead by truce, ib.— effects of the intelli- 
gence at Lacedaemon, ib. — order out the two remain- 
ing brigades, ib.— embody every possible aid, ib. 473 
— give Archidamus the command, ib.— enter into 
terms with the Thebans, 473— immediately begin 
their march in secrecy, ib. — return to Lacedaemon, 
ib.— resolve to take the field in the cause of the 
Tegeatae, 476 — make war on the Mantineans, ib. — 
their country invaded. See Thebans and Arcadians 
— repulse the enemy's infantry, 479— send ambas- 
sadors to Athens, ib.— commission ambassadors to 
form a league with Athenians, 485— their agree- 
63 * 



ment, 486 — and Athenians resolve to guard Oneum, 
486 -and Pelleniansattacked at unawares by the The- 
bane, ib. 487 — their commander gives an advantage to 
the enemy, ib. — receive a body of mercenaries from 
Philiscus, 488— and the second aid from Dionysius, ib. 
— grant permission to the Corinthians to come to 
terms with Thebes, 497 — send succour to Hie Eleans, 
498— march by night to Cromnu-, 499— liberate some 
of their besieged countrymen, ib. — their enemies di- 
vide the rest, ib.— account of the Lacedaemonian re- 
public, 705. 
Laconia invaded. See Thebans and Arcadians. 
Lamps acus, a sea-port town, 346. 
Larissa, a large uninhabited city, 227. 
Lecheum, a Lacedaemonian brigade at, severely defeat- 
ed, 427, 428. 
Leo, an Athenian ambassador at the court of Persia, 489 

— accuses Timagoras, 490. 
Leontiades, a factionary in Thebes, 446 — cajoles Phct- 
bidas, ib.— proposes to betray the city, ib.— his man- 
ner of accomplishing this, ib. — addresses the senate, 
ib. — sets out for Lacedaemon, ib. — speaks in a council 
of state, 447— his faction mastersof Thebes, ib.— killed 
by Phyllidas, 451, 452. 
Leotychides, his claim to be king of Sparta overruled, 

403. 
Libys, brother to Lysander, commands the Lacedaemo- 
nian fleet in the Piraeus, 389— cuts off provisions from 
the enemy, ib. 
Lupercalian sacrifices, 171. 
Lycaonia, the army marches through and plunders it, 

172. 
Lycaonians, mastersof the strong places that command 

the country, 223. 
Lycius the Syracusan sent to reconnoitre the enemy, 

194. 
Lycius the Athenian made commander of the horse, 226 
—pursues the enemy, 241— takes part of their bag- 
gage, ib. — accompanies Xenophon to see the cause 
of a shouting in the army, 251. 
Lycomedes of Mantinea, his birth, wealth and ambition, 
487 — fills the Arcadians with notions of their impor- 
tance, ib.— quits Thebes. 490— accomplishes an alli- 
ance between the Athenians and Arcadians, 496— 
manner of his death, ib. 
Lycon the Achaean opposes Xenophon, 296 — his propo- 
sal, 310— sent to demand money of Ueraclea.ib.— one 
of the heads of the division, ib. 
Lycophron schemes to be king of all Thessaly, 379 — de- 
feats the Larisseans, ib. 
Lycurgus, one of the betrayers of Byzantium, 362. 
Lycus, a river, 310. 
Lydia, the sea of, 347. 
Lydia, the army marches through it, 170. 
Lydians subject to the Assyrian, 12— their number and 
strength under Croesus, 23 — their consternation on 
the capture of Sardes, 115 — become subject to Cyrus, 
1— their ears bored, 219. 
Lysander commands the Lacedaemonian fleet, 364- -at- 
tacks and defeats Antiochus and assistants, 365- his 
self-complacency at the expiry of his command.ib.— 
his friends clamour at his dismissal from office, ib — 
again received into command by the Lacedemonians, 
375— assaults a confederate city of the Athenians, 376 
—takes Lampsaifus by storm, ib.— collects all the ships 
of Lacedaemon into one fleet, 376— procures from Cy- 
rus a supply of money, 376 — his proceedings before 
the battle of ^Egospotamos, 376, 377— totally defeats 



750 



INDEX. 



the Athenians there, ih.— desires the advice of his 
confederates regarding his prisoners, 377— puts Philo- 
clesto death, ib.— permits his Athenian captives to 
return home, ib.— marches a numerous army to 
Athens, 378— encamps in the Academy, ib.— replaces 
the ^Egineta? and Melians in their respective cities, ib. 
—lays waste Salamis, and stations himself in the Pi- 
raeus, ib. — sends a guard to the thirty, 380 — invests 
the Samians, ib.— compels them to capitulate, ib.— 
sails to Lacedaemon with the spoils and honours of 
the late war, ib.— procures a loan for the reduction 
of the enemy in the Piraeus, 389— he and his brother 
ordered to take the command by land and sea, ib. — 
accompanies Agesilaus in his expedition to Asia, 
404, 405— crowds of people pay court to him, ib.— 
sent by Agesilaus to the Hellespont, ib. — induces 
Spithridates to revolt from Pharnabazus, 406— as- 
saults Haliartus, 418— the Thebans hasten to its re- 
lief, and engage him under the walls, ib.— defeated 
and slain, ib. 

Lysimachus butchers some persons of ^Exone, 389. 

Lysippus left by Agis in command of a garrison, 402 — 
ravages the territory of the Eleans, ib. 



Μ 



Macronians oppose the Greeks, 251 — enter into treaty 
with them, ib. — assist and conduct the Greeks, ib. — 
a free nation, 349. 

Maander, the river, 171— the head of it, ib. 

Matsades, father to Seuthes, 332 and 338. 

Magade, a musical instrument, 335. 

Magi, the regard paid to them in war by Cyrus, 67— in 
peace, 131 — have the first choice of spoil for the gods, 
67 — and ground for sacred use, 122— appointed to sing 
a morning hymn to the gods, 131 — direct the public 
sacrifices, ib.— and sacred affairs, 136, 138. 

Magnesians, their dance, 305. 

Mandane, mother of Cyrus. 2. 

Mania, widow of Lenis, 396 — governor of jEolia,396 — 
visits Pharnabazus, ib. — entrusted by him with the 
sub-government of iEolia, ib.— her policy, liberality, 
and bravery, ib. — takes the field with Pharnabazus 
in his invasions, 397— loaded by him with honours, 
ib. — strangled by herson-in law in a fit of envy, ib. — 
her son meets the same fate, ib. 

Mantineans, their dance, 306— blockaded in their city, 
443 — compelled to capitulate, ib. — settled in four 
villages, 444 — ruled by an aristocracy, ib. — resolve 
to re-settle in the city of Martinea, 475— refuse the 
terms of Agesilaus, ib.— Arcadians and Eleans assist 
them in the fortification, ib. — take the field against 
the Orchomenians, 476— a skirmish, ib. — resist en- 
croachments on the sacred treasure, 500 — send notice 
to the other Arcadians to stand in defence, 501 — de- 
mand from Tegea their detained citizens, ib. 

Mantitheus, having been taken prisoner in Caria, and 
sent to Sardis, escapes along with Alcibiades, 357. 

Market, full, a time of day, 200. 

Marsyes, a river, origin of its name, 171. 

Masca, a river in Arabia, 181. 

Medes, their luxury and effeminacy, 5, 151 — use paint 
for their eyes and complexion, anr 1 /alee hair, 5— their 
king a tyrant, 7 — designs of the Assyrian king against 
them, 12 — their number and force under Cyrus. 24 — 
indulge themselves after the er.emy « defeat, 56— as 
many as will have liherty to attend Cyrus, 57 — their 



different motives, 58— their advantage over the Per- 
sians by their horse, 61— Cyrus's methods to captivate 
their affection, 64— have the distribution of the spoil, 
69— the Median messenger sent by Cyaxares to Cy- 
rus, 64 — the Mede who requested and obtained one 
of Cyrus's fine women, 69— stay with Cyrus in his 
new government, 142— voluntarily submit to it, 1— 
all Media given to Cyrus in dowry, 144— satrapy of 
the Medes bequeathed to Taxoaxares, 149. 

Media, the wall of, 187, 206— the desert part of, 208. 

Medocus, king of the Odrysians, 332, 334. 

Medosades sent from Seuthes to Xenophon, 327, 331— 
confirms Xenophon's account, ib. — villages given him 
by Seuthes, 343— his speech to Xenophon, ib.— de- 
sires him to call the Lacedaemonians, ib. — his sub- 
missive behaviour to them, 344— wishes that Xeno- 
phon may be sent to Seuthes, ib. 

Megabysus, sacristan to Diana, 287. 

Megaphernes put to death for treason, 172. 

Melandeptans, 332. 

Melenophagi, Thracians so called, 339. 

Mello, a Theban refugee, 451— meets Phyllidas at 
Athens, ib. — they conspire against the Theban go- 
vernment, ib.— he and accomplices assassinate the 
generals of the state, ib. 

Menon the Thessalian joins Cyrus, 171 — escorts the Ci- 
lician queen, 172 — part of his army destroyed, 174 — 
persuades his men to pass the Euphrates before the 
rest, 179— supposed to receive large presents, ib.— has 
the left wing assigned him, 185— nexttoClearchusin 
battle, 187— sent to Ariaeus, 199— and remains with 
him, 201— his intimacy with Ariaeus, 207— suspected 
to be the author of the jealousies, 211— apprehended, 
ib.— his character, 213— and death, ib. 

Mespila, a large uninhabited city, 227. 

Midas, king of Phrygia, his fountain, 172. 

Midias kills bis mother-in-law, 397 — seizes two cities 
where part of her treasure was reposited, ib. — sends 
presents to Pharnabazus, and solicits the government 
of JEolia, ib. — severe reply to his message, ib. 

Miletus, a city of Ionia, 168 — besieged by Cyrus, ib. 

Millet, 173. 

Mill-stones, where dug, 181. 

Milto, Cyrus's mistress, 193, n. 

Miltocythes, the Thracian, deserts with a strong party, 
202. 

Mindarus, hastening on an emergency to the assistance 
of Dorieus, engaged by the Athenians, 357 — leads a 
fleet of 60 Peloponnesian vessels against the Athe- 
nians, 357— at Cyzicus in company with Pharnabazus 
and the land force, 358 — killed, and his army routed, 
ib. 

Minerva, temple of in Phocea set on fire by lightning, 
301. 

Mithridales comes to the Greeks, 211— makes deceitful 
proposals to them, 225 — suspected, ib.— comes again 
as a friend, but successfully attacks them, ib. — pro- 
poses to do great things, 226 — routed, ib.— governor 
of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, 349. 

Mnasippus made admiral of a Lacedaemonian fleet, 464 
— sails for Corcyra, ib. — master of the country, ib. — 
ruins the fine estates, ib. — fastidiousness of his sol- 
diers, ib. — closely blocks up the city, ib. — his proceed- 
ings at the siege, 465 — negligence of his guards taken 
advantage of by the enemy, ib. — draws up his male 
content soldiers, ib.— overpowered and routed, ib — 
killed, ib. 

Mosynacians, their answer to the Greeks, 287-^are a 



INDEX. 



751 



divided people, ih. — their answer to Xenophon, ib.— 
their habits and military discipline, ib. — cause of their 
divisions, 290— attacked, ib.— and routed, ib.—the're- 
markable situation of their towns, 291 — their charac- 
ter, ib.— a free nation, 349. 

Myriandrus, a city of Syria, 177. 

Jfyscon, a Syracusan general, 359. 

Mysian, his false ambuscade, 287— wounded, ib. 

Jlfysians, Cyrus makes war upon them, 191— inhabit 
many cities of the king against his will, 223. 

Mysus, his dance, 306— with a woman, ib. 



Ν 



JVeon the Asinian receives the share of Cheirisophus, 
287— accuses Xenophon, 297 — persuades Xenophon to 
march by himself, 311 — succeeds Cheirisophus, 314 — 
desirous to please the soldiery, 315— leads out a party, 
and is defeated, ib. — left to guard the camp, ib. — for- 
bids Cyratades to sitrifice, 330— leads the army to the 
Thracian villages, ib. — proposes to go to the Cherso- 
nesus, ib. — draws off his forces, and encamps at a dis- 
tance. 331— stays when the rest join Seuthes, 332— 
attempts to persuade the rest to stay, ib. 

JVeon-Teichus, a town of Thrace, 341. 

Nicander, the Lacedffimonian, slays Dexippus, 285. 

JVicarchus, an Arcadian, wounded, and brings the 
Greeks news of the death of their generals, 211 — de- 
serts with a party, 225. 

Nicolochus commands under Antalcidas, 439 — sails to 
the assistance of Abydos, ib. — makes a descent upon 
Tetiedos, ib.— sent with a fleet to check Timotheus, 
458— defeated, ib. 

Nicomachus of Oete offers himself to secure a danger- 
ous post, 248. 



Obolus, 181. 

Odrysians join Seuthes in great numbers, 338, 339— Te- 
res the king of, ib. — one of them comes with Medo- 
sades to Xenophon, 343— rebukes Medosades, ib. 

Officers, the several kinds which Cyrus appointed in his 
empire, 130. 

Olympia, 338. 

Olympic games, their nature and institution, 639. 

Olynthians, send an embassy to Lacedaemon, 451 — be- 
come confederates of the Lacedaemonians, ib. 

Omens, Greek and Roman, 308, n. — defined, 519, n. 

Ophrynion, a town of Dardania, 347. 

Opis, a large and populous city, 208. 

Orontas, a Persian, his treachery, 183— discovered, ib. 
— and condemned, 184 — uncertain what became of 
him, ib. 

Orontas comes to the Greeks, 206— governor of Arme- 
nia, 232— his forces, 240. 

Ostriches, 180. 



Palm-tree, bridges made of, 204. See Vinegar wine. 
Pamphilus, sent against the ^Eginetae, 439. 
Pancratium, one of the Greek games, 253. 
Panic, a sort of grain, 173. 



Pantacles presides among the ephori, 301. 
Panthea, the most beautiful woman of Asia, 69— taken 
captive by Cyrus's army, 73— chosen by the Mede• 
for Cyrus, ib. — example of conjugal affection and 
heroic virtue, 98 — Araspcs's description of her per- 
son and manner, 73— Cyrus afraid to See her, gives 
her in charge to Araspes,74— he becomes her captive 
in love, ib.— rejects his solicitations, 97 — her goodness 
in keeping it private from Cyrus, ib. — threatened 
with violation, 98 — sends account of it to Cyrus, ib. — 
her gratitude to him, 99— obtains liberty to send for 
her husband, ib.— excites him to gratitude, ib.— pre- 
sents him with a suit of armour and puts it on, 106—. 
moving scene between them on that occasion, ib. — 
her love, bravery, and heroic virtue, ib. — encourages 
him to bravery, ib. — draws the admiration of the 
whole army, 107— her affliction over the dead body of 
her husband, 118— her lamentation, self-upbraidings, 
&c. 1 17, 118— pitied and honoured by Cyrus, ib.— re- 
mains inconsolable, ib. — kills herself, ib. — Cyrus's la- 
mentation over her, ib.— her funeral rites and monu- 
ment, ib. 
Paphlagonians, subject to the Assyrian, 12 — refuse to 
join the expedition against the Medes and Persians, 
23— join Croesus, 100-subject to Cyrus, 14-1000 horse 
in the army of Cyrus, 187— their strength, 294— lose 
no opportunity of annoying the Greeks, 305. 
Parasanga, 170. ' 

Parthenius, a river, 294— its mouth, 310. 
Pary satis, queen of Persia, 169— loves her youngest son 
best, 168— villages for her table, 178— her villages upon 
the Tigris plundered, 208. 
Pasimelus and Alcimenes determine to liberate Co- 
rinth, 423— confer with Praxitas, ib.— Pasimelus re- 
ceives the harbour of Sicyon for the Lacedaemonians 
494. 
Pasion the Megarean joins Cyrus, 170— some of his sol- 
diers go over to Clearchus, 174— deserts, 177. 
Pasippidas declared an exile from Sparta, 359. 
Patagyas, a Persian, brings news of the king's ap- 
proach, 187. 
Patrocles'' speech in an Athenian assembly, 480,481— 

harangue in another assembly, 485, 486. 

Paulus JEmilius and his daughter, anecdote of, 519, n. 

Pausanias proclaims a foreign expedition, 389-encamps 

an warmy near the Piraeus, ib.— has a skirmish with 

Thrasybulus, ib. 390 — sends emissaries among the 

enemy with instructions, ib.— accomplishes an end to 

hostilities, 390— deputed to command the army 

against Thebes, 409— marches against the Thebans, 

411— he and his constituents quail before the enemy, 

ib.— demands a truce for removing the dead from 

Haliartus, ib. — receives it on condition that he leaves 

the country, ib.— dejectedly retires, insulted by the 

enemy, ib.— upon his return to Sparta, summoned to 

his trial, ib.— his accusation, ib. — condemned to die, 

ib.— flees to Tegea, and dies there, ib. 

Peisias proceeds against Oneum, 490. 

Pelopidas, sent ambassador to Persia, 489— pleads for 

the Thebans, ib. 
Peloponnesian war finished, 380 — names of the ephori 
of Sparta during its continuance, ib.— led by Mindarus 
to the assistance of Dorieus in a sea-engagement, 
357— their flight towards Abydos, ib.— reinforced by 
the land army of Pharnabazus, ib.— they rally and 
resume the fight on the beach, ib. — defeated at Cyzi 
cus, 358. 
Pergamus, a city of Mysia, 349. 



752 



INDEX. 



Pericle*, tutor to Alcibiadcs, 526. 

Perinthians receive into tlieir city the forces of Alci- 
biadcs. 

Pcrinthus, a city of Thrace, 330. 

Persians, an instance of their ready obedience, 182— 
empire, in what respect weak, ib.— their custom of 
fighting with tlieir heads bare, J87 — bucklers, 188 — 
how destroyed by the Athenians, 222— their women 
fair and stately, 223 — their bows carry a great way, 
223— their slingers throw stones too large, 226— their 
long bows, 228— their armies subject to several incon- 
veniences in the night, 229— their dance, 306— their 
number, 4— tribes, 2— country mountainous, 5— bad 
horsemen, ib. — habits coarse, diet plain, 4 — form of 
government limited, 7 — their laws and institutions de- 
scribed, 2 — prescribed before all others, 2 — careful of 
the education of their children, ib.— their place of dis- 
cipline, ib.— disingenuous people and manners banish- 
ed from it, ib. — division of it into parts according to 
the respective orders, ib. — boys go to public schools to 
learn justice of the rulers, 2 — punished by them for in- 
justice, particularly ingratitude, ib. — taught temper- 
ance, obedience, &c. 4 — eat not with mothers, but 
teachers, ib. — at sixteen enter the order of youth, ib. 
— exercise, arms, military virtues, and public service 
described, ib. — armsa«d service of the full-grown, ib. 
—the age qualifying for the order of elders, ib. — elders 
choose magistrates, ib. — distribute public and private 
justice, ib.— their sentence renders infamous for life, 
ib.— compound of the most excellent men, ib.— num- 
ber of the alike-honoured, 13— their king governed by 
the law, 7— appears to have been the high priest, 65— 
their piety, faith, and justice, 150— their temperance 
and exercises, 4, 151 — their arms, 24, 25, 151 — their 
manner of fighting, 24 — bravery and skill in war, 151 
—disadvantage in war for want of horsemen, 61— end 
and use of their severe discipline, ib. — custom of kiss- 
ing, when and whom, 11— Persian conversation in Cy- 
rus's tent, full of humour, 27 — 30 — another, 141, 142 — 
designs against them, 12 — their assistance requested 
by Cyaxares, ib.— elders in council choose Cyrus com- 
mander of their army, ib. — number and components 
of their army, ib.— alike-honoured commissioned to 
increase their number, ib. — Persian soldiers who at- 
tend Cyrus, armed same as the alike-honoured, 25 — 
exercised and cultivated by Cyrus, ib. 33 — their bra- 
very, obedience, and order, 52 — victory over the As- 
syrian army, ib. 59— call forth Cyrus's praise and gra- 
titude, 55 — abstain from eating while the allies feast 
themselves, 61, 64— their surpassing vigilance, ib.— 
theirself denial with respect to the enemy's treasure, 
68— body of horse formed for them, 61, 67— horseman- 
ship established among them, 63 — Cyrus's drollery 
on them, 68— he inures them to greater labour than 
the rest of the army, 75 — their decorum in eating and 
drinking, 77— nearly worsted by the Egyptians, 114— 
relieved by Cyrus, ib. — come off victorious, ib. — Per- 
sian cavalry won most reputation of all Cyrus's army, 
115 — Persian garrisons left in Caria, 119 — in Phrygia, 
on the Hellespont, ib.— in Sardes,ib.— in Babylon, 122 
— Persian lancemen formed by Cyrus, ib. — the Per- 
sians part in settling Cyrus's new government, ib. 132 
—their first use of the Median robe, 136— pay Cyrus 
adoration, 137 — he and they mutually bound by oath, 
145— extent of the Persian empire under Cyrus, 1, 150 
—bequeathed to Cambyses, 148— degeneracy and ruin 
of the Persian state, and institutions after Cyrus's 
death, 150. 



Phalanx, the Macedonian, its conveniences and incon 

veniences, 225. 
Phalinus, a Greek, in favour with Tissaphernes,200 — 
pretender to tactics, ib.— his answer to tbe generals, 
ib.— his reply to Xenophon, 201— asks Clearchus hit> 
opinion, ib. — his answer to Clearchus, ib. — proposes 
odd terms to the Greeks, ib. — and departs, ib. 
Phanosthenes appointed to succeed Conon at Andros, 
365— in his passage thither captures two vessels of 
Thurium, ib. 
Phamabazus marches a land army to the relief of the 
Peloponnesians, 357 — animates the Peloponnesians 
and Syracusans, 358 — his preparations for renewing 
the war, ib.— hastily departs to the relief of Chalcedon, 
ib.— comes to. the aid of Abydos, 361— defeated by Al- 
cibiades, ib. — agrees with the Athenians regarding 
Chalcedon, ib. — visited by Mania, 396 — appoints her 
governanteof iEolia, ib.— his noble reply to a message 
from her murderer, 397— unites with Tissaphennes, 
and marches to Ionia, 400— with a detachment attacks 
a foraging party of Agesilaus, 416 — his terms of peace 
with Agesilaus, 417, 418— incident regarding his son 
ib. — drives from the maritime cities the Lacedaemo- 
nian commandants, 430 — commits the charge of four 
ships to Conon, ib. — sails towards Lacedaemon,431 — 
makes descents on and ravages the coast, ib.— appalled 
by difficulties, and returns, ib.— frightens the Cytheri- 
ans into a capitulation, ib.— -threatens Abydos and 
Sestos with war, 431— ravages the territory of the 
former, ib. 
Pharus, a river of Cilicia, 176. 
Phasians oppose the Greeks, 247. 
Phasis, a river, 247. 

Pheraulas,& Persian common soldier, much in Cyrus's 
favour, 30, 136-his speech for proportionable rewards, 
31 — greatly enriched by Cyrus, 136 — honoured by him 
with the care of his procession, 136 — his behaviour on 
being hit with a clod, 138— presented by the Sacian 
with his horse, ib. — by Cyrus with his prize of cups, 
139— invites the Sacian to a handsome entertainment 
ib. — confers upon him the cups, ib. — converses with 
him on poverty and riches, ib. — despises the latter, 
and bestows all on the Sacian, ib.— lays himself wholly 
to enrich the Sacian and cultivate his friends, 140— 
his character of man, ib. 
Philesius, has charge of the ships, 287— against Xeno- 
phon, 296— condemned to pay a fine, 300— sent to 
Ahaxibius, 329. 
Philiscus arrives from Ariobarzanes, 488 — summons 
the Thebans and Lacedaemonians to treat about a 
peace, ib. — furnishes the latter with a body of merce- 
naries, ib. 
Philocrates sails to assist Evagoras, 433— loses all his 

vessels, ib. 
Phliasians deliver up their city to the Lacedaemonians, 
424— persist in faithful attachment to the Lacedaemo- 
nians, 491— their bravery at the siege of Phlius. 492— 
again invaded by the Argives and Arcadians, 492 — 
causes of the enemy's malignance, ib. — force them to 
retire, ib. — an army marched against them by the 
Sicyonian commandant, ib. — prevent their descent in- 
to the plain, 493— a skirmish, ib.— a close engagement, 
ib.— achieve a splendid victory, ib.— relieve a Pelle- 
nian prisoner without ransom, while wanting the 
necessaries of life, ib.— tribute to their generosity and 
gallantry, ib.— reduced to total distress, ib. -dangerous 
expedient to procure food, ib.— encounter the enemy 
and come ofF victors, ib.— induce Chares to attack the 



INDEX. 



753 



Sicyonians, lb. 494— march along with him, ib — the 
enemy flee at their approach, ib.— receive the aid of 
the Corinthiuns in carrying off the spoil, ib.— ratify 
an accommodation with Thebes, 497. 

Phlius, the exiles from, complain to the Lacedaemoni- 
ans, 444— restored to their privileges, ib.— citizens of, 
refuse to do justice to the exiles, 449— the aggrieved 
lodge their complaint at Lacedaemon, ib.— blockaded 
by Agesilaus, ib. 

Phabidas, associated in command with Eudamidae,446 
— marches to Thebes, ib.— the city betrayed to him, 
ib.— censured by his countrymen for his presumption, 
ib.— commandant in Thespia, 455— plunders the The- 
bane, ib.— defeated and slain, ib. 

Phoenicians join Croesus against Cyrus, 100— become 
part of Cyrus's empire, 1. 

Phrasias commands in the rear, 316. 

Phrygia, the country of, 171. 

Phrygians of the greater Phrygia, their force under the 
Assyrian, 23— join Croesus against him, 100— over- 
thrown by Cyrus, 120 — Artacamus made satrap over 
them, 146. 

Phrygians of Phrygia on the Hellespont, their force un- 
der the Assyrian, 23— their flight, 60— allies to Croe- 
sus, 100— Hystaspes sent against them, 119— their king 
forced to submit by the revolt of his commanders, ib. 
—garrisons left there for Cyrus, ib.—Pharnuchas ap- 
pointed satrap over them, 146. 

Phryniscus of Achaia leads the army into the Thracian 
villages, 330— proposes to carry it to Seuthes, ib.— goes 
with Xenophon to Seuthes, 332— receives a yoke of 
oxen from Seuthes, 338— his honest resolution, 339. 

Philesius, an Achaian, chosen general in the room of 
Menon,221. 

Philip, a buffoon, at Callias's entertainment, 604, et 
infra. 

Philoxenus of Pelena mounts the rampart without 
arms, 286. 

Pholoe, a mountain, 288. 

Phyllidas, an official in Thebes, 451— meets Mello at 
Athens, ib.— agrees with him about a plot against the 
Tbeban government, ib.— practises a cheat on the 
libertine generals, ib.— takes three assassins to the 
house of Leontiades, ib.— kills him, 452 — murders the 
public jailor, and gives the prisoners their liberty, ib. 

Physcus, a river, 208. 

Physicians. See Surgeons. 

Pigres, interpreter to Cyrus, 172— ordered to assist the 
carriages, 181 — sent from Cyrus to Clearchus, 188. 

Pisander appointed admiral of the fleet, 408— slain at 
Cnidus, 421. 

Pisidians , 169, 170— Cyrus's first expedition was against 
them, 191— hold several of the king's cities, 223. 

Pitys presides among the ephori, 365. 

Polemarchus killed, 432. 

Polus appointed admiral in the room of Anaxibius, 330. 

Pollis appointed admiral of a Lacedaemonian fleet, 457 
— blocks up the Athenians at sea, ib.— defeated by 
Cbabrias, ib. 

Polyoiades succeeds Agesipolis in command against 
Olynthus, 450 — compels the famishing enemy to send 
an embassy to Lacedaemon, 451. 

Polycrates, his expedition, 245— has the command of a 
galley, 285— goes with Xenophon to Seuthes, 331,— 
sent t j fetch in the rest, 332— his speech in favour of 
Xenophon, 342. 

Polydamas comes to Lacedaemon, 461— account of him, 
ib.— gives the detail of an interview with Jason, and 



?. describes him, ib. 463— commends the ingenuity of th• 
state, and returns to Pharsalus, ib.— negotiates with 
Jason, ib. 

Polydamat, the Pharsalian, slain by Polyphron, 474. 

Polydorus and Polyphron, succeed Jason in Thessaly, 
474— sudden death of the former attributed to the vio- 
lence of the latter, ib.— Polyphron holds tyrannical 
supremacy for a year, ib.— killed by Alexander, ib. 

Polynicus sent from Thimbron for the army, 339— in- 
curs the censure of the army, 346. 

Polytropus slain in fight, 476. 

Pontus, a tenth levied on all vessels from, 358. 

Potamis, a Syracusan general, 359. 

Praxitas overcomes the Argives, 423, 424— seizes Sidus 
and Crommyon, ib. 

Proanus commands the Corinthian fleet, 432. 

Procles brings news of Cyrus's death to the Greeks, 199 
—comes to them with a message from Ariaeus, 291— 
arrives to the assistance of Xenophon, 348. 

Proxenus the Boeotian, a friend to Cyrus, 169— joint 
Cyrus, 170— interposes between Clearchus and Me- 
non, 182— his place in the battle, 187— Clearchus con- 
sults with him about the defence of their camp, 193 — 
his answer to Phalinus, 200— alarmed with a false 
message, 207— apprehended, 211— and beheaded, ib.— 
his character, 212— a great friend to Xenophon, 218— 
not let into Cyrus's secrets, ib.— his name inscribed 
upon Xenophon's offering, 287. 

Pylas, 181. 

Pyramid, the dimensions of, 227. 

Pyramus, a river of Cilicia, 176. 

Pyrias, an Arcadian, commands in the rear, 316. 

Pyrrhic dance, 306. 

Pythagoras, the Lacedaemonian admiral, 176. 

Pythodorus, archon, 379. 



Rafts, how made, 182, 208. 

Rat hines sent from Pharnabazus to oppose the Greeks, 
315. 

Rathines and Bancceus, commanders under Pharnaba- 
zus, defeated, 406. 

Resen, the same with Larissa,226, n. 

Rhodians, expert slingers, 226— do great execution, 228 
— their slings carry farther than the Persian, ib.— an 
ingenious proposal of one, 231. 

Roe-deer, 180, n. 

Romans, their discipline compared with the Macedo- 
nian, 255. 

Roparas, governor of Babylon, 349. 



s 



Sacian Cup-bearer mimicked and ridiculed by Cyrus, 
5 — Sacian, a private man, carries a prize at the races, 
138— his conversation with Pheraulus, 139 — enriched 
by him, ib. — Sacians receive great injuries from the 
Assyrian, 78— enemies to him, ib. 81— their zeal in 
becoming allies to Cyrus, ib.— extent of their army,ib. 

Salmydessus, a Thracian town upon the Euxine, 339. 

Samolas, an Achaian, ambassador to Sinope, 295— com- 
mands in the rear, 316. 

Samos, after the battle of ^gos-potamos, the sole ex- 
ception to a revolt from the Athenians by Greece, 
378. 

4U 



754 



INDEX 



S*rat ens, a conjecture regarding their name, 173. 
Sardes, richest city of Asia next to Babylon, 116— In one 
year able to recover the loss of all its riches, ib.— cap- 
tured by Cyrus, 115— Persian garrison left in it, 119. 
Saturus, head of Theramenes' executioners, 385. 
Scedasus and his daughters, Plutarch's story of, 470, 

n.— 47J, n. 
Stilus, a town near Olympia, 287. 
Scourge, part of the Persian military discipline, 229. 
Scythe nians, the Greeks arrive among them, 251. 
Sellenus, two rivers of this name, 287. 
Selpmbria, 339. 

Selymbrians in preference to receiving Alcibiades' ar- 
my, give him a sum of money, 358. 

Sesame, a sort of plant, 173. 

Seuthes sends to Xenophon, 330 — gains Cleanor Phry- 
nicus, ib.— treats with Xenophon, 331— his manner 
of life, ib.— related to the Athenians, 332— agrees to 
take the army into pay, ib.— his proposals to Xeno- 
phon, 333 — and to the army, ib. — invites the officers 
to supper, 334— pledges Xenophon and shows his 
agility, 335 — conforms to the Greek custom in march- 
ing, ib. — rides before upon the scout, 336 — burns the 
country, ib.— sends proposals to the enemy, 337— kills 
all he takes, 338 — comes to Xenophon's assistance, ib. 
— his army greatly increased, ib.— tries to corrupt the 
officers, ib. — grows cool towards Xenophon, 339 — his 
army superior to the Greeks, ib. — displeased with 
Xenophon, ib.— confers in private with the Lacedae- 
monians, 340— brings them the army, ib.— withdraws 
from the Greeks, 342— tries to retain Xenophon, ib. — 
removes to a greater distance, 343 — prevailed upon to 
pay the Greeks, 346— governor of the European Thra- 
cians, 349— joins Dercyllidas, 399— his camp attacked 
by the Bithynians, ib. 

Siglus, a Persian coin, 181. 

Silanus of Ambracia receives 3000 daricks, 187— divul- 
ges Xenophon's secrets, 295— desirous to return to 
Greece, ib. — the soldiers threaten to punish him if he 
leaves them, 297— makes his escape from Heraclea, 
314. 

Simonides, the poet, comes to the court of Hiero, 625 — 
his conversation with Hiero, infra — hie opinions on 
moral and physical pleasure and pain, 625— his reply 
to Hiero's question concerning God, 640— his reflec- 
tions on human life, ib. 

Sinope, a city in Paphlagonia, 307. 

Sinopeans send ambassadors to the Greeks, 292— send 
tt Timasion, to engage him to carry the army out of 
the Euxine, 295— a colony of the Milesians, 307— send 
the Greeks a present, ib. 

Sitace, a city of Babylonia, 207. 

Sitalces, a dance in honour of, 305. 

Smicres slain with all his men, 311. 

Sneezing ominous, 221. 

Soclidas slain in fight with the Arcadians, 498. 

Socrates, his strict justice in a trial, 369— instance of 
his foresight, 520, n. —manner of spending his time, ib. 
521 — his reasonings regarding useless speculations, ib. 
—man in bis various relations his only study, ib.— 
president of the assembly of the people, ib. — opposes 
the sentence against the nine captains, 522, and n. — 
his exemplary piety, ib.— studious moderation of his 
desires, ib. and n. — bis equal distribution of food and 
exercise, ib —reprobates the receipt of rewards for in- 
structions, ib. — practises the virtues he recommends, 
ib. 523— remarks on his intercourse with Critias and 
Alcibiadee, ib.— 525— summoned before Critias and 



Charicles, ib.— hie conversation with them, 381, η 
525, 526— his discrimination of madness and igno- 
rance, 527— his preference of merit to consanguinity, 
ib. 528— his benevolence to all mankind, ib.— confers 
renown on Athens, ib.— punctually observes the pub- 
lic rites, and institutions, 529— form and nature of his 
prayer, ib.— his example and remarks respecting 
regimen, 530— his counsel on love and beauty, ib.— 
refutation of the alleged inefficacy of his theories of 
virtue, ib. et infra— his conversation with Anetode- 
rmas on the existence and attributes of the Deity, ib. 
533 — address to the Athenians on intemperance, ib. — 
converses with Antipho on the apparent hardships of 
his own self-denial, ib. 534 — on his gratuitous instruc- 
tions, 535— and on his not engaging personally in state 
affairs, ib.— on superficial attainments, ib. 536— his 
conversation with Aristippus on effeminacy, &&.— 
539— 543— relates the Allegory of Hercules, Virtue, 
and Sensuality, 542, 543— converses with his son 
Lamprocles on ingratitude to parents, 544, 545— hie 
discourse with Chcrecrates on fraternal affection, ib. 
— 547 — discourses with Critobulus on domestic eco- 
nomy, 645 — on the proper estimation of property, 
646— on the preference over goods to be given to 
friends, ib. — on the advantage to be derived from 
enemies, ib. — on slaves to lust and pleasures, ib. 647 
— on inducing poverty, ib. 648— on the management 
of business, 648— 650— details the king of Persia's ar- 
rangements for war and husbandry, ib. 651— Cyrus's, 
651, 652 — his eulogy of husbandry, ib. 653— acknow- 
ledges the intervention of the gods in success, ib.— 
recapitulates his arguments, 654 — a remark on the 
fallacy of judging from personal appearance, ib.— re- 
lates his conversation with Ischomachus, 655 — 677 — 
his observations on the value of a friend, 547, 548— 
exhorts his hearers to examine in what estimation 
their friends should hold them, ib.— converses with 
Critobulus on the manner of trying friends and ob- 
taining them, ib.— 552 — discourses with Aristarchus 
on the employment of his destitute relations, ib.— 554 
— relates to him the fable of the sheep and dog, ib. — 
urges on Eutheres the necessity of preparing for the 
wants of old age, ib. — induces a lasting friendship 
between Crito and Aristodemus, ib. 555 — converses 
with Diodorus on the relief of indigent friends, ib.— 
discourses on military tactics, 559, 560 — on the cha- 
racter of a good general and a good prince, ib. 561— 
on the duties of a general of the horse, ib. 562 — de- 
fends Antiathenes from the allegations of Nichoma- 
chides, ib. 563 — discourses with the son of Pericles on 
conducting the war, ib. — 566 — with Glauco on his de- 
sire of governing the republic, ib. 568— with Charmi- 
das on his not bringing his talents to the service of 
the state, ib. 569 — with Aristippus on the beautiful 
and the good, ib. 570 — his observations on courage, 
ib.— on wisdom and virtuous temperature, ib. — on 
madness and ignorance, ib. — on the nature of envy, 
ib. 571— on idleness, ib. — on the art of governing, 
ib. — on an arbitrary prince, ib. — on the most eligible 
study for man, ib. — converses with Parrhasius on 
painting, ib. 572— and the imitation of morally good 
and bad traits in the lineaments, ib. — with Clito on 
statuary, ib.— with Pistias on armour, ib. 573— visits 
the beautiful Theodota, ib. — his conversation with 
her, ib. 575 — reproves Epigenesfor neglect of athletic 
exercises, ib. — censures one for rage at an incivility, 
ib.— prescribes to another a remedy for disrelish of 
food, ib.— rebukes another for fastidiousness, 576— 



INDEX. 



755 



another flwr cruelty to his servant, ib.— another who 
dreaded the distance from Olympia, ib.— another for 
complaining of weariness by travelling, ib.— intro- 
duces a new measure in the management of enter- 
tainments, ib.— reproves two individuals for impro- 
prieties at supper, ib. 577— his opinion and application 
of the verb ιυ«ιχιΓ<τίί»4, ib. and n.— general usefulness 
of his conversation, 581— his method under different 
circumstances, ib. 582— ridicules the pretensions of 
Euthedemus, 582— disposes him to enter into confe- 
rence, 583 — their conversation on various topics, ib. 
—587— impresses him with the idea of his insignifi- 
cancy, ib.— rewarded by his admiration and attach- 
ment, ib.— discourses to him on the beneficence of the 
Deity, ib.— 589— accompanies his precepts with the 
purest devotion, ib.— converses with Hippias on jus- 
tice, ib. — 593 — with Eudemus on temperance, ib. 594 
— his method of reasoning exemplified, ib.— 597— his 
inquiry into the nature of piety, 594— his definition of 
a pious man, 595— the sophistry of his conclusion, ib. 
n.— his inquiry into the laws between man and man, 
ib.— his observations on knowledge, ib. — on good.ib. 
596— on the beautiful, ib.— on courage, ib.— distin- 
guishes bravery and cowardice, ib.— his remarks on 
different forms of government, ib.— his plan for elicit- 
ing acknowledgment of the truth, 596, 597— solicitous 
that his friends would give the preference to practical 
rather than speculative studies, ib. 598— exhorts them 
to anxiety regarding their health, ib— invited to an 
entertainment by Callias, 603— derives an advantage 
from the bad temper of his wife, 605— his playful ob- 
servations on dancing, 606— pourtrays the benefit of 
the temperate use of wine, 607— engaged in various 
colloquial pleasantries, ib. 611, 614, 616 — holds a hu- 
morous dispute with Critobulus on their compara- 
tive beauty, 610, 615, 616— his opponent proposes a 
settlement by ballot, ib. — discourses on love, 618— con- 
gratulates Callias on his admiration of Autolicus, ib. 
—his remarks on the worship of the two Venuses, ib. 
— carefully proves the superiority of love for tlm soul 
to that for the body, 619— 621— encourages Callias to 
persevere in virtue, ib.— strictures on his accusation, 
519,520, et infra — his conversation on preparing a de- 
fence, 511, 512, 598,599— his desire of death, ib.— his 
accusation, ib. — his defence, ib. 514— refuses to fix his 
own penalty, ib.— addressee his judges after the trial, 
515 — gently reproves some who weep for him, ib.— 
his reply to Apollodorus, ib.— his observations on see- 
ing Anytus, ib.— predicts the ruin of his son, ib.— 
obliged to endure thirty days' imprisonment, 598 — 
cause of this, ib. and n.— his unchanged behaviour and 
mental tranquillity, ib.— magnanimity of his death, 
ib. — summary of his character, 599. 
Socrates, &n Achaian, ordered to come to Cyrus, 170 — 
joins him, ib.— apprehended, 211— and put to death, 
ib.— his character, 214. 
Soli, a town in Cilicia, 173. 

Sophxnetus the Stymphalian ordered to attend Cyrus, 
170— joins him, ib.— goes out of the camp to meet 
Ariseus, 211— left to guard the camp, 243. 
Sophasnetus the Arcadian joins Cyrus, 171. 
Sophists, description of the, 533, n. 
Sosias the Syracusah joins Cyrus, 171. 
Sotendas 1 rude behaviour to Xenophon, 230. 
Sphodrias, left to command in Thespise,452, 453— bribed 
by the Thebans to march against Attica, 453— recalled 
by the ephori, and capitally indicted, ib.— history of 
his acquittal, ib. 454— killed atLeuctra, 472. 



Spies, their use to a monarch, 134— how to be gained, 
ib.— of high rank not easily suspected, 100. 

Spithridates sent by Pharnabazus to oppose the Greeks, 
315— revolts from Pharnabazus, 406— persuades Cotys 
to become a confederate of Agesilaus, 415— gives his 
daughter in marriage to Cotys, ib. 416— wronged by 
Herippidas, retires in disgust, 416. 

Stages, the Persian falls among the army of Thrasylue, 
360. 

Stasippus opposes the faction of Calibius and Proxenus, 
475 — comes to an engagement, kills the latter, ib.— 
his forbearance, ib. — proposes terms of reconciliation, 
ib.— many of his party killed at Tegea, 476— the rest 
flee to Lacedaemon. 

Sthenelaus, commandant of Byzantium, 378. 

Stratocles, a captain of the Cretans, 239. 

Struthes, a commander against Lacedaemon, 432— de- 
feats Thimbro, 433. 

Surgeons, 177, n. 

Syennesis, king of Cilicia, 171— his queen pays Cyrus a 
visit, ib.— seizes the passes of the mountains, 172— re- 
tires, ib.— his palace, ib.— flies to the mountains, ib. — 
reconciled to Cyrus, and gives him money, ib 

Symbols defined, 519, n. 

Syracuse, Tully's estimate of its extent and beauty, 639. 

Syracusan and his dancers present at Callias's enter- 
tainment, 604 et infra. 

Syracusans acknowledged as benefactors to Antandros, 
and receive the freedom of the city, 358— sentence 
their generals to exile, ib.— appoint their successors, 
ib. , 

Syria, the Greek army enters, 177— marches through, 
ib. — part of Mesopotamia, so called, see Belesis — peo- 
ple of, worship fish and pigeons, 178. 

Syrians subject to the Assyrian, 12— conquered by Cy- 
rus, 1. 



Tamos, commander of the galleys to Cyrus, 173— joins 
Cyrus with the fleet, 176— a farther account of him, 
199. 

Tanoazares, satrapy of the Medes, &c. bequeathed to 
him, 148. 

Taochians, mercenaries under Teribazus, 244— oppose 
the Greeks, 248— the Greeks enter their country, ib. 
— defend themselves with stones, 249 — throw them- 
selves over a precipice, ib. 

Tarsus, a city of Cilicia, 173— plundered, 174. 

Teleboas, a river of Armenia, 242. 

Teleutias, his success in a naval expedition, 425— joins 
his vessels with those of Ecdicus, 433— puts to sea 
against Rhodes, ib.— seizes thirteen vessels, ib.— re- 
mark on this, ib.— succeeded in command of the fleet, 
439— his affectionate parting with the soldiery, ib.— 
tribute to his behaviour, ib.— returned admiral in 
chief, 440— his soldiers hail him with joy, ib.— his 
address to them, ib.— sets sail for the harbour of 
Athens, 441— his successful attack there, ib.— his cap- 
tures, ib. — sent to command against the Olynthians, 
447 — cheerfully joined by the confederates, ib.— his 
forbearance, ib.— enters Potidaea, and takes the field, 
ib.— his policy on approaching Olynthus, ib.— engages 
the enemy before the city, 448— repulses them, and 
erects a trophy, ib.— finishes his summer campaign, 
448— resumes hostilities to complete the ruin of the 
enemy's country, ib.— sends Tleraonidas against the 



756 



INDEX. 



Olynthian horse, ib.— enraged at the enemy's success, 
makes an injudicious movement, ib. — killed, ib. — his 
army give way, are pursued and scattered, 449. 

Teres, an ancestor of Seuthes, 331, 338. 

Tenbazus, governor of Armenia, in the favour of the 
king, 242— makes a treaty with the Greeks, 243— fol- 
lows them at a distance, ib.— his treachery, 244— flies 
and leaves his baggage, ib.— governor of the Phasians 
and Hesperitans, 349— his interview with Antalcidas, 
432— gives him a supply of money, ib.— apprehends 
Conon, ib.— returns from the royal court with Antal- 
cidas, 441— assembles the states desiring peace, 442— 
reads the mandate of Artaxerxes, ib. 

Teuthrania, a city of Mysia, 199. 

Thapsacus, a city of Syria, 179. 

Tharypas, Menon's favourite, 213 

Thasus, a sedition breaks out in, 359. 

Theagenes the Locrian wounded, 338. 

Thebans, causes for Lacedaemon's declaration of war 
against, 408, 409 — their embassage to the Athenians, 
ib. 410— pursues the routed army of Lysander, ib. — 
the fugitives rally and repulse them with slaughter, 
ib.— their dejection at the appearance of Pausanias, 
411— encouraged by his timorous conduct, ib.— refuse 
a truce for removal of the dead, unless the country 
be evacuated, ib.-*-their insolence while the invaders 
retire, ib.— defeated atCoronea by Agesilaus,422— try 
to excite a rupture between Athens and Lacedaemon, 
453— exclude themselves from the peace between 
Athess andLacedaemon, 470— achieve a notable vic- 
tory at Leuctra, 472— invite the Athenians to revenge 
on the Lacedaemonians, 472— reception of their he- 
rald, ib.— send a pressing and successful message to 
Jason to join them, 473— in con j unction with the Ar- 
cadians invade Laconia, 478— state of the army under 
Epammondas, ib. n. — put Sellasia to Are and sword, 
478— continue their ravages in Sparta, ib.— return 
from the invasion of Laconia, 481 — an attempt on the 
lives of the commanders, 482, n.— attack the Lacedae- 
monians while in disorder, 486, 487— join their con- 
federates and march against Epidaurus, 487— repelled 
in an attempt to enter Corinth, ib.— galled by the 
horsemen of Dionysius, 487— they and confederates 
disperse to their homes, ib. — aim at the sovereignty 
of Greece, 489— send Pelopidas to the king of Persia, 
ib. — proceedings there, ib. 490 — summon deputations 
from their confederates, ib.— the king's letter read, ib. 
—the states refuse to take their oath, ib.— their scheme 
of empire disconcerted, ib.— set up a democracy in 
Achaia, 490— bring to trial the assassins of Euphron, 
495 — accusation of the magistrates, ib.— defence of the 
leading conspirator, ib. 496— pronounce Euphron just- 
ly slain, 496— ratify a peace with Corinth, 497— and 
with the Phliasians, ib. 

Thebes, plain of, 347. 

Thebes, generals of the state assassinated, 451 — public 
prison evacuated, 452— the citizens take arms, ib.— the 
citadel surrendered by the Lacedemonian command- 
ant, ib. See Phyllidas and Mello. 

Theches, the holy mountain, 249. 

Themis togenes the Syracusan, reference to a history 
of his, 395. 

Theramenes joins the Athenians with 20 ships from 
Macedonia, 357 — and Eubulus left in charge of Chry- 
eopolis, 358 — their official instructions, ib. — distin- 
guishes himself in bringing to trial his coadjutors in 
command, 369 — sent ambassador-plenipotentiary to 
negotiate for a peace, 379— chosen one of the thirty, 



ib.— rigorously resists a measure of the oligarchy, 380, 
381 — refuses his consent to the murder of the sojourn- 
ers, 382— attacked in the senate by Critias, ib. 383— 
makes his defence, ib. 385— seized by eleven armed 
men, at the command of Critias, ib. — circumstances 
and manner of his death, ib. 

Therimachus commands in Methymne, 434— slain, and 
his forces routed by Thrasybulus, ib. 

Thermodon, a river, 294— its mouth, 310. 

Thersander a soldier and musician, slain, 433. 

Thimbro commands in the Ionian cities, 395— makes 
many conquests and receives various acquisitions, ib. 
396— superseded by Dercyllidas, ib.— accused, fined, 
and sent into exile, ib.— sent to make war on Struthes, 
432 — his devastating progress, ib. — attacked and 
killed, 433. 

Thimbron sent from Greece against Tissaphernes, 339 
—arrives and takes the army under his command, 349 
— makes war upon Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, 
ib. 

Thirty, names of the, composing the Athenian oli- 
garchy, 379 — put into commission after the demoli- 
tion of the walls and Piraeus, 380— appointed to re- 
model the code of laws, ib.— fill the senate• by their 
own nominations, ib. — subject to capital punishment 
those who subsisted as informers, ib. — cabal to form 
themselves into an arbitrary council, ib. — procure a 
guard from Lysander, ib.— put many unjustly to 
death, 381 — alarmed for their safety, ib. — draw up a 
list of 3000 persons to be associated with them, ib. — 
summon the city to a review, ib.— disarm the whole 
except the elected, ib. — capriciously put many to 
death, ib.— their iniquitous plan to raise money op- 
posed by Theramenes, 382— they combine against 
him, ib. — successively harangued by Critias and The- 
ramenes, ib. 385— defeated in their attempt to re- 
cover the fort of Phyle, 386— feel their influence be- 
ginning to totter, ib.— to prepare for the worst, think 
of securing Eleusis, ib.— their successful stratagem 
for securing Eleusis, 387— defeated at the Piraeus, 388 
—during a truce appealed to on the injustice of their 
conduct, ib.— deprived of office by a party of the 3000, 
388 — ten chosen in their stead, one from each tribe, 
ib.— retire to Eleusis, ib.— implore succour from Lace- 
daemon, 389. 

Thorax, his false information concerning Xenophon's 
design, 296 — sent by Timasion to Sinope and Hera- 
clea, ib.— his proposals to give the army pay, ib.— 
disappointed, 297. 

Thorax, a Lacedaemonian, commands the Abydenians, 
376. 

Thoricus fortified by the Athenians, 360. 

Thrace, Asiatic, described, 313. 

Thracians, mercenaries to the Assyrian, 100 — upon the 
Hellespont, 169 — their dance, 305— have the advan- 
tage over the Arcadians, 312— reduce them to great 
straits, ib. — frightened away by Xenophon, ib. — cus- 
tom of drinking out of horns, 331— and of buying their 
wives, 332— wear fox-skins, 336 — treat about a peace, 
337 — have a design to surprise Xenophon, and are 
routed, 338— those above Byzantium, ib. See Meli- 
nophagi. 
Thrasybulus assists the Athenians with 20 vessels from 
Thasus, 357 — a commander in the Athenian fleet, 363 
—sets out from Thebes, and invests Phyle, 386 — pro- 
ceeded against by the thirty, ib. — repulses them, ib. — 
makes a rapid descent on their army, and puts them 
to flight, ib.— marches into the Piraeus, 387— harangues 



INDEX. 



757 



his army, ib. 388— conquers that of the thirty, ib.— 
blockaded by the Lacedaemonians in the Piraeus, 389— 
his supplies cut off, ib.— driven back in a skirmish 
with Pausanias, ib. — addresses the party in Athens, 
after the reconciliation, 390, 391— sails to join the 
Athenian fleet, 441— his vessels captured by Antalci- 
das, 442— despatched to annoy the Lacedemonians, 
433 — reconciles Amadocus and Seuthes, 434 — makes 
them confederates of Athene, ib. — obliges the Byzan- 
tines to change their government, ib. — proceeds 
against Methymne, ib. — overthrows the army of 
Therimachus, ib.— killed in his tent by the Aspendi- 
ans, ib. 

Thrasydaus, head of the popular party in Elis, 402— 
proposes terms of agreement with Lacedaeraon, ib.— 
procures a peace and enters the confederacy, ib. 

Thrasylus sails to Athens to ratify the success of a na- 
val fight, 357— puts himself at the head of the Athe- 
nians, to defend their city from Agis, 359 — rewarded 
for his bravery by the grant of the reinforcements he 
came for, ib. — equipped for war, assaults Pygela, and 
lays the adjacent country waste, 360— after various 
successful attacks, sails to Epbesus, ib. — met by the 
whole force of £phesus and numerous confederates, 
ib.— totally repulsed, ib. — gives chase to 25 sail of Sy- 
racusans, and takes 4, ib.— joins the rest of the fleet 
at Sestos, ib. — a commander in the Athenian fleet, 
363. 

Thymbrium, a city, 172. 

Thymochares , leader of the Athenians, defeated by He- 
gesandridas, 357. 

Thynians, dangerous enemies in the night, 331. See 
Thracians. 

Tibarenians, the Greeks not suffered to attack them, 
292— a free nation, 349. 

Tigranes hunts with Cyrus, 39— arrives at the trial of 
his father, ib.— pleads his father's cause, 40 — his sen- 
timents of modesty, punishment, fear, ib.— his po- 
litical admonitions to Cyrus, 42— prevails with him in 
favour of his father, ib.— his love for his wife, 43 — 
joins Cyrus with an Armenian force, 44— attends him 
in his wars, 43, 142 — his modesty and obedience, 75— 
gains the prize at a horse-race, 138— invited to Cy- 
rus's entertainment, 140— has a present made him for 
his wife, 142. 

Tigris, the river, 202— the Greeks pass it, 208— the head 
of it, 235— the Greeks advance above the head of it, 
242. 

Timagoras sent ambassador to Persia, 489— his infide- 
lity to his trust, ib.— honoured by the king, ib.— ac- 
cused by Leo, and put to death by the Athenians, 
490. 

Timasion, a Dardanian, chosen general in the room of 
Clearchus, 220— his false information against Xeno- 
phon, 295— engages for a sum of money to carry the 
army out of the Euxine, 296— promises the army 
pay, disappointed of the money, 297— and is sorry for 
what is passed, ib.— sent before with the horse, 312 
—pursues the enemy, 317— forbids Cyratades to sa- 
crifice, 330— leads the army to the Thracian villages, 
ib.— desirous to return home, ib.— his present to 
Seuthes, 335— leads on with Seuthes, 336— receives a 
yoke of oxen from Seuthes, 338— his honest resolu- 
tion, 339. 

Timesitkeus of Tj-ebisond sent to the Mosynoecians, 
289. 

Timocrates moves for the imprisonment of the com- 
manders at Arginusee, 368— deputed by Tithraustes 
64 



to distribute money in Greece, 408— deals it out to 
leading men at Thebes, Corinth, and Argos, ib. 

Timolaus of Corinth harangues his confederates on the 
war with Lacedtemon, 419. 

Timotheus, an Athenian commander, 457 — reduces Cor- 
cyra, 458— defeats Nicolochus, ib. 

Tisiphonus, an agent in the murder of Alexander, 475 
— succeeds to the supremacy in Thessaly,ib. 

Tissaphernes accompanies Cyrus to court, 167— accusea 
him of treason, 168— informs the king of Cyrus's pre- 
parations, 170 — commands a body of horse under the 
king, 186— penetrates through the Greeks, 193— sends 
heralds to the Greeks, 200— his speech to the gene- 
rals, 205— replies to Clearchus, ib.— makes fair pro- 
mises, ib.— comes to and conducts the Greeks, 206 
— insults the memory of Cyrus, 207 — quiets the sus- 
picions of Clearchus, 210— invites the generals to his 
tent, ib.— most impious and deceitful, 211— approach- 
es the Greeks, and forced to retire with loss, 226— 
harasses them at a distance, 327— attacks them and is 
repulsed, 228— disappointed by the diligence of Xeno- 
phon, 230— sets fire to the villages, 231— comes to the 
Hellespont and arrests Alcibiades, 357— sends him 
prisoner to Sardes, ib.— accused by Hermocrates, 359 
— raises the Ephesians against Thrasylus, 360— insists 
that the cities of Ionia acknowledge him for their 
master, 395— they refuse to receive him within their 
walls, ib.— joins his army to that of Pharnabazus, 400 
—they proceed against Ionia, ib.— averse to meet the 
army of Dercyllidas in fight, 401-desires a conference, 
ib.— he and Pharnabazus make a truce with the ene- 
my, ib.— breaks faith with Agesilaus, 405— declares 
war against Agesilaus, 406— despatches his infantry 
to intercept Agesilaus, 407— they suffer a severe de- 
feat, 407 — accused by the Persians as their betrayer, 
ib. — beheaded by order of the king, 408. 

Tithraustes commissioned by the king of Persia to be- 
head Tissaphernes, 407— excites a spirit of rebellion 
in Greece against the Lacedaemonians, 408— requires 
Agesilaus to return to Greece, 408— receiving a refu- 
sal, supplies him with money to leave his present sta- 
tion, ib. 

Tolmides, the crier, 203,220. 

Tralus, 178. 

Trebisond, a Greek city, 253— the inhabitants of, receive 
the Greeks kindly, ib.~ supply them with galleys, 285 
—conduct them, ib. 

Trojans, their form of war-chariots altered by Cyrus, 
97. 

Turbans, different sorts of, 210, n. 

u&v 

Ulysses arrives asleep in his own country, 283. 
Vesta, supplications to her, 14. 
Vinegar made from the fruit of the palm-tree, 204. 
Virtue and Vice, description of them, 29. 
Vulcan, god of fire, 121. 



w 



War described and justified by Cambyses, 1 3, 20— quali- 
fications and part of a general, ib. — of subordinate 
officers, 25— of soldiers, ib. 52— use of horse and of 
horsemen, 62 — war-chariots, 97, 99— camels unfit for, 
115,— tent-officers, 60— arms for a close engagement. 



758 



INDEX. 



24— servants of an army, 26-elingers when and when 
not ueeful, 119— rewards to an army, 17, 25, 28, 116— 
effects of devotion, 51, 113 — inspiration of love, obe- 
dience, and all military virtues, 17, 25, 33, 82, 129, 131 
—utility of disposing each regiment in a tent, 26— 
rules to take advantage of the enemy, 18— rules and 
order of a march, 20, 35, 81, 87, 99— rules for encamp- 
ment, 16, 49, 97, 103— order of one, 143— Barbarian 
entrenchments described, 49 — policy and tricks to- 
wards an enemy, 18, 34, 49, &c,— approach to the 
enemy, 49— spies and intelligence, 20, 83, 97, 100— 
viewing stations, 103— how an army is to be disposed 
and drawn off in a siege, 120— preparations for an en- 
gagement, 19, 20, 25, 81, &c. — engagement described, 
52, 112 — execution done by a phalanx of friends, 113 
— distribution of spoil, 66, 69, 122— behaviour towards 
the subdued, 63, 68 — right of conquest asserted over 
persons and fortunes, 125— religion supremely neces- 
sary to it, 103. 106— et infra. 

Wife, delineation of an amiable, 655, et infra. 

Wine made from the fruit of the palm-tree, 204. 



Xanticles, an Achaian, chosen general in the room of 

Socrates, 220 — condemned in a fine, 300. 
Xenias the Arcadian, or Parrhasian, commander of the 
Greeks who accompanied Cyrus, 167— ordered to 
bring the garrisons, 170— joins Cyrus, ib. — solemnizes 
the Lupercalian sacrifices, 171 — several of his men de- 
sert to Clearchus, 174— leaves Cyrus's service, 177. 
Xenias and accomplices makes an unsuccessful attempt 
to secure Elis for the Lacedaemonians, 402— flee from 
the city to the invaders, ib. 
Xenophon speaks to Cyrus, 189— answers to Phalinus, 
200 — desirous to know what became of Proxenus, 
211— reply to Ariaeus, ib. — cause of his embarking in 
this undertaking. 217 — his uneasiness, dream, and 
soliloquy, 248— assembles the captains and speaks to 
them,ib. — answers A pollonides, 219— his speech to 
the officers, 220— addresses the army, 221 — his propo- 
sals to the army concerning their march, 224 — pur- 
sues the enemy without success, 225— owns himself 
in the wrong for so doing, ib.— prevents the enemy, 
229— instance of his condescension to a rude soldier, 
230 — his speech concerning the enemy's burning their 
own country, 231— brings up the rear, 235, 236— 
blames Cheirisophus, ib. — makes a point to deceive 
the enemy, 237— treats with the Carduchians about 
the slain, 238— in danger, 239— prevails upon the 
barbarians to deliver up their dead, ib.— he and 
Cheirisophus assist each other, ib.— his dream, 240— 
easy of access, ib.— makes a libation, ib.— frightens 
the enemy by a stratagem, ib. — prevents the Cardu- 
chians, 241— passes the Centrites, 242— instance of his 
hardiness, ib.— his care of the sick, 244— tries all 
means to make the soldiers to march, 245— passes 
the night with his men without fire or victuals, ib.— 
uses the bailiff of a village kindly, 246— visits Chei- 
risophus, ib.— comes back to his quarters, ib.— has 
some difference with Cheirisophus, 247— hie speech 



about attacking the enemy, lb.— his readiness for the 
undertaking, 249— gives advice on forcing the Tao- 
chians, ib.— accompanies Cheirisophus upon the un- 
dertaking, ib. — his surprise at the shouts of the men, 
251— orders a targeteer to discourse with the Ma- 
cronians, ib. — persuades the generals to alter their 
disposition, ib.— his opinion on the army's stay at 
Trebisond, 283— marches against the Drilians, 285 — 
gives directions for the attack, ib. — orders the houses 
to be set on fire, 287 — his offering to Apollo and 
Diana, ib. — harangues the Mosyncecians, 289 — en- 
courages the soldiers, 290— answers Hecatonymus, 292 
— his proposals to the Sinopeans, 293 — has thoughts 
of building a city, 295 — accused to the army, ib. — 
vindicates himself, 296— refuses to come into the 
measures of Timasion and Thorax, 297— addresses 
the army on returning to the Phasis, ib.— proposes to 
purify the army, 300 — tried for beating a man, ib.— 
his defence, ib.— acquitted, 302 — declines the post of 
general, 309 — his SDeech on that occasion, ib.— reason 
of his refusal, ib. — averse to go to Heraclea, 310 — 
persuaded to march by himself, 311— first sails and 
then marches through the middle of the country, ib. — 
speaks to his men concerning the relief of the Arca- 
dians, 312— offers sacrifice concerning their going out 
of the camp, 314 — proposes to march, ib. — refuses to 
lead the army, 315 — goes to the aid of a party, ib. — 
marches against the enemy, ib.— his proposal for the 
attack, 316— answers Sophaenetus, ib. — encourages 
the men, 317 — orders the attack, ib. — appeases a tu- 
mult, 318 — his speech concerning the affair of Dex- 
ippus, ib.— offers Cleander the command of the army, 
320— contracts friendship with him, ib.— proposes to 
leave the army, 327— replies to the message of 
Seuthes, ib.— advised by Cleander, not to go away, 
ib.— takes leave of them, 330— arrives again at the 
army, ib.— answers Seuthes, 331 — danger of being 
apprehended, ib.— goes to Seuthes, ib. — who make3 
him large promises, 332 — proposes to the army the 
joining of Seuthes, ib.— in some perplexity about a 
present, 334— his present to Seuthes, 335 — proposes 
the Greek manner of marching, ib. — orders the young 
men to advance, 336 — possesses himself of the emi- 
nences, ib. — quarters in a village near the enemy, 
337 — in great danger, 338 — marches up the mountain, 
ib. — reprimands Heraclides, ib. — accused by an Arca- 
dian, 340 — vindicates himself, ib. — offers sacrifice to 
Jupiter, 342 — answers Medosades, 343 — advises the 
Lacedemonians, ib.— his proposal to Medosades, 344 — 
his speech to Seuthes, ib. — his prudent management, 
346— offers sacrifice to Meilichian Jupiter, 347— sells 
his horse, ib. — goes out upon an expedition without 
success, 348 — goes out again and succeeds, ib. — in 
good circumstances, 349. 
Xerxes builds a palace and citadel at Celaenae, 170— in- 
vades Greece and is vanquished, 222. 



Zabates, a river, 208— the Greeks pass it, 225. 
Zelarchus, a commissary, attacked, 299 — escape» by 
sea, ib. 



THE END. 



.'29 



I Hi 

Ι ι I * ■! 

■ ■ 

Sana 



Η 



Η 



I 










I 



••'1 

I 






■ 

Hi 

HIHinnMHMl 
KfttBfBffi 




